Conversation 551-001

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It's locked out now.

Everybody's picked it up really early.

We wanted something long and good.

Oh yeah.

Pass.

White House back in Korea.

We're heading to bed.

This is what we did.

That's it, sir.

And then I added up some notes on the pad for you over there to bring you some coffee.

I heard it.

They put up a pole for you to stand and shake.

They're all souring.

Souring will drop the extension of the bed and try to move the bed into the back of the branch.

But the one that keeps, the one that's sort of caught on, is sort of, is sort of, is sort of munching, sort of munching to the organization of the bed.

It's got, I don't know if you can take it.

Do you want to try it out?

Yeah.

Some of them, some of them, some of them, some of them, some of them, some of them, some of them, some of them, some of them, some of them, some of them,

People over here are concerned.

I don't think so.

I think you just give it to her.

What he's talking about is that if your husband has a problem, then what he's after is to be able to say it.

And it parts this off, though.

We've got a few wipes on the last one.

We've got a few wipes on some of these, so.

I didn't get a record of any misplacement on that locket, though.

Yesterday, there was this substantial improvement in the locket.

Yeah, first off, I heard that the paper was on the second floor of the two-thirds.

They think it's young.

What is the point in regard to this?

So, if you want to make sure that you leave it on a few rounds and then go ahead and condo it,

She wants her, that's the whole point of it.

She's got a job.

She will come back.

Got that whole final law and all the indicators.

And it really is happening at the end of August.

What we did except we don't know if we planned it that way, didn't we?

Just happened to fall down there.

That's some counter-dominant, those fantastic earnings stories that I'm listening to.

And they really did have money to have it.

So yeah, one of the...

It seems to me that every time she goes, she's certain she always has to come home.

It probably is not true, eh?

She said, gee, I have other plans for the weekend.

If I need it down there, I have to go.

And I've seen it.

I've heard it from a member of Congress.

She's only good at golf.

Maybe that's the problem.

She went.

I've seen it myself.

I've seen it several times.

She's the only one who has been invited.

If you look at it, you might just go to Florida.

Don't race with her, but I just like her.

Well, she hasn't been there in a while.

Michelle Jen is down there with the... Well, she was in there last time.

She had a meeting up there.

I think it was a year and a half or something.

But I guess that's the situation.

I just want to ask, I just want to ask, I just want to ask, I just want to ask, I just want to ask,

I suggested that they might want to fly out to Canton and then stay in Ohio over the weekend.

They would get them to Ohio on Friday night.

stay over the weekend, and that there was no reason for him, no need for him to go on to Iowa and California, because there was nothing, no activity planned or anything like that.

He said, geez, that should be great, because I'm very good at high school, not reading this magazine or something.

He wasn't sure what he was reading.

He said, hey, a rose, like just the other one, he said, well, I'm not reading it, I'm not going to go at all.

If you get the chance to get back, if there is any plan for work, just being honest.

We're not going to do it.

Yeah.

I don't know.

As he was a second captain of the Navy, we never met.

I guess you took Roger Johnson down to Australia.

But that wasn't his against.

When Rosa was down, what would you do for him?

Well, forget it.

I'm sorry.

Very funny.

Talked to George and said, what can I say that will be constructed?

Because that's all my interest is in being constructed.

So he's looking at it.

George said something of a funny line.

He has been sufficiently cooperative on that.

He's been cooperative on that.

It is all right.

I'm sure it's all right.

Yeah, it is going to be the one that is, if you go in with a big 73, that's the one.

So then they, and that's the one that has the 72 essence.

So they'll have had three years in a row of huge deductions.

That's where people live.

Yeah.

But once you get tired, for once, you'll come to it.

I didn't put it on the sheet, but I put it on the sheet.

I'm going to put it on the sheet.

It's something that I'm only talking about.

But you think so?

Yes.

I mean, he knows that we've been...

I figured we've had this once.

This is the first time he's asked.

And then I'll use this as a basis for...

It may be.

It may be something personal about Donnie or some damn thing.

But he knows he can talk to me about that.

What happened?

I was thinking maybe something else.

This is the way I have to do it because I've got to get it back.

I'm just going to wait for the peace papers to come out.

I'm going to come to the peace papers today because they're here that I asked you for as well as you were going to say over and over again.

Okay, I was going to call and get my debit card here.

So if it is, you'll know what I'm expecting by the way.

I have plenty of money.

I think it's a, I think it's an inch or, I don't know.

It should be good.

It's a lot of money.

It depends where you get it from.

And Reagan probably wasn't sent his love with him.

God, he talked to Reagan a lot.

Or did, I don't know.

He answered his phone.

I mean, I was a conservative then.

I was a conservative.

I told him, I told him, I told him, I told him, I told him, I told him, I told him,

I want to use your cold water, the big shots of cold water and rain.

I want to always, there's like a first thing, I'd like to have some gas.

I'd like to sort of isolate the hotness directly from the rain.

I say, I'm going to talk to your mom.

She says there's no problem.

He said that they're just pushing this thing.

They had no objection to getting off track.

Discussion all happened there.

They're trying to push the beliefs.

They think they're doing something helpful.

They're only doing something to be helpful to you.

Put a balance.

And in certain ways it will be.

It's true.

As long as they aren't just getting carried away with it, which her and Bobby is not, Mahoney is not, I'm sure some of them may be.

They'll get some of the others carried away.

Well, they'll get some of the human events.

Yeah, the video log type of shit.

Yeah.

I'm going to ask.

I guess he also talked to a couple of people.

Jim Buckley said he's not taking this position and he is mobilizing his own forces.

He said he's going to cut an independent line.

I thought that's good.

But it's facing how little credit they've got.

I don't know.

It's a chance to zap you down for all the ethics that are wrong.

Now, you see, it's a curious thing.

The liberals realize that they ought to care about it.

They don't realize there are opportunities.

But the point is that if a very wrong society takes you off course, they put it all over the front page.

That's the point, you see.

And then the big house, the conservative union, the National Review, and Bill Buckley, and Ben Stuckey, all they did was build that in.

And that was mentioned in another story.

But not with any particular side.

I didn't see it.

I didn't see it the most.

I won't be sure until Colston, I don't know if it's been that ever, but rather it was that Stuckey was the worst.

You know, he's been after that.

I don't know.

I can help a lot.

Hi, how are you?

I'm good.

Lockheed here as well.

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Terima kasih.

.

And I hope that I won't be cleaning up the kitchen.

And I'm just leaving it up with a little small bit of salt in there that they won't make me get it through a lot of the house.

So, I'll keep you up here, brother.

We'll get where I'm supposed to have Mr. President on the phone call.

Yes, so the book will occur around 10.45.

It's going back every now and then.

So it'll be 9.40.

And you don't have that week there?

Yes, what I'd like to do is, we finished Monday, so I'll hold it there.

We're going to have a side discussion.

And depending on who's going to be on board, I'd like to get Mike to let us go ahead and work on this bill session.

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Well, here's the problem, I think I know what you're talking about.

And this is very, very crazy, Mr. President, on your chances of re-election.

And I think the southern states very well can be critical.

And anything that tends to enhance Wallace, I think it's good news for you and us all.

The fact of the matter is, the plan, the ATW plan, was thought out before the ATW was satisfied.

The plan apparently had it protected.

I'm wrong.

It called for an absolute racial balance down to percentage points on Anglos, Mexican Americans, and Blacks.

The city hall did all the school board findings.

And there is one expectation that your expressions of abuse are not being implemented.

That apparently what you say is in effect that the government will do no more than what was required by the Swan City.

I'm going to just say what was actually done as far as the status of the environment of the Swan City.

The Swan City does not...

And so, if the case goes to appeal, and the law enforcement is bad, the court should always be enlightened.

It only is very bad if it's political.

I just gave you the full political implications, but I'll talk about the Marriott thing.

I think on the Marriott law, we shouldn't have a public bus.

But, that's the way it's going to be politically, I think, anyway.

We have to know too that down in the bowels of Mother Earth

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Thank you for watching.

I don't know.

The fact of the matter is, this is not ever.

John, what level of evidence do you think it was right that once these cases were filed, there was a level of evidence that was denied?

No, I think I have that right from our councilor, which I would be glad to give you.

It's very quiet, and it refers to some people that I think should be protected, namely some people not in the department.

All the regional level of where there's...

Thank you.

These are two or four series of little bombs that we made.

Number one is a question from Mexico.

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Because I think Elliot can probably speak better than this, because I'm just sure it's second-hand.

But now nobody is going to desegregate their schools.

They're just going to have visitation.

They've stopped talking to people.

Well, from a legal standpoint, you're exactly right, John.

But I'm looking at it from a political standpoint.

Now, if you don't keep it, and the Court of Registration, I'm not saying the administration is somewhat awful here,

Well, John, there's the expected what you first said, number one, ATW is the only...

There is the concept that had developed in Austin, and that is that the federal government is not recommending a specific plan.

All the federal government wants them to do is to comply with small.

There is the potential of facing an appeal on that concept.

Not saying that this plan was more than an illustration of what could be done.

Now, I don't know how this turns out.

It doesn't always turn out that way.

But the appeal could be taken on this shallow question that the visitation provisions that were made by Judge Roberts do not comply with the Swan decision.

Now what I'm saying is you have the whole body of law

I don't believe it.

They were not my supporters.

And I'm not sure that he was correct in that.

He was talking about the... No, but the problem there was the Supreme Court citizens wanted you down in April.

They had been repeated meetings and efforts to get you out of court.

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The judge, the school board, the superintendent, his staff were postponed because the administration did not have a clear view as to what the show of expert decisions required.

And the last time the court postponed the decision was on May 7th.

The first point, the school board refused to agree to Justice Park's request for another week.

It was postponed to May 14th, and in the intervening week, we had Justice Kat McKinney and Morgan review the situation and worked on a plan, worked out a letter to the school district, which was still being worked on Thursday night before the day it was postponed.

In June, when the Minister of Health and Health Services, the Secretary of the Department of Health, had not succeeded in communicating with each other, we did get in touch with the school committee and have talked with them since.

But we, it was a deliberate decision of the Department of Health, the Atlantic Branch, County Committee, Justice H.E.W.

that we would not, could not communicate with the school committee before we had...

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I think it's important to look at the political implications of this, beyond Austin.

We were dealing with Austin a lot, and I'm sure you could be right.

We were dealing not only with Austin, but some other communities potentially in Texas, which is John, Mitchell, and several of which have broken off negotiations with us in the attempt to achieve our Territory Plan.

We also have a license, so we should be trying to negotiate the plans to fly in the show.

We didn't cook up.

What is going to exacerbate the problem more between now and November 1972?

On balance, taking the situation throughout, so the number of districts involved, our view has been that the more clearly in effect we could create an awareness of what the Supreme Court decisions require and get districts to work with us,

to come up with some sort of approach to dealing with this.

The more on the whole we would have succeeded in getting the situation behind us, between now and forever now, I think our decision is allowed to stand.

It's going to be, and if that's the best, good many districts which do refuse hereafter to negotiate with us.

are going to have to be dragged into court by some plaintiff.

We'll come in and say, thank you, Mr. President, Mr. President, and I'll have to serve the requirements of the Supreme Court decision.

We'll have an occasion that may not end just at all, in which we are not believing at all.

And we may not serve the time that we're over.

And this, I think, has to be weighed in the context of the question whether or not my view is that we have to appeal, essentially for this reason, because of the potential unraveling of the situation as well.

We have been going along, the Austin decision has a bad repercussion in Austin.

It's had some good effects elsewhere in terms of the willingness of the Supreme Court to deal with us.

Now, you can argue about the scope of the plan, but we were quite pretentious.

The obvious is that judges, in the opinion of Matthew Poitier, in effect, encourage parents to do.

But the school board wouldn't consider any alternative, just for lawyers to attract non-lawholders, for example.

We're supposed to be dealing only with the desegregation and effective distribution outwardly.

Black kids, so they didn't want to talk about that.

As John said, the appeal doesn't have to be a charity appeal on behalf of the merits of the plan suggested by AGW at the direction of the court saying, you know, give us a plan.

It could be, it should be conscripted to an appeal directed only to the proposition that in any case the judge's order and the Austin plan itself are sufficient.

The baldness of the situation, Mr. President, is that the plan, so-called, in Austin

It calls for, quote, meditations, unquote, 12 to 18 times a year by these white children and black children together to dance like us.

Artistic productions and exhibits and such.

Now, you know, whatever it is, one could argue about the degree to which

and so on, which are tools the Supreme Court has now said have to be used, were not said to be used in the plan we've imposed.

But it's so clear, I think, that this kind of periodic visitation does meet the requirements of the decision that

I think we've learned that we could be left with a pretty sad story.

We know that you have that with you that day.

I believe that the consequences that the ambiguity has created in the situation can only have the effect of prolonging and exacerbating the feeling of misunderstanding.

You see, Austin is a political nurse under the state of Texas, Ohio, and Austin is monitored all over the state.

I'm just not.

Now, everything she's saying is true.

But what I say is that this is not an issue.

It doesn't mean that we lose the presidential election next fall, which is a terrible thing, a terrible thing in my opinion.

I'm afraid your administration is going to catch the blame for it regardless.

And you might disagree with me on this, but I've followed too many people out there that have been in contact with some of these guys, and there are a lot of them who could not care less about political forces and richness.

Indeed, you and I have seen this happen.

And when that happens throughout your office, that's not just ECW, that's just 5EW.

It's throughout your office.

So you've got a bureaucrat that's just delighted to block your eyes out there.

John, the fact of the matter is we were half of the student politicians ahead of the school board and the church.

That's what I came to say.

That politician, he said the student board was potentially on the line.

Oh, yes, he's on the line.

Adversity affects me, yes, but too much less to me than it affects you because I can get up and praise hell if you don't believe it.

And, uh, I don't know, I own this thing.

How you can avoid the problems in here in, uh, in Afghanistan.

Uh, where do we, uh, see if the only party in this is just us, which is my suit, and that's all.

In fact, uh, to prepare and submit

It seems remotely unlikely now.

Yes, ma'am, we let it stand.

Justice will clearly say

The judge was not a remodel.

It was a secret.

Now, I mean, they were asked to deal with other school districts.

They had to get to take some of them today.

Because it was, you know, what we used to do.

What's wrong with that, didn't you?

What's wrong with that?

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and understanding is responsible for what the court of suits require of us.

If we don't do the President a favor, even if it's always political,

The, and here's where you're going to profit in the deep south.

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I suggested the same kind of session we had over here.

It was one evening about a year or two ago.

And the chief called me, where the hell have I ever seen the President of the United States of America like that before in my life?

And, uh, uh, but just talking about the political entity, I was thinking a little bit of that, but that's what I thought.

We had Operation Dixie go on and we said the Republicans would be glad to do well and use an equal partner.

And now Assad is catching the hell off our skin there.

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I don't know.

Thank you for watching.

No, he gave me assurances.

All right.

So I'm talking to him.

At least he's not a problem.

I wouldn't know.

I'm getting through.

I bet he has them again.

I'll do that.

I have to hear you guys.

Thanks.

Just finally, I'm wondering if we can do the race.

I have another question.

Do you smoke or not?

That's right.

I have another question.

Well, they would like it to come, of course.

And there's also, John, a very distinct indication that our friends in the NAACP and the EAC and the rest of them, they're whitewashing this thing this year to bring it all up again next year.

Very, very much so.

They're agreeing to plans in Mobile and Birmingham and so forth.

They're not taking action where their plaintiffs notice that

Yeah, that is... We need to take care of the...

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We were, say we were, we were had in Boston by this combination of the school board.

Of course, it's certainly well done when he, in fact, in June, told the president to say, you know, this plan goes too far.

He thought it did.

There's not enough speed.

The more we can do in these larger communities, because there are larger communities that are sensitive, to get the parties to put into effect a plan that is reasonably proof against being overturned in litigation in 1972.

And the same disturbing is to repeat the point about a failure to appeal often will be that we'll have a lot of inherently unstable situations.

I don't take that for a concept that we're working towards.

We get reasonable plans and they look like they can comply with SWAN.

Then we will be on the other side.

We will be defending those plans against the attack of the NAACP.

All I can say is I hope it works.

But if you go to the thing where you insist on absolute racial violence, there's no...

I agree with your whole heart.

No, we don't.

Well, I agree with your whole heart.

It's going to be 62% slow and 27.5% fast.

I mean, there are a range of collapse in each school.

John, our approach is going to be on a flat street the next year.

Our school takes off.

Our approach from the Justice Department is that whatever comes out of HGW, this is a plan.

We don't insist on this plan.

All we suggest is the responsibility of the court to comply with the swamp decision.

That's the approach we've been taking.

And that's in front of our plan.

We know that the objective of the plan is very, very valid.

And it is that if you, and to you, we're giving a push on the government's scruples, since it's a scruple on the court, and it's going to have to be, you know, desegregation of the senators.

The problem that we run into is,

We have concentrated areas of black population.

And the effect of the Supreme Court decision is to say, well, whereas last year you could and did leave all black folks here in black schools in exclusives because they have a raw black population.

You've got to look at that situation again, having in mind that now you can use, or must use, some combination of non-continuous zoning, that means cross-hall, air, that you basically have the kids who are in the sixth grade here and have the kids who are in the sixth grade there switch.

and use such transportation that it is necessary to accomplish this up to the point where to do so would be educationally counterproductive.

Okay.

So you go back to the situation and you say we were going to be getting out.

If you, in the case of Boston, the reason why the plan is leading up to those productions which you've written about is that

If you don't, if you don't take the black kid and move them uniformly throughout the district up to the point where distances are two grades, let's say, or that grade, what you do then is to leave a few schools with, say, 75% black, 25% white,

And the result of that is then white flight from those schools.

You have a situation that produces resegregation of that school.

And then the question is, you know, what do you do then?

And you also have the complaint on the part of the parents of the 25% white kids who were required to go to that school.

Why do our kids have to go to a majority black school when the other white kids are going to a majority white school?

You want everything.

And so to take the additional step then of eliminating these few majority black schools only required a marginal amount of additional funding compared to what was required otherwise.

Now we, our plan, this was discussed in justice, discussed with

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We simply had to explain, as I tried to explain now, why we thought that the situation would be more stable and fairer to all white kids and to disperse the black kids more less uniformly than otherwise in some other cases.

And we can't do that.

because of the character of the geographic distribution, because of the distances and so on.

But we don't start out, in many cases, with the objective that we've got to achieve racial balance.

What you do here, you bust on and here's another.

Here's one black kid that gets to stay in the neighborhood and goes to Mary's house, another that has to go across town.

Here's the white area that's predatory.

No question about it.

And the blacks don't necessarily want to leave their neighborhoods.

If anybody thinks that, he's wrong.

We've seen both the blacks through the miles down there.

But the blacks also, the three white students...

And the Blacks didn't like it because they had a state championship in football.

This was the community center or something that they focused on, something they were proud of.

They didn't like it.

Hell, the Blacks goes down south of the social center of the community.

And the white coaches and the white high schools were delighted to get those football players.

Correct, though, that the situation in North and South is

is grossly unfair in the way that it's worked out.

As our surveys have shown, and we've announced originally back in January, and then more in the final figures in May and June.

Even in the fourth, I've heard the settlement is potentially more desegregated.

The facts of the matter is that this is just more punitive action against the South than what it did 150 years ago.

First off, let me say this under looking at your situation.

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If you could, do your very best to only educate the people.

I know the argument is hard to make, but it's a great court decision.

This is what I had tried to do, but I realized that this is a very sensitive issue.

I think there's a lot of thinking involved in this, and I may have some other answers.

But the Vikings are...

And, well, put it in the woods, and it's a problem.

It's not, of course, like that for any one of them.

It has to be for all of them.

And the problem is with the boss.

Because the boss, she's always had a very deep purpose.

She hasn't got to do the stuff.

She's got to do the best work in Alabama.

But this is the kind of thing that reads life.

It gives them an age.

And he

I have a direct religion, but it's also what I believe.

That's just as simple as that.

I believe both ways.

It is something that I believe in God.

Well, I was the first word.

This is Christian.

This thing without getting to the point where we're advocating ATWI.

That's right, that's what I meant.

Yes, very important.

It starts out, we do not, and said above, we are not advocating ATWI.

We have the obligation to carry out that, and I do it.

If there's any appeal, as far as I'm concerned, we'll not stand at all.

This is a comfort, and it doesn't matter.

As a plant, we don't want to be in a place where it's hard.

But if you, of course, and I know it took me quite a few weeks, but John said, you know, it was a whole trip.

He convinced everybody to go to the bus.

I did not listen to Justin at all.

And because I say that where these other matters have arisen in the courts, the lawyers and justices have been instructed, and I think they've carried out the instructions because I've checked on some of them, to approach it on the basis that ATW has just recommended one out of twenty possibilities that might be brought there to accommodate the decision of the swine people.

All we're looking for is compliance with the law.

We're not trying to impose anything on the school districts.

It's there that we're also going to report it.

Because Juan does not specifically require us.

It's permissible to us that he wasn't engaged in that recollection.

That is true, John.

They didn't say that.

I'm going to do so, even if it's awkward and bizarre.

I don't know how to do it.

I don't know how to use that word bizarre.

Well, I could be more aware of it.

Also, I may do it in a better way.

The way it comes out is the president talks one way about blessing and acts another way.

That's the way it comes out.

I've written a couple of letters to southern editorial pages.

I guess, my office.

He's a minister who's headed ministries in about five southern states, including Arkansas, Texas, and South Carolina.

And he's our sort of ambassador to southern states in good terms.

He doesn't believe what I'm saying at all.

We're trying to get this across.

We'll keep chipping away.

I'd like to say that there's a small balancing of the national track network.

The, uh, the file setting, uh, society, political, and equation isn't equal, but in Mississippi, the, uh,

Only series probably happens in Jackson.

And we were able to accept to go along with the plan proposed by the school board in Jackson.

I ran into Clark Lee in the corridor of ACW the other day.

He couldn't have been more tickled by the fact that we really, I think, were out of Mississippi.

And some of these other places, you know, there are finite numbers of places we're dealing with now.

Um, because Mississippi doesn't have the big populations.

No, I thought so.

I thought it was kind of a problem.

The problem is basically that it's not covered in the east side so much as it is in places on the British North Carolina, for example, Charlotte is not covered in the east side.

It's not covered in the east side.

They're all there, and they're more like part of the city.

Well, they're like part of the city.

The south is more salt and pepper and all that sort of thing, and so much of it is in the east side.

We always think it is.

It can affect, though, the opportunities for exploitation by Wallace, though, that he would do himself.

Let me say this, that I want to keep it.

We did John Steele here, and it was not to do with our racism or that sort of thing.

You know, we

I was in Van Dusen, always in Van Dusen.

And the lawyer won't know what the deal is.

He knows what the order's on.

That's one thing you couldn't hear in such a long time.

Yes, sir.

I thought I had it.

And it seems you could have one on this school business.

And it was happening in Dallas through the president.

Busting in the Dallas school system.

One of the biggest schools out in Richardson and Garland, out in these suburbs, where there are practically no blacks at all, are such a small number.

They're lost in all the whites out there.

That's something I've come to say, and suggest maybe that you all merge these school districts to prevent this kind of thing.

No way they can.

Because there's no legal basis for it, except under Mr. Ribicoste's idea.

And of course, all the real estate voters, I've read Snapchat on the radio, and there's no blessing in it.

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of the way we treated life in that section.

I'm genuinely ashamed and upset so much.

But I think we get to a point where we've chosen too far in the other direction.

But we don't do any papers about it.

We don't have any papers about the house and the bus center.

I couldn't agree more.

We're just jobs and opportunities and so forth.

I want to see everybody be able to move any damn place they please.

They can live in Bel Air, Beverly Hills, and so forth and so on.

And some do now.

But...

But on the other hand, it just happens that a hell of a lot of people prefer to live together.

Why don't we integrate the Poles in Chicago with the people that are not Poles?

Hell, they all live in the same community.

There's a goddamn few Poles that live off with Chuck Percy's neighborhood.

There are no Polish names out there.

They're all down there.

They've got their own restaurants.

They've got their own deal, you know.

I just told you.

The Italians and so forth.

Now some do, but a great deal more or rather not.

Well, but we don't have a great deal.

Of course, it's a different thing, the Black Vikings, I understand, and all the Mexican things.

But if you carry it, if you carry it to its logical exchange, it's quite a different story.

I mean, that really, we really, the Catholics are the Protestants, the Poles are the Germans, and...

I don't know what the code is.

I'm very honest with you, sir.

I'm still working on it.

The code is there.

I'm just convinced on America's wrong and my feeling.

That's the reason I have to just face it.

I think it's wrong.

Now the question is, what are you going to do?

It's a war.

It's a treaty, of course.

It's a treaty.

It's a war without getting caught.

I appreciate your work on Lockheed.

And if I'm not being done, please go to St. Louis again.

It's a small business.

But if you did that, Drew, that would be a great achievement, really much.

We have this in mind, and I'll return it to you.

Thank you very much.

That's what I'm saying.

Thank you.

This is a terribly hard, difficult problem.

It's just a horrible, horrible mess.

.

Do you think that there's no, there's no, there's no option?

I think if we don't spread the word, it's all part of it.

And if you're not hearing us, of course, then there's, they're going to sit back and wait for us for the next year.

And then just knock us over the headliner for the other year.

This would not have happened if it weren't for the men who set up the foot.

I'm sure, I'm sure.

They just set us up good.

So, I understand.

Well, I think you've got to go forward.

Again, I hold his hand, and particularly as I said right at the end, before you go to bed.

Don't be too confident about anything you have to do.

And, you know, it doesn't say to myself, you know, they're not with us.

They're not with us.

And as far as us, you know, as far as we are, as far as we are, all of us, as far as we are,

I congratulate you on your time of stroke and your return to the factory.

I appreciate it.

Thank you very much.

I appreciate it.

.

Well, I appreciate you taking this assignment for us.

I hope you enjoy it.

Really, in this field, it's controversial within the government, including the Congress, and within the Jewish community, and even among your, you know, your colleagues, are just split down as a result of, oh, perhaps a few more moving directions here and there.

Unfortunately, that's it.

If you're young enough, vigorous enough, take the baton.

I have no problem with the jungle battle because I think it's also an opportunity.

I think it's eternally important for the country.

That's really what gets out there.

What is it that you visualize as a mission?

Because if I have to do the job, we've got to have a clearer understanding, I think, as to the mission.

I think it's important to recognize the controversy.

Going in, much of this weekend started on a different base.

I think it's important.

As I've said to Pete, I see the opportunity here to be responsible for the major trade

the negotiations, formulating the policy and implementations to get a better fair break for the U.S. and also to create a better system internationally to improve the international system.

And that necessarily does two things, I think.

First, I'm not pleased to say how this is done.

One, I think it means a major commitment, as I visioned on this, on a presidential level to say that this is part of the era of negotiations, economic negotiations, just like non-confrontation as, say, the SALT talks.

They can continue to talk in whatever form we have.

And two, that our...

This is a major high-level commitment by this administration because I think they distill today, in the last couple of days, two articles where they consider the OECD high-level leading in our commitment today that they hear, unfortunately from our State Department people, that this is a holding operation.

I don't need, I'm an activist.

I just, what is a holding operation?

This committee that I'm in right now and our position here is essentially a holding operation pending both the expansion of the common market and the 72 election.

Dennis Healy wrote this article in the London Times just three days ago.

It's been in the German papers.

My friends over there are very concerned.

So the reason that I'm raising this is the mission that if I were to do a job I couldn't want to have it understood with you, what debt do you expect and where it's all oriented?

And two, I think it then raises the second question, that is knowing the conflicts of who's responsible for it.

I don't expect a lot of you to work hard, but that's what I'm trying to do.

Knowing that you have commitments to Pastor Kennedy and these other people, the ad hoc committees and the downgrade of the SDR up to this point, that's what I'm feeling that you haven't prepared that budget memorandum.

The memorandum that went to Schultz and to the

I don't think.

So I would ask that we give some thought.

One, I think it's good for the foreign journalists to understand that this is not a regular operation.

We want action today.

I think we can get something.

Two, I'm persuaded that it's also good for us as politicians to say, if there's an era of negotiation, we're here to have a better U.S. in the sense of changing economic interventions within these international frameworks of multinational negotiations.

That's us.

Y'all took it dirty.

Oh, that's right.

You better not share it by my reasons.

Frank should find it.

First, the office has to be done first.

Those things don't mean anything.

Because by the time they get here, it's been four or five years, you know, and that's a split decision.

And all those people just come in and say, we believe this, and we believe that, and so forth.

Second, with regard to the urgency problem, it can't wait until after the Senate to elect you.

The problem is now, and particularly with our European branch, that we're really talking about Europe, and to a lesser, to far less extent, about the rest of the world, although I now feel that we have to get off to a generalized premise.

Recommendation that I made with regard to the fact that it affects...

The likes of Singapore and others.

Well, which basically, whereby the Japanese, just to use an example, could use places like Singapore, Jakarta, etc.

You know, as far as really coming, the back door, it becomes very easy to shut the other door.

Third, I would say with regard to the, what it is, the negotiation, so forth.

I think this is going to be a lot of competition.

I think we should have conclusions and we should not complain about it.

But the Japanese on the one hand and the common market on the other hand have always looked at the world trade market.

What we look upon trade is

Someone has said it's an instrument for the purpose of going back in the 50s.

The purpose of our trade was to serve our foreign policy.

And now we're changing our mind.

The purpose of our trade is to serve our domestic policy.

That's what they do, and that's what we must do.

Now that's what we come down to.

... ... ... ...

The problem is actually the political problem.

The labor unions have switched to 180 degrees on the problem.

Everybody's got to play his own selfish game.

But what I'm suggesting here is that we are going to start to play a very small game.

It has to be.

We should say all the nice little things about trade is great and so forth.

And we, of course, want to have a communication that we're an open world and all that.

Those words are very inexpensive.

But when it comes to negotiations,

The view of the position of the United States in all areas has to be very, very far bigger.

Not with regard to the candy machine.

I can put that context by saying that candy had, at the time, had someone in this position of more, shall we say, bigger and so forth.

That's it.

I would like to see this office in terms of the way the office can work.

It's got to, it's got to, it's just the reverse of what was the situation before.

It's got to gain the stature that it had before.

Now, that little bit of history has probably been forgotten by all.

The purpose of getting congressional support for the whole Kennedy round and so forth from the United States is to get it free from the way.

They had to get congressional support so they got Herder to take this job.

So Herder's view is they can very much represent the foreign position itself in the Congress so that we can have a more expansive trade policy.

Yours is exactly the reverse.

Your position is to turn it right around.

We're interested in the results, we're interested in what we can get.

... ...

and the Douglas people don't like to admit this, but the Douglas plain is made in Southern California.

But it's made all over the world, right?

It's made in the land, and somebody else made it, and somebody else built it, and all the experience that we have about it comes to that extent.

And I'm proud we have theories that our government is not exclusively connected with business.

This may not be planned that way at some time, but we've got it all closely connected.

So what we're really opening here is an investment, and it's trying to require someone

I've used all sorts of phrases, and there's some context to say, and I think you've raised a whole many, and you've always stood for it, and you've always said it in this trade video.

You know, I go to press conferences all the way from Chicago, and I say, what about our commitment, you know, to see the United States try to come up with another, a new campaign around, or something like that.

The answer is never.

It's not what I hear.

Because we can't do it, the answer is now we've got to play the game.

Because we've got to play it, and perhaps even develop, develop the way we've had this thing.

Now the rather reason that I, as you all know, is that we've got to consider the theory that we've talked about, and the direction that it matters.

But one of the things that's extremely important in this view, and this is literally to be related to something else,

is in the anti-trust field.

If we start playing games like ours, and Japanese and others, but we've got an all-American business people who make all sorts of deals all over the world, such as we've had a lot before, and that means that McLaren's got to get it on.

So what I'm trying to do is

So, that's why I should give you my own view to any questions that you might have.

When I got to the office, I wouldn't leave a message to take it.

If it were simply to be a caretaker for one of your dead, it's no longer a meaningful decision.

What we need is to revitalize it and

to give a new trust to our whole position on trade.

My business and my views have changed a great deal over the last year just due to the necessity, not just the political necessity.

It's on that basis that I've understood that we will let you come down and try to get the results.

That's all I've got.

One of the better things we have is Pete's office here.

You have a good one.

I don't want you to be in a position, I don't think I've mentioned this to you, but I guess it's implied.

... ... ... ... ...

But what we really need, I think we need your contribution to this whole new love in America's trade policy.

That's what it is, a new love in terms of, as I do repeat, we've been, our policy has been, we trade for the purpose of supporting a foreign policy.

Now we're going to trade for the purpose of supporting a domestic policy.

That's the day of it.

I have no problem with that basis.

I've been there.

Come down and have some fun.

Well, it's very important.

Quirters basically is the office here now where we've got a connection.

No, it's just to...

I'm not going to say it though.

No, no.

I should not be.

That also has some symbolism.

It's in an office right here.

About a block, about 30, 40 feet.

Two other areas, President, I'd like to make sure we choose.

One is Pete and I, I think, do have a good relationship.

We talk the same language 90% of the time, and I'm sure we're going to survive.

Pete and I will solve our problems.

It doesn't have to be no problem for you.

I do think, though, that there must be, at some point, if I have a problem, and it will be very often that I have some access, and that, oh yes, if I want to see you, will that...

I will not abuse it if I do.

I understand the answer.

I do want to be brilliant.

I can get through.

It's urgent.

Pete is gone.

That's the other problem.

Well, you may have something to where you disagree.

I understand that.

The thing about this office is we are trying to reduce the number of them that are having this so that it would be more meaningful when we do have a situation.

But this is an office situation.

... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

We worked it out and said how we could operate it together.

He said, oh, this one is everything.

At the end, it's really supposedly tied to a trade problem today.

Yeah, well, and that's with us right now.

I'm sure it is.

Some of you are working there.

But Connelly, of course, will be there.

Well, your game is going to be, as I say, Rogers has to take the State Department view and will probably quite vigorously.

And as I said, the Council of Economic Advisors, they've got to look at it to its parents.

Because that's the way economic economists are.

But what I thought in Treasury...

I don't think other than the Lord that was a traitor.

It's a bad thing.

But a traitor at the highest level, he never still ruled.

Ruthless politician, thank God.

And he'll see it every time.

Sam, too, will see it this way.

And it's a matter of fact, to be in any place that kind of role, I'm still going to be that way.

I mean, because the labor situation now is all the other way.

The other one that you run into from time to time, of course, will be pushing your ears.

It will be hard.

It's always pushing, dragging, pushing.

None of that.

The sophisticates.

The sophisticates that really are worth your time.

I put Collie very, very high on the list.

Because he is thinking far above.

Like he doesn't, he's thinking of the trade thing too, John.

All over.

He's a violent person.

He's not having any problem like that.

Just right up to and to his neck.

I use it quite often there because he's got such political clout.

Pretty practical.

You've got him.

Actually, you've got Peter.

Peter here.

Whitehouse side.

And...

And then, of course, the other departments, they play roles.

They represent special constituencies like commerce.

Labor or agriculture don't have quite the influence.

They look at it from a rather, to my own extent.

But you look at it from the whole side.

But let me say, I look at it from everything, from all sides.

That's my job.

I'm going to take the debut, and also I think that all these matters, I'm very interested in getting what Michael admitted, a custom here in government.

This is not just a demonstration, it's sort of a custom to send a big paper with about 18 on it.

But I think one of the other things I want to be sure to understand is I want on a paper count, if you ever send anything to me, you say what you think ought to be done too.

I won't always do it, but I want to know what your decision is.

If you resolve it in this spot, it's so easy for somebody to say, well, I mean, that's the usual approach to the approach of a lawyer.

You know, you come in and try to make a decision.

So they say, well, I'm going to buy something.

We don't hire you here to figure out what the options are.

I could get a new graduate from Notre Dame Law School who would do that.

But we really wouldn't ask you to take this position.

I want to be quite candid.

It does not appear to be important.

And there's no reflection on the individual.

It just wasn't a bigger span of the job and hasn't been for a hell of a long time.

Now, if we are changing it, it does become much more important than it has been for us.

I think that scenario has to be made public.

Yes, it was a matter of fact, but I think it has to be made public at the time we made the announcement.

And also another way it can be done is through a better effective use of the...

I was hoping it would be short.

I'm also a believer in these kinds of discussions.

My commitment to you is, and I don't look at this as a tight commitment, but only as a result commitment.

If at some point, either you accomplish before that, or I become ineffective, I'd like to feel free to come back in and say, Mr. President, do you have any time for me to step up?

I hope that's an act.

I hope it doesn't act the other way.

I always believed that there should be this kind of discussion going in.

I told my board that six years ago, that somewhere between five and eight years, I wanted to be doing something else.

That's only one month of a five-year schedule.

You told them that, didn't you?

Absolutely.

I didn't know what to do.

I thought I was going to do it until three weeks ago.

Yeah, yeah.

You live in New York?

I live in Nelson, Connecticut, but I'm actually in the New York area.

My wife is an Easterner.

After 17 years in Boise, I care about not making the adjustment.

And she's a new woman back here, so it's easy to say she likes it.

She's a painter, she's an artist.

She does sell paintings and she likes to meet very people out here.

Well, if you're isolated in Boise, you'll have a great time there.

Lots of great friends.

That can be true.

You might feel isolated in Los Angeles.

That's true.

After being out here, it's quite different.

But, uh,

Well, I think you're coming at a time that's interesting because we're doing a lot of tough thinking about this thing.

When you see Conway, did you see him?

Last week, I thought it was essential that he is there.

Well, I haven't heard it.

Conway has been pushing something hard.

He's very enthusiastic about it.

He flew all day to Brussels, London for a meeting, and then came in here.

He's very glad he hasn't met himself.

So I've got to get a hold of Carl Gilbert now, and we've got FBI clearance.

It should reassure both of you and Bill to know that Fred and I have probably interviewed about eight or ten candidates since that.

This is the first time that we were both...

It's an unusual situation where I had made up my mind six months ago to do something else.

And two, also to add a relationship to the administration that was in power.

Those don't have that problem.

Well, all of this is not limited to the opposition.

We have two positions.

OECD plus six.

Yeah.

And John, that's one of the changes.

I think there's going to be, I don't know about that, but the people, I think there are ways that we can do a job, and we can bring in, I think, some of those two decades, a couple of outstanding people, which I think might get out of that, like a big box.

bringing in two people that, and that is, what I've understood that you, is the president trying to make up for the count of the committee.

Yes.

He's a member of the council.

Right.

By the order.

Yeah, no, by the order.

I mean, by the order.

Okay, okay, fine.

I had to recall that.

Yeah, yeah.

Well, let's, because we, I'd like to, to, to,

.

Here's who allowed them to move to Washington, and they will say, no, no, I'll come to Washington.

I'm going to keep the house up there and the apartment down there.

If you give me no time, just have a seat.

I'm probably individual rather than landscape.

Thank you.

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