Conversation 588-002

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Good morning, Mr. President.

I have a set pilot tomorrow.

Good morning.

and I instructed you that song, the best, the warmest greetings to you.

I didn't say I had to cry next time.

Yeah, I'm very grateful.

I hope you said my best to them, too.

Thank you.

Good day, Berger.

Yeah.

Thank you.

This is my story.

Life is not meant for a lot of people.

Life is meant for a lot of people.

Life is not meant for a lot of people.

Okay, now we're watching.

The United States of America.

Very good.

Close it.

I'm always glad to see the foreign minister, to get laid at this time.

here in the United Nations.

Of course, I'm just frightened that it's going back.

I understand it's very serious politics in this little country.

So, Mr. Prime Minister, you know that we are in the middle of an agreement with the United States, especially at this moment, on the occasion of the reunification of the United Nations.

It is a little before his return to protect what I understand will be very serious political decisions.

Thank you very much.

It is a great comfort for us to know that he follows the Italian way.

Great.

with great attention and understanding.

I hope it will also be with confidence, because even in a situation that is certainly moved on a social level, I think it can be said that there are some points that are still there, and among these still points there is, of course, Escher's protests,

in our country, to ensure that in the controversies that usually diminish the parties of the coalition, the reference between the United States and the United States and the United States and the United States and the United States and the United States and the United States and the United States and the United States and the United States

certainly in anticipation of a possible crisis that may follow the presidential elections, in which the parties assume positions that are a little more reserved, a little more complacent in the needs of the electoral character, but in the context, I believe, that it also has the sense of responsibility that it contains

the social aspect of our country, the principle of rejection, which is a sense of greater responsability in recent months.

There has been less legislation, less disorder, and this makes us hope that we will be able to overcome this more critical,

Thank you very much, Mr. President.

I'm particularly comforted, as we all are, to know that you follow events and you have so much attention and sympathy and understanding.

I think that the problems that we are facing, and quite right at that still, we are hopeful and confident in the future, given the background of the agitated situation on the social level at this time.

Still, we look for some rather solid points in the future, for example, of course, the aspect of our foreign policy.

And we can assure you in this case, that despite some of the

Some of the contrary views, some of the controversial standings, some of the political parts assume the time within the coalition of our government.

With regard to the United States, they always express themselves as faithful to the Atlantic Alliance, which is in their view always the mainstay of our relationship.

even the Socialist Party, which had its difficulties, internal difficulties.

It's always very nice to be here with one.

And of course, at the present time, with many unforeseeable things that may come up,

looking toward the possible parties in connection with the upcoming presidential election.

Some parties are that they hold back at times or they try to take a stance that they consider to be required due to some of the electoral requirements, electoral needs.

However, they do not let loose of their sense of responsibility with regards to the social needs of the country despite the

Despite the difficulties arising from the recessionary process that Italy seems to have rushed into, still we face a situation with an added sense of responsibility at this time, particularly when we're encouraged by the fact that recently there's been a decrease in the disorders that we've had to face in recent times.

And therefore, I think that we have hopes that we'll be able to overcome and bypass the critical stage

with regards to the social situation in our country and move in harmony with the other democratic countries in the United States.

of the Italian communists, the fact that they no longer have a unique model to which to adhere, facilitates a certain movement, a certain greater freedom and therefore also a greater interest for Europe, so it extracts to some extent the political forces, also to a certain extent the communists, to the pressure of the Soviet Union, therefore the connection of foreign policy with the Soviet Union.

And even though there seems to be a recent time, I think, where we can notice a certain dissolving of the monopoly of the party policy on the part of the Soviet Union.

And this, of course, has had some disturbing effects within the ranks of the Communist Party in Italy as well.

For this reason, there was a certain amount of movement which had brought about a greater initiative and perhaps a greater interest in the affairs of Europe in general.

within the Communist Party, and this, of course, brings about a situation where all of the political forces that work in the country have been able to get out from under the pressure of the Soviet Union in the area of foreign and international affairs.

As we look at the free world today, there are over a hundred nations that are

you can call free world nations.

But when we look at those nations, because of their economic and political and military strength, either can be more potential.

The free world can really be described as one hand.

And you could add,

In Europe, I mean, it's Italy, Germany, France, and the U.S. is five.

Now, if you look further around the world, Asia, and you have two men, which is six, those six nations, what they do together,

their ability to develop common policies and economics.

And it is not possible to view political activity as being not internal, but external.

That will determine the future of the world.

For that reason, we have a special relationship

your country, with France, with Germany, with the British, and with the Japanese.

Now, that doesn't mean we don't consider even the tiniest country like a tad important, but we particularly feel that it's important for us to have the closest concentration, and when we can, move together, sit with us.

For example, if we look at the free world today, we see that there are hundreds of nations that join the ranks of the nations of the free world.

But when we look at these countries, what concerns the economy, politics, the political forces, the military forces, these forces in action or potential,

We perceive the free world as one hand.

In Europe, we see two great powers, Italy, Germany, France, England, and the United States, of which we count five.

In addition to these important nations in the rest of the world, in particular in Japan, we count six great powers of the free world.

but six out of ten, you could say, but these six powers, the two that can act together and develop, work, bring terms

economic and international policy in a coordinated and effective way, I believe that this will serve as a legacy for the future of freedom in the world.

And therefore, we want to preserve these special relationships that we have with Italy, with France, with Germany, with England, with Japan.

Although this does not mean that we do not attribute great importance to the smallest nations, for example, the Chaldeans.

But we want to be sure, we want to take this opportunity to guarantee the necessity to consult and to act together with the three main nations.

I think, I know that Secretary Rogers has talked to the Foreign Minister with regard to this very difficult move in the UN.

I want to reaffirm the position that he has stated.

I know this is a

a hard vote for Italy, but from our position, we believe that there'd be a disastrous precedent for the United Nations not to consider expelling country from that body.

An important question.

That position is taken.

I haven't visualized situations in the future in emotional moments because this country or that country or the other did something that the other and a majority, a simple majority of the UN didn't like.

They're out.

That's the reason we feel it's very important

One reason he feels important to make the issue of expelling an important question.

The second reason is that support for the United Nations in our Congress would be seriously jeopardized if it was felt that the United States could not

and enough support on a question that we consider critical at this time.

I do not just state these things for the purpose of pressuring the independent sovereign government to defend it, but simply to let you know why we feel so strongly about the issue.

Mr. Minister, I know that you have a passion to talk with Secretary Rogers in New York on a very important issue, that is, regarding the difficult vote that will come in a few days to the United Nations.

I know that you are interested in this topic and I would like to reaffirm this position defined by Secretary Rogers.

I am aware of the fact that this is a decision, a very difficult vote for Italy, but for what concerns the position of the United States on this issue, in our opinion, it would be necessary to establish a disastrous precedent in which the United Nations should not consider the expulsion of an important nation a fundamental question.

in a similar position, that is, that this explosion should not be avoided in a decision of the two-thirds,

I could imagine a future in which there would be situations where we would be in moments full of emotions and excitement in which one or two or other nations would come together as one nation because, let's say, the problem would be considered, in short, that the simple majority of nations would consider it negative.

and therefore it would be permissible to organize a vote of an absolute majority to get rid of this nationality of nations.

And with these actions, these nations, I believe that we will see perhaps also the end of the United Nations.

There will be a flood, practically.

According to us, if it is a matter of a very important issue, it is of great importance to define as a matter of importance the subject of the expulsion of a nation from the system of international relations.

In the second place, the second reason why we think this is a positive vote is that I believe that it would be in such a case, it would be in such an approach by the African Congress of the United Nations if a position was developed in that order in which the United States could not obtain sufficient support to be able to consider

Thank you very much, Mr President.

I think they make us aware of the problems we are dealing with.

First of all, I would like to say how much we care about each other and how we communicate with each other.

to work together in harmony with the United States.

When we talk about new international centers, we mean Europe, with a very close connection with the United States, and we believe that the problems of economic, humanitarian, can be solved consensually, between friends, between solidarity, in their solution.

As for the second point, you have to imagine how much pressure, the call, the attention we bring to the emotions expressed in such a vulnerable way, because this is how it is.

I do not hide that we are in a situation that is extremely difficult,

China, in the United States, with the fact that it can register enormous masses in Malta, including the West, the President, with great courage, great humility, in our face, and in high recognition, there are diplomatic relations that we have, not the sensation, but the constable,

It is expected that the Chinese side will attribute itself to this vote in relation to the recognition that it is necessary that China be recognized as the only legitimate government.

There are considerations of internal politics that the President does not ignore, because for years we have found ourselves

in difficulty at this point, I can say that the technical rules are one of the most convincing and fruitful in political relations.

Solidarity with the United States will be visible in China in October, so this also indicates what great political difficulties exist internally at this point.

I think I can say that all the organizations so autonomously expressed have been fairly aware of the government so that it can make its decisions with full awareness.

The last thing we want is to be able to give to our fellow citizens

Whatever we do, we always do it in the desire to help.

You have no right to deny it.

So the spirit in which we move in this matter is a religious spirit, associated at this moment with a great concern, with a problem that only has relevance.

of freedom and consequence of recognition, but also of relevant consequences of internal character, which, in any case, in Greece, we are aware of, because we have spoken so much about this, about the delicacy, the particular existence of everything that has been said in this case, including the gesture of attention.

Thank you very much, Mr. President, for the very tactful way in which you approach this very serious problem, especially with regard to the first one you made.

We wish very much, as a nation and as a part of the European community, to cooperate with the United States along every step of the way.

We speak of new centers of power and influence in the world.

We'd like you to consider that this picture is composed of

a solid working relationship between the powers of the earth and Europe as a whole and the United States.

And we wish to move with you on every issue.

Therefore, we are also confident, for example, that certain problems that arise in the financial and monetary field will find effective solutions through consultations and solidarity among the different initiatives involved in these problems.

With regard to the second point that you have made, we are very much aware of the weight and seriousness that you attribute to this particular problem, and we take it in full regard

I appreciate your very articulate and eloquent exposition of the problem as you see it.

And of course, we find ourselves in view of this in a rather difficult situation ourselves.

For one thing, for example, we recognize that the United States has taken a very bold step in, initiated by you, Mr. President, with great courage and

and great vision, taking a step toward China, bringing China into the community of nations.

And we very much admire you for this.

I think it will go for the future.

At the same time, Italy has already established a certain, taken a further diplomatic step in the direction of China.

Of course, we are also aware of the weight that's attributed by China to the outcome of the voting in the United Nations.

Of course, this involves a commitment

of its being recognized diplomatically, but also within the United Nations of its being accepted as the only legitimate representative government of the Chinese people.

Therefore, there are domestic political considerations involved in this as far as Italy is concerned.

As you, I know, are well aware, Mr. President, each year that we face this problem anew in the United Nations, and there is great pressure behind this.

Mr. Nenni is one of the staunchest advocates of this, as well as he is of good relations, solid relations with the United States.

And of course, this is another, we are now faced with another crucial vote on this, trying to reconcile all of the pressures he's doing.

Mr. Nenni's going to turn the page.

Therefore, we, of course,

appreciate all of the aspects and considerations that you bring to us with regard to this issue so that we may be in a position to convey them fully and accurately to all of the necessary levels of our government so that a decision can be made within the framework of conscientious responsibility of all of the factors involved in this.

Because, Mr. President, let me assure you again, the last thing we want to do is perpetuate anything that would dismay the United States.

Every decision we make, everything that we do, we like to do it in a way that will help and not harm, and the cause that you, that you uphold, that we uphold together.

Therefore, in the spirit in which we proceed, in the spirit of friendship,

of course, coupled again with the very, very serious problems that we have to face on the international level.

But not only this, but with regards to the recognition that we have extended to China the diplomatic level and the requirements that flow from this, and also the possible foreseeable domestic repercussions that may also stem from the position we take.

So again, Mr. President, I wish you

Thank you very much for the intelligent and articulate way and open way that you've approached this question.

You may be sure that this will be thoroughly taken into account.

I would like to suggest that we keep a very close touch on this matter.

After this, it will be back on.

We haven't announced yet where that's going.

We'll just keep the country to you.

That's all right.

I'll talk to the ambassador.

I think we can say now, Mr. President, that nothing will happen if he can't find the truth that any country's bloated.

That's right.

That's the important thing.

So no one will be embarrassed.

So, thank you Mr. Minister.

I would like to recommend that we keep in close contact regarding this issue.

Dr. Chiesa in general must go back to China towards the end of October, but first of all the voting.

I believe that we will keep a vote on this and he will be able to speak.

What do you think?

Mr. President, you said that you don't think that nothing can happen in Beijing, that you can be careful about the vote of some countries, that there will be nothing that can be embarrassing.

Of course, we have always kept in touch with each other.

I am always available, I would say that I am in constant contact with him.

He is always at the mercy of his American colleague.

Of course, these things have already happened in these circumstances.

In the strategic perspective, not in the practice that we understand, how the problem could be solved in this position of promotion, of force of action.

China still does not forget its Chinese people's presence and sees it from a future perspective.

I think this is a problem, but I think that this situation must be improved so that it can be at the moment accepted as one of the most interesting markets.

Well, I thank you very much, Mr. President.

I very much agree with you.

We'll certainly be in touch on this issue.

And Ambassador Atonin and Ambassador Vinci, of course, you know, are daily in touch with each other and with their associates within the U.S. government.

And we'll certainly, certainly be sure to be in contact with all concerned with regard to this very important matter.

Next, Mr. President, with regard to the strategic outlook, not so much the technical approach, which we do understand.

But how would you envision a possible solution in the future of the situation of Formosa vis-a-vis China, given the fact that Formosa insists that it should be the government to represent the Chinese people?

Do you see a possible or viable solution in the future to this problem, or do you think that this will be a situation that will have to endure and be eventually accepted by all parties concerned?

I think it would be interesting to see if Dr. Kissinger would respond to that after his final sessions.

But I, of course, am going into the matters of the account and probably discuss.

But it's really the historical process that has to be treated.

First, Mr. President,

We have been careful as the United Nations not to take a position on the issue which the Foreign Minister raised.

And we have drawn the analogy to the situation where the Soviet Union is represented both by a Soviet vote and a vital Russian vote so that there is a president who has two votes without making a judgment on the issue of sovereignty.

Mr. President, I would like to say that we have been very attentive to the professors of the Internazionale, not only to the question that you have brought, for example, we have shown the analogies of the representation of the Soviet Union, for example, the Soviet Union will represent 12, that is, the Soviet Union and Belarus.

And secondly, looking at it from the historical point of view that the President mentioned,

that I realize that the problems internally in his country, his government has on this issue.

I cannot underestimate the problems we would have in this country with regard to our relationship to the United Nations.

If the Taiwan were expelled,

I would like to thank...

This other aspect, Mr. Minister, I realize the problems that the Italian authorities have to face internally on this subject, but I could not even underestimate the problems that we have to face regarding our relations with the United Nations, if the case in which Taiwan has been exposed is not perfectly justified.

I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, for what the United States is doing for the majority.

It seems that this ancient, dimensional work of creation, which has not yet been able to bring concrete results, is still the thread that holds

In this case, the countries that have already passed through, I would like to guarantee that they will continue to do so, thanks to the contact with us.

The problem is very complex.

We have seen the Israelis and the Egyptians, we have seen how much the positions are still different, but we believe that on the partial solution of the channel, on the interpretation of the relationship between the partial solution and the global solution, we can still work, because there is a hope.

We do not doubt that the consulate will limit the financial situation on this matter.

Mr. President, I wish to congratulate also, congratulate you also for what the United States is doing with regards to the situation in the Middle East.

It was seen at this point that the side of the patient mediation or the mediation that you've undertaken has not yet brought us any concrete solution to the final problem, but still we think that your efforts have provided the glue or the line of communication that has kept the parties' attention on the possibility of arriving and helping the solution to this very, very obvious problem.

You've seen that, of course, Israel has exposed Egypt and Egypt

and still maintain their divergent position.

But with regard to the possibility of reaching a partial solution with regard to opening the canal, I think this perhaps may help us to keep the door open in our work toward arriving at an ultimate solution of the larger problem.

And I know that the Secretary of State is doing all he can

Mr. Craig has taught us in great time, great resourcefulness toward this end, and by so doing, he and the United States are making a vital contribution to the cause of peace in the world, particularly with regard to avoiding the outbreak of an impasse of racism in the Middle East and the United States.

Well, we appreciate the very instructing role that your government has played there, too.

Of course, as the major manager in power, you have a great stake in the outcome.

And without going into your internal politics in your country, I will say one important

I understand your prospects are very promising.

It is important to bring this country to remain in its new development in the line in which it has lived so far, which for us is the way of freedom, justice and friendship.

Well, thank you very much, Mr. President.

I certainly hope that this will be, as you say, we have this problem of keeping holding to the line of development under the standards and the ban that we have held the law so far of freedom, justice, and friendship of the United States.

Well, President Saragat has been strong, President, supporting those principles, and we are glad to see more ministers

Thank you.

Target to death.

Name, status, and presence of the soldier.

But we now have the sons of... Marconi.

Marconi.

The Marconi.

Yes, I can assure the Board of Ministers and Secretary of Commerce, we have that as the highest priority.

And the IMF meeting was constructive.

and we will work together to build a sound structure in order to see if we can work together.

You can be absolutely sure of that.

We will not play an isolationist role.

Yes, I know.

So, uh, do you, uh, do you have any sense of security?

No, I don't.

That's not so aggregated.

Whenever we come here, it's free.

Oh, yeah.

Step forward, sir.

We can't use these individuals.

I'll give some of this, sir.

I've had enough.

All right.

It's okay to you.

I'm happy to have you down below.

Please, sir.

Thank you very much, sir.

Now, all of you men, if you heard that, typically, we don't have to use your head.

That's because we're always on top of the game.

That's what I'm saying.

We don't call it that, sir.

Well, we might as well take that thing right in, but I'm going to be very careful.

Are you good?

I'll keep your attention.

And the orchestra, ladies and gentlemen, the National Brothers and Sons of God of Columbus, Estonia, Austin, Georgia, and the President of the United States of America, and the President of the United States of America, and the President of the United States of America, and the President of the United States of America, and the President of the United States of America, and the President of the United States of America,

Thank you.

I'm sorry.

Like this.

The president's left.

Oh, you got me a jab around here.

Thank you.

I want to be honest with you and say this is just an example of what it means to be a part of the world, the world, and our country, and our people, and the world, and America, and our people.

That's the way to say a recognition of your deep sense of humanity and compassion.

Your contribution to a better life for all Americans

I'm very grateful to see this year's award.

I'm very honored to receive it and join six of the same people who have received it through the Secretary of Transportation.

I'm going to explore the presence of the conference and

Also, I think it's kind of a good thing that it's using the word.

And personally, the quality of this is actually giving honors to someone who's standing in front of them and very confident on this day.

And in the presence of one of the great statesmen of not only his country, Italy, but also one of the great statesmen of the world, Arnold.

I'm sure, I'm sure, I'm sure, I'm sure, I'm sure, I'm sure, I'm sure.

All right.

Well, we should get most of it.

I think most of you got the presidential conference.

The only thing we knew we got today is the paperweight.

So I thought that a lot of us today will be able to get the paperweight.

That's very soft.

That means you don't have much paper.

I didn't realize you just got it.

Are there any postmortems?

Yeah, we have some.

Thank you.

And if you don't play it, you can give it away to your friends, or to your clients, or whatever you want to call it.

It's a seal.

I'm very thankful for these suits, you know.

I just want to go over and talk to you about the Vice President.

I know this is a special day for all of you.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. President, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.

Well, thank you a lot for coming today.

Thank you, thank you, thank you, thank you, thank you, thank you, thank you.

Thank you very much, Mr. President, and also for including me on this service.

And it's a very great honor, President, for you to be here on this occasion, too.

And I wish to contribute to you and wish you to the taxes of this country.

And really, thank you.

We wish you the best of luck on the United States.

You're here, man.

Pardon me.

Well, I guess what I said, I don't get much out of this.

No problem.

Last night I went through a whole bunch of...

63, 35, I mean, what about this?

This was the first guy, yeah.

No, it wasn't him, he's 65.

Yeah, I mean, if he was retired, technically, for four years.

I mean, it was, uh, 72 or something.

I don't think I would give you a call on that, because he was looking over his face.

His name is very much up there on the column, instead of H. Oh, yeah.

But, uh, I think he was retired, so he never, uh,

We just don't have that.

We don't have that.

We just don't have that.

Oh, he's just a little younger.

Yeah, that's okay.

I would love to meet him, Mr. N.T.

Judge.

Otherwise, it wouldn't be very good.

All right.

Good.

I'm just putting on a proposal to you that we can make once a year, you know, a cash exchange.

A cash exchange.

This is going to be on the page soon.

Oh, is it?

No, just tell them it is, and we can tell them after it is.

I better tell them what it sounds like.

I've been chasing it.

Oh.

Kind of wanting to be in it.

Uh-huh.

Are you guilty?

Good day, people of St. Augustine.

How are you?

Pretty good, as you can see.

I don't know what it says.

Do you approve or disapprove the way Carson-Nixon is dealing with the economic conditions?

61 approved, 33 disapproved.

That's up from 56-32.

I don't have the brakes on Union 980 yet.

He really landed on me in the Supreme Court thing again, so I told him to talk to you again, get you to talk to him, get you to do a limitation.

Yeah.

Well, that's Paro, he says, the only man that's got a Paro-River sign.

I'll have to find that, because you can't have that sort of thing.

You can't have such an understanding in any way.

65, which is too old.

But not with me.

And he said that there's only two of us who are in court and they're both Democrats.

So I think he has a point that we ought to be looking to some young Italian to be pushed up to the dark.

But I don't know where the hell he is.

Do we have any other to look?

Sure, sure, sure.

Well, what I'm doing, John, is to pass it on to you so that when you can say yes to the president, talk to you for an hour about it.

Because it will take me an hour if you don't buy it.

Yeah.

Well, you can tell John we're doing that, too, and that I said that we're preparing the way for an appointment.

As we come along, I mean, we intend to be around, you know, four years coming and all that sort of thing.

Why don't you do that?

Yeah.

Yes, that's a great way.

Yeah.

Right.

Yeah.

Good.

Right.

How is

Oh, how's she looking?

Good, good, good, good luck.

You know, it just must really make you feel happy that you'll be the Attorney General that made the first recommendation going on the court.

How proud can you be back at your old college in New York?

Yeah.

Sorry.

I'll tell you.

Okay.

All that's left in the background here.

He's the one who killed him.

I'll tell you.

It's the right thing to do.

You know, Mother Lily isn't Italian.

And she's a Catholic.

She is too, apparently.

Her husband's Italian.

Oh, she's Catholic, I guess.

Her husband's Italian.

Or something like that.

She's the last thing that came through.

She too was Italian.

And is a Catholic, I think.

Marilyn was the one that told me last night.

Lillie's... Lillie's an English name.

But that's where we're married.

But see, that could be an American diminution of, you know, some...

It could be a...

It could be... Yeah.

I just...

It's about...

This is...

Or, well, she's married to an Italian now, you know.

He's Catholic.

Check her religion, see if it isn't Catholic, and ask her if she is a part Italian.

No, I think she may be.

Yeah, all right.

Yeah, well, what is her name now?

That's what she would be, not known or known.

In other words, we need 20 misses.

What?

Not bad.

That could, uh, if you could really break it off at John Hart, after all, you could find about the very good Italian Falcone, who's a good nanny.

But listen, Tarr, she isn't a Catholic to get busy.

Get over there, God damn it, and get me burned.

Okay?

All right.

It is not that!

Well, it must have seen this guy's bad days, if you thought that.

Well, I knew about Colleen!

That's the name.

I'll call the judge.

Mrs. Salk called me to agree he isn't attached to the party.

Mrs. Justice Salk, huh?

Mrs. Justice Salk.

Well, don't you agree with me, Bobby?

I don't think that there is something that's caught in this comment, so...

I guess maybe what is entertaining is that when we had this one, we were so goddamn concerned.

The thing that really threw me is my wife, who is so ambivalent, so it's unbelievable.

My own daughters, who are both ambivalent, joking up at the same thing she said earlier this weekend.

She said, I know it's ridiculous, and it's none of my business, but if you could appoint women to the court, that would just answer all the other stuff.

But they didn't have affection for older women.

Yeah, excuse me.

You know, it might, it might, I think there's not going to be a lot that says, well, by God, yeah, there's talk about it.

Because, you know, when a person gives a woman, she just says, well, it is an interesting woman, given their age, or a million, or two of their age, that overwhelms everything else, if she's good, if she's good.

And apparently, Louie is.

She's even earlier, you know, who is this rabid against a woman.

He was talking last night, and he was all excited about her.

20 years.

That's what he said.

25 years.

And apparently a good one.

That's all right.

Well, John, you know, John was down on pop.

John was always very anti-pop, but he was very mediocre.

Oh, I see.

He's not down on a little.

He's being mediocre.

Well, I'm trying to be real.

But he was much more adamant against the woman.

Because I was terrible.

No, we blowed up a bird.

Did he toss it out?

I don't know.

I wonder whether he had it or it had come from here.

No, not from here.

His chair rolled.

And he's waiting.

He brought it up and he said he's going to recommend it.

He's going to talk about it.

Well, I got the impression the way he talked with Steve Moore and I stayed on with him.

He got off the plane.

I stopped him.

And he spent the whole time on the way back in telling us his Horatio Aldrich story.

You know, it is a hell of a story, but it was kind of odd that he, you know, and his son, his daughter's married to an Iranian, and, you know, he's shooting down all his Ku Klux Klan affiliations and all that.

Well, now I'm able to get rid of the Ku Klux.

He was a typical young hustler.

You know, nothing behind him except a gun.

He obviously has the gun.

See, he's a law school graduate with an F.R., which is tough.

He has to take the F.R.

to prove that he has it.

But it's not actually a practice.

It's not a practice.

It's a tough one.

The approval is up 6156, which is that's pretty interesting.

That's September 7th.

It was 56 on August 21st.

It was 59.

And I'm 56.

He went down a little bit, but now you've got to go back up on him again.

George Meany, President Harris, speaking for the AFL-CIO, has expressed opposition to President Nixon's new economic program.

Do you agree with Mr. Meany's position or with President Nixon's position?

Nixon 50, Meany 23.

Meany said, don't know, 20.

Do you believe the leaders of organized labor, like me, represent the viewpoints of the rank-and-file members when those leaders oppose the government's economic policies, or don't they?

Do you represent members' views 33, don't don't, 46, don't don't, 21?

In general, do you approve or disapprove of labor leaders' opposition to President Nixon's economic program, approve 34, disapprove 52?

See, that's that same 34, 33,

that disapprove that it's all, it looks like it's making the same people.

Now, it gets better.

Do you believe that the labor unions should be allowed to stand in the way of President Nixon's new economic program or not?

26 should, 66 should not.

That's the one.

That's the reasonable one so far.

Yeah.

The federal government, I put the meeting on.

Yeah, I think the monetary is better.

The federal government may have to take strong action against organized labor if organized labor refuses to cooperate with the president's new economic program.

Do you agree that strong action should be taken or not?

58 should, 26 should not.

I don't know if you want to put that one out, because it's a threat, but maybe it's their tough type people.

Organized labor may lead to a series of nationwide strikes to protest the government's economic policies.

Do you believe they are justified in calling such strikes or not?

Justified 21, not justified 70.

They're not strikes.

We'll put that one on the track.

If labor refuses to cooperate in the government's anti-inflation program, should the government continue to press the freeze of wages and prices instead of moving to Phase 2 of the President's new economic program?

Continue Phase 1, 46, go to Phase 2, 33.

Do you believe President Nixon's Phase 2 economic plan will help your personal situation, hurt it, or won't make any difference?

Health, 27.

Hurt, 19.

No difference, 42.

I don't have the union and non-union split, but that would be interesting.

We might need to release it, because I think we'll find that union members are as strongly with us as non-union.

I'd like to get some of that view with that verse over there.

Yeah, there it is.

I'm sure they would pick those up.

We used the 50-23 one, George Meany speaking, I suppose.

I used the 31 approval to 61 approval.

Yeah.

and the approval, and say that that's up, and that's not weighted, and they say that it'll go up a little bit when they weight it, they think.

So I mean, the idea that it's up from the original.

That's right.

We should bear out Harris.

Harris came off today with that one, you see.

That wasn't bad, according to Colson.

And do you believe the leaders represent the viewpoint of rank and file?

We don't use that.

I wouldn't use that.

And do you approve or disapprove of labor leaders' opposition to Nixon's program?

That's $34.52.

I don't use that at all.

I use those state numbers.

That's right.

Why don't you write it on the second page?

Okay.

Is that $1,000?

No, $500.

Wow, that's not bad.

Pretty good.

They're satisfied.

That's all I'm saying.

He uses $250.

No, he has a deduction.

Okay.

So, did I give you that audience?

I think 42 men close to you at a stance.

Is there anyone?

Yeah.

That's the same as the Sunday night one.

Sunday night's a little more.

The Sunday night one is 40 men.

There's another one in there.

You don't have a competition.

See, even though the audience potentially is this big, you don't have any competition from the... See, the local stations are nice.

That's right.

They have some good programs, don't they?

They have movies and their own shows, don't they?

This year, public broadcasting has some good programs, too.

You know, the local stations have some good stuff.

That's right.

That's good.

I know this is going to be a difficult session when you're working on these things, and we have to do it well.

Still, it is impossible.

It is one very good thing we have to do.

I'll tell you what he's done.

I looked at the book he sent.

just done a uh he's out kissing your kiss your henry came into me and said if i could get my goddamn staff to work the way he's doing he's got all the facts all the facets there are all the questions that need to be answered on that and uh

I do not want the people to go in and sell phones all over the place.

I'll never use them.

from a phone anyway, you know what I mean?

So recognizing all those phones, and there's an operator, and all that sort of thing, it's an airy entrance, and we don't, the staff should be calling each other back and forth on the phones, they should always be, and use buzzers, and meet in the hall, and so forth.

I'll tell you a reason, I know that when I was in Russia out of 59, I never used any phone once.

They can't use it on anything.

I didn't use it with him.

I walked.

We walked in the embassy.

Here we are on the embassy.

You have to walk outside.

Everything's going to be insecure.

Phones are still there.

So I don't think we need that thing.

Now, it's fine if you're going to go over and have a big deal that, gosh, you'll have all the operators around the closet door.

But I don't want that.

We just cannot make a huge indication that that thing is spying.

The big question we're going to have to deal with is, and settle, and I'm now totally sold, is this front station question, whether we do it or not.

Well, if we can't get it, we can't, but I think we ought to try, we ought to absolutely let them try, because it...

Really makes all the difference in the world.

What gets out of there.

All the people trying all the way to that place that they don't have energy to be.

And they've come up with an ingenious plan on that.

Our people have.

Because they've been grinding our way.

What they've come up with is they can put the whole thing, instead of having to move a crew in two months ahead and set it all up, which is what they said they'd have to do.

They can rig the whole operating thing inside a Boeing 747 airplane.

And then they just fly the airplane in, land it at the airport, and the whole thing stays right there.

They don't take anything out of the airplane.

except the ground station itself.

The station on the ground has all of the controls and the microphones and the computers and all the junk bands and all the technical personnel.

There's 53 men that have to man the data all flying in that airplane.

And that's a hell of a lot.

That's a big memory that he

Yeah, that would be part of the base now.

Now that will say whether security problems and there's some confidence.

Oh, shit.

That's just not to be worried about.

Fair enough.

Yeah.

I understand your point, but you can't knock down the Blue League, because we've got to have a way for the outside world to communicate with the president, with the country, because you don't become not president when you leave.

I prefer it more to get something around all that little stuff, the Minnie Mouse stuff.

We don't need any of that this time.

We don't like that.

They do a spun thing.

We go to the hotel and they cut phones in every room, in the bathroom and so forth.

We don't need it in the center because I will not use the phones for obvious reasons.

Even when I'm on the road, I pick up the phone and we do business.

We won't do business there.

It's confidential.

You've got to speak very non-stop to something.

You've got to be able to notify it.

We've got to be able to talk about what the ground station is, and we'll solve that problem, too, because it goes by sound.

But what I've got to do is explain that the president has to be in communications with the Congress.

He may convert to the ground station, and then, of course, that's used for the television.

Yeah.

Got to get that TV out there somewhere.

We don't.

That's the only way.

You want to remember with Russia?

No.

If you don't, don't smuggle it out, will you?

That's all.

In Russia, at least when they smuggled out that thing, you know.

But you, the thing has been, Scali's been talking to a lot of people, and he gets a little enthusiastic, but even when you boil it down, there's, for instance, Eurovision.

as the Eurovision management have said, and I'm sure they're right, that there's more interest, there will be more interest in Europe in this than there was in the man landing on the moon, because it has more reality to it.

It affects them more directly.

And I think that's going to be the case.

I think Scali's point, he's said it all the time, the network's confirmed this, is that everybody will run a one-hour special every night, all the time you're gone.

And if we don't have the line facility to send our own film out, then what you're going to have on in that hour special is a bunch of jackasses sitting on Tokyo or somewhere.

As a matter of fact, I'm going to go a little further with my salt instances.

I'm going to make my salt available for everyone that day.

I'm going to make it.

and the whole life of Proctor's being on, but let him be on.

Let's have our, Proctor's has got a fine face, and he looks good, and so does Charles, and the way that you have, and Henry, neither the wife nor the other being on, but both are on.

We're not going to do that.

And I've got to be on.

We've truly got to be in a situation where we command that thing.

This week's a no-brainer.

I think the thing I feel is the strongest about Bob's is that he's a good choice, though.

Mainly because other countries are terribly sensitive about it.

Connelly's countries pose no problem.

Now, I know better than they do on this point.

I do know.

I've been to Russia, as I said.

I know there is no problem.

Period.

They just aren't going to go over there with all these damn cars, riding on the hood, running fast.

Do you want to make the point that we don't take our cars?

We have to be sharp on that basis.

Yes, sir.

And would you ride in the Chinese vehicles?

Yes, sir.

What did the Chinese want you to ride in?

The Yugoslavs did, for instance.

Now, what's the Yugoslavs?

The Ukrainians.

The Yugoslavs did.

Well, that's even older.

But we won't insist on it.

I think buying a car is not a good idea.

Unless the Chinese make a... No, I think we should be in their car.

Yeah.

Let's go in their car.

That is...

I just think you've got to look at it with, and also, there's a public relations problem in all of us of the question of you putting yourself completely into the Chinese hands with no guards, people who are going to raise that.

That's right, that's right.

But the other side of it is, what the hell, if the Chinese decide they're going to hold you hostage or kill you or whatever it does to you, you can't turn it off.

I don't think we should take it to our car for another reason.

We want another plane.

No car.

No, I just don't want to negotiate it at all.

Okay.

We can cut down, you know, all that kind of thing.

Very simply, the communication thing would just have to be hard to get down to the Secret Service.

And Secret Service, we've got to wait.

Now, I don't know about the secretarial thing.

Henry says there's no problem on that.

I didn't believe he was there, because he always takes girls with him.

And I suppose we shouldn't go without adequate people.

And, of course, there's a lot of girls that we want.

But that's perfectly all right.

I just think we need to take...

We either take some or we don't take any.

The problem I've found is that we just, none of the men we've gotten yet, I'm right back here, the service is pissing me off, and I'm going to grind on that again.

The guy we've got now, is he?

They're good enough.

Well, the problem is they keep, they want to give us chiefs and things like that.

What I want to get is a gentleman that's about 26 years old.

But, well, what are we looking at is a young guy who graduated from college.

We've got a couple of them that are stewards.

They are college graduates.

But they went in the Navy in order to avoid the draft or to do their service time, you know, and they became stewards.

And they're damn good stewards because they were actually in a fraternity house or something in college.

They know how to wait on a table.

They're intelligent.

It's not like these gun products that they get.

Most of the stewards are in it.

They're very bright, presentable kids.

Now, they must be yielding in the Navy the same way.

The guy that graduated from college sent a buddy over to the Navy to go for the Army.

And then they're rather tight, and they're spending his time sitting somewhere typing on people's websites around him.

See, they always, the jeeps are all done because they just haven't had to leave the Navy.

They're a career Navy, Ben.

The Navy's also taking care of us.

The Navy was just, we have to go over and not have to take roads.

Yep.

But we could explain to Rose, in that case, that Mrs. Nixon knows that she will not be on the official track party.

She's there as part of the working class committee.

Because you can't have just Rose going to parties.

Well, I just have to say, Rose, we have not, the Chinese are not going to have people on the official party.

You've got to tell Mary to discuss that.

Yeah, please.

I didn't know she didn't need to tell me.

Now, we have to rule out that, you know, I mean, this is actually not going.

I mean, I see it as we have assumed that she didn't mind, but I think that we should raise it.

Don't you agree?

Yeah.

Now, I don't think it's a good idea.

Well, if Mrs. Rogers does, I don't want to.

I think what I would like to do, I think there would be some things to be said when listening to the session go, but not Mrs. Rogers.

You got my point.

So put it back to him.

Because after all, I'll sit down with his wife.

So he can make an argument for the past long.

Yeah.

Now, on the television question.

Yeah.

In that way.

Fiction.

I know a lot.

Running around the university in the orphanages.

The rice men.

I know a lot of Mrs. Rogers, too.

Because you're going to be for hours and hours and hours locked in a little room somewhere.

I think the idea that she's deep.

I think that, you know, we do not agree with her.

We do not have Mrs. Rogers, too.

I would agree with her.

There's not that much of a pain in the ass to have two, you know.

So I think that's the way it should be.

Just the one.

It decreases the working trip.

But you may have to, I mean, Joe may just say a little here, but of course he's not, and of course working trips.

Well, they're watching.

I guess he's his father.

He is more than .

I don't know what they're writing, but just tell Henry.

He said a working thing.

He's got to understand that, too, that we've got to make the maximum public relations .

But this is .

I just put it on that basis.

And they just have to work that out and so on.

I think there's an advantage to having her go, due to the fact that she can.

They can take pictures of her on television, because they're in their pioneer camps.

You see, boy, that would be the greatest thing in the world, because she could, if on the other hand, there was a need that they'd get her out.

But, you know, on the other hand, I don't want to call Connie Stewart over there and all that sort of thing.

I want her to, if she goes, I want her to be out and see her.

See?

Because if she, we're not gonna take a whole stab at that, that would be a whole total pain in the ass.

I'd say she could go with, your pleasant plan on the press side is they were gonna scan it, correct?

It's not anybody else.

You gotta pick up, you gotta pick your,

Well, I think you're correct that you should not take the line.

I think that would give you a real problem there.

What?

It's a problem.

If you've got the scale on the line, you know, it looks like it's a PR trip.

That's right.

Now I need this.

Somebody in the question's gallery can show us an analogy.

Any support?

I'll see extra.

Now I do think you can take client to Russia.

They don't talk yet.

I agree.

Your idea was right.

Don't give a thing away.

You don't need to.

Okay.

And all these suggestions about these other people, you're absolutely right.

Something don't work.

Ben Tronceau, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.

That's not how it works.

They will not bother you with that.

Now, when federal approval of economic conditions is 57-39.

Yeah, does that say you're going to have to fill up 56?

Why not?

The distribution doesn't change.

Yeah, they adjust it.

The non-union is 62-30.

The union is 47-46.

See, the unions are starting to get through that.

They're getting through it.

That's what it is.

But don't use that figure.

I think we wouldn't use that.

What is it?

What is the approval?

I don't know.

I think it's 57.

Uh, 57-35.

Approved, disapproved.

Uh, what was it before?

56-32.

You know, the latter part's in coverage.

Early September.

What was it?

59-31.

I'm holding up pretty damn low, isn't it?

Damn right.

735, just right.

It's gone down.

See, the original union was 4838.

Yeah.

Then it was 4931.

4941.

Now it's 4746.

Yeah, you're good.

You got it true.

I still have a mask on.

Okay.

Now...

If we look at Meany's position or Nixon's position, Union, it's Nixon 25, Meany 35.

Now Union, Nixon 52, Meany 19.

So we don't want to show that split on it.

Yeah, I've got to do everything.

I would, I would try to work around the union and not the public support.

For all you know now, I know about 25% of people belong to unions.

The Labor Union thing shifted up one.

Should they be allowed to stand in the way?

Twenty-six should.

Sixty-seven should not.

We had sixty-eight before.

Sixty-six before.

The federal government went up fifty-nine.

Should it take strong action?

Twenty-five should not.

What's fifty-eight, twenty-six?

Well, it's a nine.

It's a nine.

That's why it strikes.

Justify twenty-three, not justify sixty-six.

That's still three points.

Even the union members, it's 35 justified, 52 not justified.

Not union, it's 1873.

But to put that union figure out.

Probably put the strong action on too.

Should should try to take the unions 49.

Yes, 32 should not put it up.

And what this should be on should be allowed to stand in the way of this policy should 26 should not 67 on unions.

It's 3957.

So you remember they strongly opposed to.

Maybe just do those three questions.

Sure.

Well, the approval policy.

5735.

Harris is better.

Why short?

Short.

This is a different kind of survey.

Yeah, Harris is shorter.

How did our question go?

What does that picture under my question?

How did that clip?

Do you approve or disapprove of the way President Nixon is dealing with the economic conditions in this country?

Well, at least it's a hell of a change from what it used to be, isn't it?

Well, yeah, but Harris, that's Harris' question.

Yeah.

And in February, he had, at 3748, disapproved.

Yeah.

It's worse than that.

One of ours.

In our, in our strength, both.

Worse than that.

Well, anyway.

Depends on how Chinese get.

That's what's going to affect you.

The general evaluation of the magazine was that it was getting off reasonably well.

I think so, yeah.

I think it displays some history.

And, yeah, he's got a good, uh, good bounce in, in, uh, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote, quote,

And they all, they kind of try to knock it, but they, even the cynics can't.

And the Sunday Papers, I don't know if you saw both of them, had major feature sections on it.

On what it's doing for the Florida economy and all that.

And the only reason these people are knocking is because the streets are all clean and the kids are wholesome and have short hair and everybody smiles.

And they say, not just about America, they say that it's sort of an unreal world that people would like to escape into.

It is.

It's exactly what he's built the place for.

And as you know, in Norman, they also surprised that so many adults were there and so few children.

Of course.

And since it's all adults, not all, Disneyland is something like that.

It's over half, it's a double feature.

But it's got basically, as far as the whole setup is, of course it's not finished, but it's, once there, it's kind of going to be, they're going to do a big television special on it, and that's, for that reason and no other, I think it's a good thing for you to go, I think it's a good thing for you to go.

So when we do this experiment, just drop down on the way down, do what this thing do to the, we don't have a Republican limit again, but anyway.

Do it, do the Republican women first thing in the morning.

They're busy, they're about to get to Florida.

That's very cool.

And let that, don't worry, it'll get some newsplay that day, but it'll also get, see they're doing this television special.

Another advantage of going that day instead of the day we were originally talking about is that Walt's widow will be there, then she can present the blog to her, and that's a nice touch.

That would be a nice touch.

That's a good way to get it to go.

And I didn't say that that weekend that you were represented for the whole thing, because they asked me to come through.

How did they...

I've been looking at the news from right now.

They write it low key, they don't, they're being pretty careful.

They're taking facts and they're not coloring them up.

as a smear story.

They're trying to let them create enough doubt that they don't.

No, I know that's up.

Ziegler has not understood my orders of the Senate, because he had the goddamn Los Angeles Times, the Newsday, the Church Service.

I told you about it.

It was either the Newsday or the Los Angeles, one of the two.

I am not going to handle the Los Angeles Times or some of this, or the Newsday.

Urban can be the, be with your breeds, you know what I mean?

Goddamn, about a week I got to play them hard.

And the same is true of having to go back for other reasons.

I, I, I, I kind of think that's my body.

I know that I have mixed emotions about it.

I've got people who say, well, I'm playing them hard.

And you don't get anything.

But don't you think it's true for them anyway?

In the name of Christ, we can't let my own problems get in our hands for a year.

I need to stop.

Well, Strand wrote, Strand wrote, as a result of that, or before that, I forget what it was, wrote a series.

No, I knew that it was about as good as anything we've ever done.

No, you're not wrong now because he's involved in this thing now.

The thing is, Travis is a weak little guy who you can manipulate.

We pump him with stuff and he runs it.

They pump him with stuff and he runs that.

I think we should really put the screws on all those people involved in that now.

We got over it late, just, just, in our quiet way.

I think we've reached a point now where we've, we've accomplished our goal in the yard times and that we got to let Simple kind of back in the door a little bit.

You think we've accomplished it?

Yeah.

They've been screaming.

They've been screaming and, uh, they know they're screwed.

We turned off, like,

Uh, Klein, Klein was gonna do, you know, do, he went up to New York to do his round of greetings.

He was gonna do these New York Times and he couldn't do them.

And he finally agreed not to.

I said he could cover Ed Dale and that was all.

You know, just a separate meeting with Ed Dale for greetings and stuff.

And, uh, he did.

Oh, yeah, he did.

But he just, he feels we're hurting ourselves.

We're not helping ourselves.

We probably are.

I mean, for the moment.

For the moment.

But Ed Dale said, well, let's go write it anyway.

Right.

and the New York Times editorial policy will be determined not by what we know.

But honestly, I'm the first one.

But don't you believe that on the Washington Times and these people that we read, I'm sorry, I think we ought to not open the New York Times.

Because, frankly, the best guys we ought to keep out, but simple, I think we ought to start playing a little bit.

We've kept this closed now for several months.

As we've done pretty well, haven't we?

I think we ought to let him in.

Now, I don't mean to give him any expression, but I understand him.

And I'm just going to go off on a treatise again.

And put the screws up the only times.

Except for Irwin.

I think we ought to keep Irwin in play.

In good graces.

Irwin and Semple can be played as a team.

Yeah, that's right.

I play them as a team.

But I don't even want to screw with myself.

I don't want to talk to him anymore.

Okay.

I really do.

I think that makes sense because Element will support us anyway.

Sure.

And Ender doesn't do any good with Element.

He's just going on his own thing.

And, uh, their editorial thing, hell, I think they're with us on some stuff and against us on other stuff.

And they screw the Jesus out of us.

And those people's, um, coverage is utterly the worst.

And they're clearly the ones that fool this time.

What else?

No question about that.

Harry Bernstein, they're liberated.

And he got a tip from a guy in the Bureau who was Rosenberg, it was a lower-down type guy, who went to Bernstein and said, the guy was upset about the wet pack thing.

There's some semblance of honesty in this, a little bit.

He was upset about it and said, the way we can get some publicity on this is to hit Von Wittels because of her appointment.

So Bernstein called Rosenberg,

and set up the table.

Now, let me ask you this.

Are we standing with her?

I don't know, though, because I'm getting this thing tomorrow.

I need to do it.

I want to crack it for ourselves.

Are we sure?

Yes.

How do they do that justice?

Mitchell says they're going after him with a special passport.

They're going not with the group that's in the LA office, because they don't want to get it tied into those people who are tied to the person.

They're running a separate movement on the basis of reports that there are violations.

I love that.

By getting back to this thing here,

shows the collapse of the Nixon administration or something and Henry thinks it's such a good book because it does

It says you've got something done in foreign policy, that you've collapsed the presidency and everything else.

And our great lawyer, Steve Quill, wrote a good review on that.

Quill?

Yeah, wrote a review saying, if the palace guard splits up, President Nixon might even get a copy of the book, and if he does, it's a role in the White House.

Oh, Quill, he's writing a book, too.

Apparently, it's from where it's, uh, designed to do, do it in the same people as Evans and Novak.

I don't know who's even seen it.

Nobody.

Writing all by himself.

This is an animal.

I'll give you the picture.

Copy.

They're going to write these things, these people, they're going to be ready for this and that and the other thing.

We've got to get our own out too.

But let me ask you that, we've got some books out and we're looking to have a few.

Yeah.

But I've got to say, it's a no-brainer.

I want an actual cut-off of some of the things you said.

You just told me.

I'm thinking of that.

I don't want to see him on that kind of house-time story again.

You know, he's been out there half a dozen times, Bob.

And I'll tell you the thing that happened to him, I'll just give you an answer.

He says the thing about, he says, I think the book is terrible, but he says, you ought to read it for a reason.

You'll find out who in your status is firing these people up.

Who the hell is Butter?

Who do you think he's going to talk to?

Henry, I don't know.

This is Jerry.

Sapphire.

Can't you tell Sapphire to talk to him?

Yeah, I think so.

He's capable of it.

I haven't read it, but then...

The question I have in mind?

Right, what is it?

Uh...

Agent Brownsville?

Absolutely.

Inch, they just, you know, up until I have...

They have several chapters of Inch.

Who else?

So he's been talking to them a lot.

Well, Bob always has.

Even though he's part of politics, that's where Bob really needs to come in.

Then, of course, Ron Morton, and Howard Eagle, and that, uh, top guy that he had on the committee.

Allison, Allison, Jimmy Allison.

Hugh Scott.

You see, his name is in there.

Yeah.

Well, sorry.

I mean, probably the worst.

He wouldn't know any better yet.

I mean, he wouldn't do it for other, for wrong reasons.

I don't think for wrong reasons.

SEPAR isn't doing it for wrong reasons either.

And SEPAR, if you've got what we've gotten in their columns, I would say that we've gotten more good stuff than bad stuff.

Yeah, there's no doubt.

And they have bought the London Center because they are complete horrors.

You can call them and give them a story.

They run out of credit.

They don't check a thing.

Yeah.

And we've done it.

Some of the things we wanted floated, we got floated damn well through then.

Now they're zeroing in on J.F.

here.

And there's a concerted plan there, that's obvious.

Jack Anderson took the lead, Artisan Vector, whoever that.

I'm not sure he can.

See, he's firing his people and they hit the settlement.

And today.

Is yours going to help him?

It's going to help him, but I don't think they can do it.

Well, let's talk about this.

David made a point to me, which is quite interesting, which does indicate perhaps some certain

He had, uh, he had known some of the experienced activists, you know, some of them were, some of you, you tried, tried, you know, I probably should have been with you, saying that the, uh, was commenting on the, I didn't hear it a lot, but I saw that he, he made this, he made a point, which, he, he would say that he's a great, and commented upon the, uh, phase two speech, and said that the president was,

He was nervous.

And David said, no.

He said, don't let your people overlook this.

Because, he said, when you look at the effort book, they dropped in those little things, all the time about other things, and created the cardboard man.

Now, he said, and David, of course, is going to remember, and I also forgot this,

Novak and others, if you question all these things, that they used to drop this in after press conferences, you know, sometimes they'd say this about the other thing.

Now, he says, now, in our case, your people will tend to say that this is just fair comment.

I mean, after all this kind of questioning, David's point is, he says, after reading that kind of book, he thinks that this is a very deliberate discussion on the part of our enemies.

to try to do us in on a whole thing, because they don't think I was straight as a nurse, you know what I mean?

And I don't think none of our viewers thought so, apparently.

What you're doing, you've got to find it.

Sure, yes.

That's the way it is.

It's like a building block thing.

You drop it, you sell a question, and in the end, it gets fixed in the public mind.

It's like the isolation thing.

They did that for a long time, and they let it rip, and it will be a big...

Goose on that, and they play that for a long time.

It's pretty much gone now, but they do, they work at all those, any little thing like that.

I think it is a, despite it is a, this is a little sorrow, but it's a fact.

I think it's a deliberative thing where they all feed and they talk and they, I don't know if I listened to her very good, actually.

I don't know what to tell you too about it.

I have the slightest idea.

Because you can't really, the guy said, what do you have in question?

I believe that all the guy who tried to say to the crowd, I actually was trying to say, well, that's my best profession.

Yeah, but that, it was worth taking in on that.

We made a big thing out of it and conquered it.

Did you?

Well, I don't know.

This Corsair thing is, I wouldn't let them get away with it.

My point is, I think that I wouldn't let them get away with any one of these.

I just think we let them out there and watch everything.

I think that's basically what we've got to do.

And that's the kind where they're not, you know, where they're, they don't fit at all.

Like the yellow one, they're like that UPI woman who we're on, you know.

Right.

It's just on a direct challenge of inaccurate reporting.

Well, there are hundreds of operations.

And where did this emergence come from?

Because nobody, you know, 42 million people saw him on television.

That is a little...

We promised.

And we would have heard a lot of people saying that every day.

That's it.

Well.

We are right, though, that this is free policy.

And I know that.

I know where the rights go to these people.

What the hell else can you do?

The way we developed it, you can't do it on a broad scale.

You've got to pinpoint it.

You've got to do it subtly.

You've got to force it very firmly inside.

Their argument against it is, so what happens then?

Is it because we won't talk to them?

Somebody else knows.

They get the opposition line, and that never gets corrected, so they constantly carry the other side, and we never get the chance to serve these groups, but at least if we get a chance to talk to them, we can blot out some, or we can turn off some stories.

That is some merit that I have.

But in the long haul, I think you can't do it forever.

That's why, like the New York Times, we have kept them for a while.

You just do your job.

You don't do your things forever.

Except when we speak of forever.

I was going to say one thing.

The editorial board forever.

He's got to rest forever.

The president will never see the New York Times.

And I will never see the Los Angeles Times.

I don't give a damn.

People say, well, what have they been doing with the campaign in California?

I might have to pull this down for a social thing.

I might do that about you.

I might try to do that.

My inclination with them is to play it cold.

I just play it cold.

I'm never going to be very editorial.

I'm never going to do that.

Or the Washington Post.

And I go, why?

I don't think you should do any of this.

No, I'm through with it.

No, I've got stuff.

I'm through.

I can't do it.

I just can't do it anymore.

All that is done and done.

You get into that, and they want the AT editors to want you to do that, and the UPI editors want you to do that, and the Scratch Hard editors want you to do that, and so forth.

And they need to do it.

Let's not get into that at all.

If you remember that first meeting again, Ben and I sat in the back of the line trying to work out the answer to that.

So we got them, and the client, and agreed to the UPI editors, and the Scratch Hard editors.

We worked our butt off for a while.

For a while, we had to go to Harvard, go out there, and the rest.

Jesus Christ, spending all that energy for what?

Nothing.

It was nothing, really.

Well, your record is so loud and clear now that, you know, you could argue that maybe doing that as a candidate made no sense, because you needed to get, like, why does the president get on the level of the candidate?

Or have her do it?

You can say, I want the record for all these things.

So you're going to have all of that, but it wasn't going to happen, huh?

I don't think those things get very well read anyway.

People don't read them, too.

Absolutely right.

People just don't read them.

They really, for the record, they're for the

This reading could be a bonus to use to throw a black engine.

Very well.

I just wanted to, uh, handle this week.

Now, we've got the, uh, the, uh, Brian, one of our suggestionals.

He's one of us on a very important job.

As the assistant inspector.

Uh, I don't think that...

But I do think one thing, God's very big picture on the existence.

I don't believe, I think that the curse should allow him to cover the Jewish souls.

But I don't believe, Bob, that the perverts should stand there and the act of ice skating, anybody that comes through that, harass them.

And ask questions.

Because, let me tell you why we kill ourselves with that.

They never play up the ministry.

They're always playing up, you know, somebody that's against you.

And that, and also, it's just not, if I want to use the word transcendentally, it isn't, you know, for them, they stand there and they're all there and they whisper around and listen.

I think this, I think that from now on, I think the press, you're all recovered.

You can come, but you don't recover the street life.

I've always felt that way.

I don't think they should be allowed to mingle with us in any social function.

But I've got a problem with Pat.

She won't turn that one off.

Well, let's get them to stop really messing with the church.

Can you do that?

Nice.

Hey, you're taking so much.

When I do this church work, we're not looking for stories.

We're looking for the people that are there.

That's what I want to do.

I want the people to be there and take a picture of the ministry and say, hello.

On this week, we're going to ask you, Bob, we're setting out to do the press in at 11.30 tomorrow.

We aren't set, but that's the plan.

And then you go right into the bipartisan leader's meeting.

We won't call a leader's meeting until 10 tomorrow morning.

Then you go up at Local 4-3 for the hay bear tank.

And then 4-30 we have the cabin.

Now they think that's a phase 2 meeting and I think George ought to be prepared to

I have a few questions.

Yes, sir.

How do you want to handle the Russian thing?

Do you want Henry to answer your question?

Oh.

Are you going to do that?

I should.

You do?

Okay.

I'm driving up the wall.

No, I'm going to do both of these.

Okay.

And Henry's got a point, too.

You know, Robert, he wants to be over here when I meet the press.

But both he and Henry are going to sit in Henry's office when I go in.

Robert, he really shouldn't be there when I announce the Russian thing, because he didn't have a comment.

You know what I mean?

Yeah.

He's not right.

And this is mine.

And there's no use in putting a facade on it.

And, you know, the State Department's worked it out and all that crap.

And Bill is perfectly allowed to work on it.

Okay.

Then we have, really we haven't scheduled the rest of the week.

We've kind of left things loose here to see what we want to do.

One sort of swing question in that becomes whether you want to do that editorial writers thing at the last minute in Pittsburgh.

I think not.

And there apparently will be a game there that afternoon, which is either a good reason not to go or a good reason to go, depending on...

No, I don't think you want to get into an editorial rush.

I don't think you want to answer their questions.

Answer their questions on Phase 2 of the 1.3 and a half rush.

The answer is no.

You're doing the press conference.

The other argument would be you're all briefed for a press conference.

You can pick that up and go with it.

And they're all there.

Which one is this?

Is this the little guy?

This is the...

This is the group you did in Oklahoma City, the only national association, the one Royster and McKnight formed.

In fact, we had a total of 8 drivers and editors.

There would be about 500.

Added.

What day was that?

Thursday.

Anytime you want, Jesus Christ.

Anytime you want, basically, they're all.

Eric, this is their annual convention.

We'll cover them while I'm giving them coverage.

Brother will plan it.

And I invite you to fight.

Anytime you want, Jesus Christ.

Anytime you want, basically, they're all.

Eric, this is their annual convention.

We'll cover them while I'm giving them coverage.

I've got a plan.

I feel in the movie, I'll just get over the head with it, too.

Then the thing to do would be to keep the day clear.

If there's a possibility of you doing it, we ought to keep the day clear.

If there's not, we'll go ahead and stop.

I'm not inclined to go to the World Service.

Very little suggestion, here you go.

It's better if you don't go.

Especially when you're going, the Billy Graham thing is a kind of, that's sort of the, the offbeat thing for this week.

If we keep Thursday open, then we ought to schedule Wednesday.

And we've got a few, well, some odd things and some important things.

And one, you've got a film, one film thing you've got to do, which is the Griffin birthday salute, which you agreed to Griffin you would do.

Having done that, there are several other...

I don't want to go anymore, Charles.

I'm not agreeing anymore.

Jesus Christ, what is it?

Well, there's... No, no, there's several.

There's one where the NAM is doing a 30-city closed-circuit television thing in October.

When Connie Hodgson stands in front of that sign, you have none of the president.

I don't think that's where...

They'd like you to take a...

Uh, I'm just trying to think about what to do with these kids.

All right.

Oh, I'll take a radio one.

If they want a radio one, I'll read a radio one.

But I'm glad to have five of them sit there and have to tape it on television.

I'm scared they won't have a radio one.

And, uh, Chuck Percy's asked, uh,

testimonial dinner in Chicago and think, well, I don't think we should.

But I think you're stuck with Griffin.

Percy thinks if you're doing Griffin, you could be Percy at the same time and get it over with.

Then Percy hopes it's more than Griffin.

He does.

That's the point.

Which gets you into a good crew in Chicago.

Then there's a request from the State Department that you do a meeting, a message of greeting when they start satellite telecommunication service to Singapore.

No, no.

And the argument for that is the intellectual position of Lee Kuan Yew and the Singapore government's support of our position in Intelsat and the fact that you did it with Morocco.

No, I won't do it.

All right, then you could have done Intelsat anyway.

Okay.

And then another one is a request we have from television stations that are doing a series of specials on sickle cell anemia.

They want you to... No.

No.

They want you to carry cords above and then... No, I won't do it.

No, I just...

I'm not going to do it.

It'll show your interest in health and I'll buy you a population.

You're not going to do it.

Okay, we have Pat or Julie who's on me.

They can go to the kids, you know.

That's Saturday, but not me.

I shouldn't do this sort of crap.

Okay.

That's that.

On the thumbnail.

All right, fine.

We just got here.

All right.

Well, I'm not going to do any more of those telephones until they've screwed up that one before we'll pass them.

We've done a lot of telephone calls, so if you can't get a telephone to my neighbors, whatever that is, I will do it.

The Grand Commander of the Conference of English-Speaking Scholar-Shared Freemasonry Supreme Consuls in Amity

to go to their meeting here and he's asked for a courtesy call from the Grand Commander and that's to count it off and that's to call off the stuff.

No, you don't go to meetings.

The Grand Commander and a couple of his counselors would come in here to pay their respects.

Here's a sticky one.

There's 300 members of Congress who signed a petition

for the purpose of rallying support for the Republic of China to assist you in retaining the seat in the U.N., not the People's Republic of Taiwan.

And a good way of announcing, Google Congressmen want to present the petition to Zablocki, Wagner, Seitz, Jimlis, Shirley, Passman, and four other members.

We'll ask you to come in and present this petition signed by three other members as a symbolic name of the

The press comes in, they all want to see, you know, and all that stuff.

I'm sure they should come in and present it.

And they have to see the spirits and press them to do that work.

Well, all of these should be done on Wednesday and we can just run all the dots together there and get it done.

Bob, listen, I tell you,

I'm not going to do any clips or any of that sort of thing.

I'm not going to go for Republicans.

I'm not going to do those five minute things.

They're just on the radio.

And I just frankly shouldn't.

I'm afraid we're going to get stuck in this mercy prison field.

I would just say that I'm that goddamn Miller of the year for one.

Yeah.

I'll tell you what I should say.

I'm sorry we can't do TV.

We're not set up to do, put it that way, we're not set up to do TV.

But we can do, well, then that's the work we're able to do.

We just aren't set up to do it.

Technical problems that don't work out as a technical problem, that's the rest of it.

So our policy is not to do any of those, but we will do voice-over.

And no fly-out calls either.

We've got to do that.

All right.

Well, then we've got the McNamara visit, which we've got to do, and the mayor and chief of police, which we've been putting off, which we've got the good front story still here.

All right.

John, just do it.

You've got to see the mayor once in a while.

All right.

We were going to get Lou Harris in sometime.

Is there any reason not to get that done now?

Good.

Start pushing hard to get it then.

I would think it would be a good time.

Sure.

When do you think it's going to be?

Yeah, when she has it then.

Good.

Then we have a suggestion that we put off that I thought it passed but it hasn't, which is a suggestion that you make a quick visit to Fort Detrick.

for the announcement that the Army Biological Virus Labs are going to be used for cancer research, peaceful use.

It's probably a good one because it's both the Biological Warfare and the Cancer Research Program.

Have we got anything?

Have we picked our cancer man-cap?

No.

Jesus Christ.

But that'll be another story when we get it.

You know, that's, you know, it's ten months since I've done that program.

Well, let's go wait for the congressional office.

And Henry's now asking for approval for an official visit of the new Turkish Prime Minister, which would be in November.

We've been bouncing cover all along, all along.

November 15th or 16th also, they've given the suggestion that you might like to give us an excellent opportunity to espouse your philosophy on government and reform of government to the National Conference on Government of the National Municipal League.

No, no, never.

I wish you strength, Mr. President.

No, I won't do it.

No, they should do it.

I'll give you that.

and revenue sharing is kind of done.

But you did so in terms of politics.

I mean, I think it's all right in terms of .

People that are employed are only the officials.

And people don't give a shit about what we call the new America.

We don't have to talk about duty and welfare, maybe a little more.

We've got one here that I don't think we should program you on, but that's the 75th anniversary of the American Nurses Association.

Well, the program here, last minute, seems to me that's it.

I do the last minute one.

So they, I come in surprise.

That's right.

Well, Elliot Richardson, we were going to have this speaker.

That's right.

And then you just come in at the last minute.

Exactly.

I get to do about 1,500 of them.

The Washington Hilton, and then I'll follow up with Jared.

That's right.

And then I'll do the speech.

Yeah, we've got some good stuff for you to say to them.

Well, I didn't want to say it at all, but I can say it at the same time.

You've got your nursing bench.

I love it.

Norman Vincent Peale is still pushing on you doing the Salvation Army thing in New York.

You're getting the citation of merit from the Salvation Army for this year.

And they have a luncheon.

We're about 3,010 in the Grand Ballroom of the New York building.

And I want you to receive the award given to the American Outstanding Service.

And I want Kathy to do the same.

When is it?

December 8th.

When is it?

Wednesday.

The day after tomorrow morning.

We said, gentlemen, I think we should leave it at no and put someone else up to get it, and then maybe you go to the Life Senate again.

How would you like me to start over?

They all said that.

Unless it's now off, I think we should have done it.

It's still there if you want to know what I think.

We've done it because of the, you know, because of the nice clothes.

Because we've got our castles.

That's news.

That's what you decided it was a night of promises.

Yeah.

That's what you decided it was a night of

Now, we turn down President Maga Dahomey.

He was deeply disappointed that you wouldn't receive him.

He will make himself available any time through the end of the year.

He would come to the U.S. to attend the General Assembly and pay a brief courtesy call on you.

What he wants is 20 minutes.

Translation required.

Well, you know, goddamn hoes, I have to harm them.

The AFL-CIO has asked for this, as well as the State of Maryland.

Oh, the AFL-CIO.

That's it.

They've co-sponsored our Vietnam POW resolution.

They're with us on China.

consistently and unabashedly receptive to our request for support.

All right.

You can get one if I have the most of it anymore.

Just tell them, okay, this is it.

I've got this one.

I'll make more.

And this one.

Half a ton of the money.

Okay.

There's the police door.

She's been on UNESCO for two years.

She wants to start reshaping UNESCO along U.S. interest lines.

She doubts that you're interested in UNESCO.

She took the job only at your request, and she now views the meeting with the President as reassurance she's not been shunted off to a corner and forgotten.

Better to get the meeting will confirm her appears and likely to have a resignation.

Honest?

Really?

I mean, what the hell?

We gave her the damn job because she wanted one, didn't we?

Yeah.

So Christ don't mind if she's talking to me.

I don't think we know who she's talking to.

I don't know.

You know, we, you really have a problem, doesn't it?

What would you give a guy?

She's called a bastard.

Yeah.

You give them that box.

Then I think they've got to come in and report to him.

Then they've got to come in and report.

They overlook what you gave them to them.

Yeah.

What we gave them to them for...

I came to see Henry.

And then come in and shake hands.

Or some goddamn thing.

But this thing, I don't handle these things.

I don't give a shit about gas.

I'm just not going to be involved in it.

Look at all the people we've got.

You know, everybody wants to come in.

Every cab house we're in.

The branch case.

I'll get you to get back in again because he's...

Well, Frank's pretty good.

I know that.

He might do the... Well, I'm just thinking of, though, I'm thinking of comparing him to Gore and Frank.

God, forget it.

You know, he's got that.

Nobody else cares.

Well, you have Scott Monzon, you know.

Yeah.

I get a rundown on him, and he comes up for...

He completes 30 years in the service, retiring in January of 1976.

He has no firm plans at this time for the period after his retirement, other than the fact that he plans to stay in the United States and does not want to return to the Philippine Islands.

He does desire one day to live in either Southern California or Florida.

He owns a home in Oxon Hill, Maryland, and plans for his children to get a formal education.

He has expressed the desire to continue serving President Nixon.

Although he can voluntarily retire at any time, he hopes to remain in his present position as long as he can.

I think we should get word back to him that you're very happy with his service if you want him to continue in his present position.

Right.

He said, and then you see, if we could have a, if we should have, his kids, his youngest, his son is nine years old.

So he'll still be in high school when he's 76.

Well, I think, too, we might lose this election.

We might just go up to him and say, all right, here we are, give him a little bit more.

I don't know.

Do you believe that the Navy hasn't signed you as a former president?

Oh, we don't know.

Johnson doesn't know.

It's George that signed me.

I'll bet he does.

I don't know.

I'll bet he does.

If he does, then I'm sure you can get him.

I'm not proud of the Navy.

I don't know.

I'll go tell him staff support.

I don't know.

You're in touch with some staff support.

Charge it against your staff support.

Detail it to him.

Charges against the staff are very, very small.

Well, there is now.

I think they never got cranked up or started to do that.

But it's interesting.

He's an outstanding chef, a baker.

He did that for quite a while.

He's fantastic.

It's a baking thing.

Excuse me.

I'm fully qualified in all aspects of dining and service, formal and informal.

Excellent bartending, plans, set up, cocktail parties, seats, lunches, buffets, and dinners.

He said he served you great.

I just hate your taste.

Don't worry about it.

Now we're back to Pauly Hipple and what we want to do.

Did you, in your talk with him, get into anything on any mission that you might undertake for the radio and the Arctic development and all that generation?

No.

See his talk with Sansa, but I'll let you know how to see him after one of the follow-ups.

I don't know.

I can't recall it.

I could just start to lean, lean and hang around there for a minute.

I don't know.

We'll see what comes out of it.

Let me ask John to get into this for us, John.

I don't think it's worth my having another seance with him.

Oh, no, no.

The question here was one of having a, giving him a mission.

Well, but what he wants is Curly involved in the army.

He gets into the Soviets in Siberia.

And Henry has been on and off.

He was for it and against it.

What he wants to do is look at

Joint Geological and Geophysical Surveys, Fisheries Resources, Transportation Systems, Population Center, Siberia.

You originally said we could go ahead on it, then he turned it off, then we got to be honest and make that, recluded it anyway, but let's see where we are in four weeks.

Ready?

You can...

I raised the question of your Tuesday evening briefing book idea, you know, that you wanted to have it updated.

He still argues strongly against it.

He's got some pretty good arguments that, you know, you shouldn't look at it unless you're going to have a press conference because things change so fast that what they tell you one week won't.

The other thing is that they have to get a lot of work out of people to get those, and if they aren't used, they aren't going to get the cooperation.

And that's the principle.

I can tell pretty much that they're not going to have any reasonable chance.

Yeah.

That's good.

I think that's a lot of work.

Well, at this point, they won't get a quality product if it's...

It makes a lot of sense because you can bang your arms off so easily.

But this business is killing the triangle there.

It's a hell of a job to do something on film.

You know, Jesus Christ, Mark was kind of breathing in, and I'd park around in there, and stand, and do it over again, and get out of pain, and how was it?

It's worth it.

It's like the NAM thing.

I wouldn't dream of doing that thing.

It's worth it.

We've been through that.

Remember when I did that for some other group once?

I'm not going to do it again.

But if we're going to do education TV, what would be the NAM?

But we've got an all-star cast in the hell.

We've got Compton, Hudson, and all those people on there.

Better to go there than use me, though.

I'm the other star.

I think we overkill on some of those.

I don't think we don't.

You know, we got there and killed too many of them.

Yeah.

But you really think so?

Yeah.

I do.

I mean, they just... You know how much you better get all that...

Well, I think those things have some effect, but I think those people are as impressed by a couple of cabin officers as they are not as impressed as the president.

They're impressed enough that you can overdo it.

Why do you think they are impressed enough?

Yeah, for Christ's sakes, they're impressed.

Now, come on, you want some of those.

That's another one.

Use him on the side.

I don't think you can do that one.

Why not?

Yeah, yeah.

Oh, did you agree to do the reception after the Eisenhower Theater opening?

That's his next meeting.

They have a big reception.

We're not going to do that.

She said there's a few people that want to take her.

If it's a huge reception, no.

I don't see how you can.

Well, but just be sure that it's small.

Tell Mrs. Marion it's to be.

I'll meet the major contributors or whatever the hell it is.

I'm not going to do a big reception.

She'll be looking at us in our theater opening.

We're going to Mrs. Marion.

Try to work it out that way at least a little.

on the trip to North Carolina.

I've invited Donnelly in on that.

And Mrs. Connery.

Oh, that's wonderful.

We ought to take the Senators and, sure, and probably general assistant congressmen there.

Question, do you want to take the whole congressional delegation?

We could do that, make it a super non-partisan type of thing, bi-partisan type of thing.

That would mean using the lounge on the plane.

Could we, uh, could we do it without their wives?

All right, this time, not their wives.

We don't need those senators anyway.

See?

Just say we have room for Senator Johnson's wife, his wife, and I guess all the others in the Congress.

You should write them without wives.

Let's do it that way.

Wives are fantastic.

I think we'd have to do that because there's only C-13 in the navigation.

Right.

So that'd be why it's 26.

We don't have that many seats in either of the lines.

That's right.

That's good.

We've got our plane back out there.

It's still working.

I'm very anxious to see how it is without having to do the parking.

Oh, that.

They won't, maybe we will have it back.

We get it back at one point and then it goes back into that.

We won't have that until, because they have to get the stuff for it, the design deal and all that.

But they've got it.

It's all set to go.

They'll have it, I think, done just on this morning, November 12th or 20th, I'm sure.

Probably done on February 1st.

Well,

What guns come up with, and the Air Force has come up with, is to retire 970, your backup plane, back to the Air Force.

Get a new plane that we can have, if we get it approved in the next couple weeks, we can have it in four months.

We've got to get it approved right now.

We've got to get the budget details worked out and get the main on 203-973, then the bus about half mile wide and then the cruise information and then go to Russia.

Well, you've got that, plus you've got the, uh, uh, it donates a beautiful case for it.

970 is not an adequate plane.

It, it, uh, has very limited cruising, you know, range.

It has to have longer runways.

It has a lot of communications set up on it, right?

And so he makes it to redo 970 would cost almost as much as getting a new plane.

And the new plane would add a plane to the fleet.

In other words, it would give them back to the Air Force.

They could use it for rochers.

They could use it for their special missions.

And if we give you that, we could take a plane and start from scratch.

And not have to do any remodeling at all.

We can do a design interior exactly the way we want it from start to finish.

And then that would be, the new plane would become your number one plane.

And 2600, the one that you use as the number one plane now, would become your backup plane.

And then you'd really be in good shape.

Let's approve that because of these two cars that we need.

It may not be able to get it done for China, but it may be able to get it done for Russia.

Well, that's good.

Russia is a good partner, sir.

And they, don't you have it for the campaign hall, which is...

I don't have it for the campaign, it's for something else.

I have it in my handbag for the campaign.

We don't have Canada.

So we can set up an operation that will either take VIPs when you do want them, or it can be used as a working setup.

Let's set up a setup for the VIPs that you'll be happier with as far as they'll feel more comfortable.

All in all, it's interesting.

It wouldn't get the unions.

That's the big old round door.

I heard you pleasantly surprised that we are staying virtually in the same ballpark in terms of overall public support of the union.

Yeah.

It's still a little bit, it's still getting close.

People want to be worried, isn't that it?

People want to be worried.

But then they all say it, and John will say all the questions.

Well, things start getting better.

That's the other hooker in there.

What?

That's the other hooker in the defensive room.

If everything's set to get better and they go on getting better, then the policy appearance is working.

I think there's a growing suspicion that they're going to get better.

Or things are good, S-A-R-A.

That's the answer to everything.

They're gone and good.

That's the, all that bullshit, the fact that you're bad and worse, there's a bunch of crap.

It's amazing.

We did it at the time.

I was quoting Huber, saying that things are still terrible.

There's over five million unemployed.

They put an asterisk by it and put it down at the bottom.

The senator was incorrect.

Unemployed was 4.8 million.

Now, where they are, those unemployed, you know, that's it.

Huber is a candidate.

Now, there's this...

Well, we need to play that.

This is probably a good deal to get this little press thing done.

Now, if they'll ask any questions other than Russian, I don't want them to.

So we're not interested?

Yeah.

Oh, they'll ask about it.

They can get around some.

But, uh, Mr. Schultz has requested 15 minutes to set in with you to discuss the famous hill.

And it's an interesting question.

Yeah, well, I'll have to do it, uh, a little later.

I'm sort of excited about what I've heard.

I have some questions about, uh,

Five o'clock.

That's not a couple hours in.

No, I'm studying.

I want to study, but I'm studying it myself first.

I'll see you at five o'clock if that's convenient for you.

And he will be here in a minute.

We're in charge.

We're going to have a hell of a time.

There's a line in there.

It's good with us people who don't like to put ourselves in it.

Because of the power.

And the joke has got something else.

You should know if it's something that's urgent.

I'll save her earlier than that.

It's just a question of going home to her.

But it hurts me so bad.