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We're willing to send Ellsworth to Malta.

You can't meet with him until prior to your China trip.

And if it helps, Ellsworth has been there before to talk to him.

But the major point is that we still hope that they can conclude the UK mortar deal.

Yeah.

Well, there's a hell of a lot.

Who the hell's fault is it?

Well, I frankly think Minto is the son of a bitch.

Yeah.

But... You know that he's kind of just guiltless.

He's just trying to make a moral issue with a goddamn semi-arid bush.

Shit, shit.

There's no moral issue at all.

It's really funny.

And I think that the British have gotten too much on their high horse.

Uh... Yeah, they're treating them like they used to treat people.

They can't do that anymore.

Well, now, they might if they had short companies.

I don't know.

Uh, Connolly can't make it this afternoon because he's got to go to Pittsburgh.

I wonder whether we should shift it to Tuesday or Wednesday.

Sure.

We've got it set.

Yeah.

I think you'd want Connolly there.

Ah.

Good.

I'm going to go Tuesday.

We'll shift.

It's fine with me.

Any afternoons at 2 o'clock?

Well, I've got a question.

How are you?

Welcome.

Thank you for having me.

All right.

Nice to meet you.

I've never sent all this attention to you.

I'm always sitting here.

You're welcome.

Yeah, he was the only pregnant

But he made one comment to a group of people.

The Secretary General said 40 years ago you were isolationist because you were too good for the

Now your affirmation is, because we are too bad for the good for us, that tragedy is the same as the right.

You know what they say?

Beautiful sayings.

You know, it's really, there were lots of people protesting outside, and they said, you can't go outside.

There were, for a very while, some 15, I don't know, men, shouting away with their dicks, and they danced through the establishment like an artist, but they were kind.

They said, no, no, we're quiet.

I'm not an American dick.

I'm a Dutch dick.

And besides, they didn't know how to react.

You know what I mean?

Let me say, we're delighted to have you with us.

Secondly, Mr. Bivins, he is a strong man.

You know, sir, my ideas.

I do know what I ought to do.

If you want to help, all we can.

Yes, sure.

Thank you, Mr. President.

And I am very grateful for the support of the United States government and the United Nations.

It made very clear to us that you were given a testimonial that was written by the whole society, and we're about to try to see if we may have to reply.

and that is it, that not enough capital is given to future where your initiatives are weakening.

Moscow is about just imagining what our president has done so far and how the people would have reacted as it do to the United States, the country which at one moment could have just pushed every country to do anything but to have the alone possession of the atomic weapon.

And I did not know of one great country, world power, which did not at all even use for intimidation.

It was in the north of Europe, in the north of Europe.

And quite a few big people came to me and said, is it true that we had a foreigner say something about our government?

Isn't that right?

Yes.

Let me begin on our part by telling you, which I know you do not mean here, but I do.

So if you could tell your colleagues as you go around.

People say you're having mentioned the Chinese, and particularly the Soviet side.

You're aware of the fact that some are concerned that we might go there and have a sort of a date on our compromise at the expense of our allies.

Now, in every meeting that I've had, the meeting that I had with the ,, also

I have made the point that as far as our Soviet summit is concerned, to be one which under no circumstances

We have the agenda for considering subjects as MEPFR, etc.

That is, the point is that they know and we know that there are, like in arms control, we're prepared to talk about SALT.

That involves their and our capacity to be together.

We are not whatever.

there for the purpose of talking about, without consultation with our allies, about the, the, the, the balance between current threats and career threats.

That's another, take, take an example of a matter of very good interest at the present time here at the Security Conference.

Here the Security Conference is being pushed

very part of the Soviet panel, somewhat enthusiastically, in varying degrees, are very European.

Our view is not opposed.

We cannot appear to be a transition, do not in our opinion.

Yet, we are, as we told our people when he was here, we do not believe I have a conference for a conference to sit.

We believe that the appearance, the creation of an appearance of Daytona

that it could have a devastating effect if there were not some reality to back it up.

So until there is discussions, future discussions among ourselves and after, and as those move along, we all reach a conclusion that such a conference has a certainly useful purpose in terms of agenda.

We will take our time.

That's our attitude on that.

But most important is that during the American

political campaign, there will be, you'll hear quite a few voices there, taking the Mansfield Amendment approach.

Unilaterally, we ought to reduce our forces of terror.

Uh, uh, try in effect to, uh, to turn our interest to the problems of our cities and the defense of the nation and grow our tone.

That will not be my position.

And the position I take will be sustained in the Congress and in the country.

If you notice, we've increased our defense budget rather than reduced it.

So there's a few strains of outrage, but we don't mind.

On the other hand, I believe that that will be improved in terms of

On your part, what is important is that there, at a time, we have to fight the new isolationists.

It's extremely important that they get up to push.

I know many of the countries have serious political problems, as we have, that interfere, not to be.

not carrying his picture.

That's why the $1 billion increase was very important.

That is why the continuing movement in that direction is very important.

Because the way he, if you might remind you, it is not that America should do less.

But that we all should be more.

Until, unless and until we get a concrete and personal agreement for previous enforcement.

But we as yet have not seen an idea of our ethical parent out in this case proposal.

which we just support, right?

And we just study it, we just study it.

And there was the old kid running around trying to find out whether or not the only way to repeat the rule.

And there was a round course that we had sent our studies to NETO.

And our studies indicated all of the seemingly obvious proposals of symmetrical cuts, we can't NETO, we can't bond on it, we can't.

I'm very happy to be here.

I want you to be able to go back to your college and be able to sit down and talk to your president.

I'm very happy also about the consequences because there's a certain danger there.

is then now the enlarged community that will make a political arrangement and have a grouping which will attempt to, not to go it alone, but to confront the others which are in the position.

I am a rather hesitant one.

I am a great, a great champion of European unity, not a great champion of ten countries.

without any debate, the hearing being there, making some sort of political decisions outside the others, and it will put the United States of America in a difficult position.

And therefore, I think that if, you know, Mr. President,

uh, will, if they will do it now, I see, make a top working group on the problems of the European security complex.

If you could lose a chord, the chord is little to me, I think the nationwide legal problem, that will take

For the Irish Republic, for instance, the NADOs, which are very favourable to the technical people, will go along with it.

They will say, we must talk about it, but the decision will be taken with full, if any, full consultation with our great ally, the United States of America, that will encourage our message that we need to be very aware of the day of war.

And I noticed, just now, I was in Canada, and I saw that Prime Minister

to know is that we are afraid that we're going to die, that we're going to die.

The United States, being an enormous country, will always have a great say.

The Dutch in Europe will make a name for itself.

I said, no.

No, Mr. Trudeau, no.

You have to be sure that the voices of Canada will be heard as long as you show that you only have possibilities in Europe and as long as you show that you remain interested in Europe.

And I'm extremely happy, I said to him, to assure him that he's right.

The 5,000 Canadian troops is not much, I said, but the continuous presence of your military people in Europe is insanely important.

And that is that.

I can tell you that I had a long talk with President Pompidou about an hour and a half ago, just two of us, and I sensed

basically, not only for you personally, but for the United States, the French position to America and state to consider.

And I heard him say that it was absolutely essential to keep all the best of what was done to the United States of America.

He was extremely happy about the way you went to be assured and saw him.

and I even believe that he wants to come near to nature.

I'll get you exactly what I mean.

I started at Cambridge University in 1966, which a third of you have, I suppose, understanding.

Not so well, but it's your decision.

I'm not here in order to urge for a human change in your position with regard to the information and nature.

I will not express it.

It is you.

We must do it.

But the only thing I urge you, Brian, is that you take more steps to ensure that your country will be far in the water.

In other words, if you don't know where your troops will have their relations with Israel,

It is inconceivable that France will not be in war with Iraq, the United States, and the United States of America.

And I know he didn't come to the meeting with my son-in-law the day after the meeting, so he could have talked to me and he would have asked me for information and that sort of thing.

And then, when we left, we talked about all sorts of things.

There was a ghost, there was a dorm room, there was a dorm room, there was a dorm room.

Mr. Seiki, I must redeem them with great emphasis.

We cannot change our position in here.

That was too long ago for me, because you are being a bar.

My life is glorious, and I am left with it.

And by the way, Mr. Seiki, that, that, that, that, that, that, that, that, that, that, that,

And that was the best of the set of deviations that I've seen.

You can only change the consequences.

You can't say, no, there's no change at all.

There's no change.

And I don't think there's been any change.

We should please defend the government in favor that, in fact,

They are far less anti-Indian, anti-Iraq, anti-Russian, but he is afraid to regard him as a communist.

Secondly, he is religious, and that means that he is very religious.

And he is religious towards Russia, and not people.

Not people.

No, not the proof.

He was very frank.

He said, not people.

Not the proof.

He said,

We do what we said to do, but make us assured the idea is, I don't know where we are, you see, but we don't know where we are.

You see, about him, with one eye, he looks at you with the eye he controls you.

But he is dead, and most certainly, the President, the Prime Minister,

the ministers of foreign affairs, and the great, and with all that I've long taught, all very different about Germany.

About the like, what they call the of Germany.

Now, it is to my opinion, Mr. President, the only option

in which Germany has certain freedom, when people say to me, don't you, I will think about the most political ground.

I always say no, not at all, because the freedom of action of the Federal Republic is severely limited because of its military weakness.

If it were willing to spend 500% more on its military budget, we could stay, but we can't stay, because

That is completely false because the only option there

is to become a settler.

That they can only do.

Or what the French call the flimlandization of Western Germany.

They have been very, very disturbed by the fact that the Netherlands, one of the parties in the coalition, have now come out to a denuclear zone in Europe, which is a Apache plan.

So in some respects the attitude of France is encouraged, I think.

And personally, as I know these people well, I think that the relationship with NATO, within the limits of the policy of 66, will improve.

And there is no criticism at all about the policy of the United States, if I understand.

What would you fear when a group of tangenting

Just to demonstrate all the things that they will say about what do you know, I know that, but what do you fear will happen if the group of ten will, that actually has had an economic confrontation with the United States?

No, no, no, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I,

will lead to the concentration in NATO and will tend to have easy United States confronted with the point of view unless you are served as you are the new leadership.

uh, because it's very more than your mannequins, so they can't agree among themselves before they go into the NATO countries, so that the United States, the International Council, try to consult with the traditional allies, which would be under the block of ten, just where it'd be possible to do something very general.

You can work it in.

You've been using me here today, how long do you, how long do you, are you going back tomorrow night?

I think it's very important that we get a common hearing.

Absolutely.

Is there a reason not to?

I don't know.

You could set it up that I think you can.

I want you to make that my first group of candidates.

What do you say to that?

I'm very important.

I see now.

I see it as a little bit of a come up for a few moments.

Yes, definitely.

Mr. Secretary, that's a good intervention.

I can tell you, even in the EU plan, European allies decided, in the context of the sharing of the burden, to try to improve the differences, but now I don't.

As you see, to take a look at gold, et cetera, a secretariat, an independent secretariat, on defense methods.

Then I carry on with the function that the government can only serve its own people.

Even the other allies are not too happy about the fact that, because they don't deal with that sort of thing.

that we must strike a balance between what you ask for, we say, that the girls who do more, and I'll say it, tomorrow at lunch for the National Festival, I'll say it again,

and the fact to have a sort of independent, different movement.

In this respect, I may just mention how, how very bad the example of Denmark stands, not only there, there, there is a lot of plans to go to the West, and the Netherlands, and the United States, the United States, and the United States, and the United States,

And he shoots the gays under the justifying reason.

And they, they, my quarrel with the gays is not about gays, but because I told the Prime Minister, Prime Minister, you should consult.

He said, well, you need to inform them.

I said, no, Prime Minister, consult.

You are, you have, you have pledged yourself to do it.

Same consultation with NATO.

And then, now they have consented that the same day they put a law

...with a disarmament... ...with a disarmament... ...with a disarmament... ...with a disarmament... ...with a disarmament...

the exam, including vitality, and even on the levels, I feel confident that Holland will increase in America, and that they will put something like 4.2 instead of 3.7 on the gross national

income from France, which is a good thing, because the national income of France is now set at $5 billion, and with Michael, it will rise to $45-50 billion, and we now spend about $1.6 billion, and it will go up to $2 billion.

But if there are countries like Denmark, and the Socialist Party, and Holland, it's dominated by a new method.

So all that is rather disturbing, and I agree with you about what you have been saying, sir.

Would you allow me just a mention, Walter?

Sure, go along.

Don't worry about it.

First, first of all, the madness of Walter.

Although I knew, sir, I was not going to kill him.

First of all, he's like me as much as he's like Walter West.

I think he doesn't dislike you, sir.

Not as much as he does most people like him.

And yes, I was years and years afraid of him.

I can't.

I know that there are additional elements that I should grab those in my niche, but who dares to have the illusion?

And I understand the British, but the British are not 15, 18, and 15.

Now, none of our fellows, as I said yesterday, would like to be invited by you, Mr. President.

You must have heard what I said.

And maybe it is your decision, but may I perhaps suggest, if you do so, that it would be better if you do it after the conclusion of this course.

Because having in here only two great talents, and a baby, and may I also perhaps say that

uh when you take a decision or move that uh you might advance informed of the things they are well i let me say i think we're i think that's our policy throughout yeah

I may say there is one thing which you might perhaps consider.

Mentor gave me

The following thing, he is willing to accept the financial terms if he gets the tangible proof of the interest of the alliance in the economic and technical assistance.

Now the alliance is willing to give about 7,300,000 pounds in loans, soft loans and technical assistance.

And in that context, I think that the cemento would be paying off if you saw an economic vision for the United States.

And I just do one question.

That, I think, would be not a bad thing, because it doesn't engage you to anything if you don't engage that it might.

So in that, my personal feeling is that it might be a good thing.

We can check it.

Yeah.

You go ahead.

No, no, no, no.

I have to.

I want to be sure I understand what your view is about the term.

Do you believe that there is a link to colonization or is there not?

Well, it is.

Let me put it this way.

I have a high degree of evidence that I, at the moment, am small, but regardless, sir, sir, sir, that they do not quite legalize what they want to do.

will lead to what should lead to all the practices in which the German people are covered.

But my own idea would be as follows, that the Germans would know that if they would adopt, which they don't need to, a plan for the denuclearization of the central sector, that that would pose such a big problem to the United States.

To France, too, because France is developing its tactical methods and will do them in Germany without asking the Germans about it.

And the military will do them in the army, and it will give a sense of insecurity to the neighbors of Germany.

And I think that the Germans won't do it.

And you know that as well as I do.

I don't think they will do it.

without knowing what the need is.

Only the Dutch have been had, it is, in 1973, speaking here of the arrival in India,

The Soviets already had a considerable veto of the German policy that year because France cannot possibly afford to quarrel with the Soviets in Russia in prior to this election.

So much of this policy depends on it.

If these tendencies accelerate, if the left wing of this party gets stronger, if the FBI becomes more neutral,

Because that is what I get down to.

What should all of us do that we're not doing?

My turn.

You do.

Everything at this moment is only a tendency which is very ill and for which we should be aware.

And there is the Germans.

The German government doesn't need reassuring, but it is the only option in which they have a certain freedom of action.

They have freedom of action.

Now, the goals of your army are different.

That's why they have a certain freedom of action.

But it gives you, practically, freedom on that policy.

But they have one option, where it doesn't play the discreet, the sociopathic, own intention.

They don't, they don't feel.

And certain of the ideas, Markov and I, I may perhaps over-stress this, it is for the moment only faint sign that they fail to fade away, whether they do or where.

I have died in vain with Dr. Kissinger.

That is 73.

The German government must be extremely careful what it does for the Jewish.

very, very careful.

If they want to be elected, the politicians usually want to be elected.

And they are.

Mr. Trump wants to be elected.

So, you know, he will.

I don't know what this call we have is.

I don't know how they are.

And I think we should be aware of this.

That's all for the moment, sir.

Because I think the American government's policy

First of all, I have to thank you on the name of the Alliance for your very, very laudable and very encouraging stand on the troops in Germany, which is just what the Dr. Holger Wittemis is.

And secondly, Mr. President, the interest of the United States, especially in the political sense that you consult with your allies, as you have now explained to me, is

Excellent, too, in the Ballistic sphere, and there, as I may say, in the FDFR, I am very, very reluctant.

Because most, sorry, yes, yes, very, very, very, very,

to have NATO support concrete detailed studies and not go off on sentimental and so forth.

That's right.

That's the problem.

That's why we're here today.

We're not going to talk in a Senate about, that's the trouble with your security conference.

It's cosmetics.

And the French are not so keen on having a city.

Well, it will not be there.

And even Fulham was far less insistent on it.

And there is a current conference by whom a lot of far-given decisions are well prepared, and so

What's required of the Germans, if I get back to that again, is I see a plan.

There's really no analogy to recall all these other periods.

The Germans.

Well, who makes the Moscow, etc., etc.?

Because the Germans do not have the option they used to have.

They do not have the option because they're too weak.

The Germans need something to hold them to have an option.

is to be part of a powerful alliance, and also an alliance in which the United States, a great number of your power is also involved in, and the United States has a commitment.

It determines

cut that cord, or lead in that cord, and they're sitting down for their Russian friends.

They must understand that the Germans themselves have got to understand that their position with the Russians

rather than be endangered by their ties to NATO and the U.S. Actually, their army position with the Russians, I would think, would be

increased because the russians otherwise the terms are out there

that they would prefer or couldn't be lured into a situation where, in the Finlandization history, they managed to drive into a mess all the time, and just giving their politics suddenly to Moscow.

and then they have to bear the constant to the point of going and looking at all the politics.

And of course, there is the problem of East Germany and there is this and there is this and there aren't Germans.

And we have to feel much that it gets down to the structure and the kind of what we do.

As you say, not really sure about where we lay against that.

It's really tender luck and care, though, isn't it?

It's just maturity.

to be aware of it, and if the Germans see that at a certain moment the powerful support of the United States might be

might not be the same, that might put them to think that one day they are going to get an amazing mountain bike dancing in the air with Russia.

It is also, and you might perhaps agree with me, that there are strong Germans who think that they can break us.

They think by being kind for two or three years we will have a cosmos whereby these Germans will become in a sort of civilization and then we take them all out.

It's a mute.

Utterly.

It's a mute.

But it is, and I might be overstating the case, but you always do when you have to say something.

You were being quite basically subtle, but I see you're trying.

That is a reassuring challenge.

There are a lot of problems.

It's all right.

I'm so sorry.

Basically, the Germans have to understand

that they really have no option, if no option, unless they have strength.

And if they do not have, unless they want to increase their own defense play by 500%, their strength exists only because of, of your business, our neighbors.

That is the point.

It's a very good point.

It is something that I think is sensible here.

And I'm not sure.

Uh, I'll take it back, but I, I, I, I, I think that that's not a strange dance.

Sure, I mean, it's very, it's very, you know, it's very helpful, you know, to all that, to you.

You, you, right through the last time, he's gone, you know.

Yeah, he's gone.

I don't know if he's got the, you know, if he's, if he's got something in him, you know.

Yes, we, uh, uh, the, the, the, like, you know.

Well, you can't leave the impression we're just there and they do anything they want.

I say, I say, I don't, I don't doubt in this way.

I say, not Billy or Mr. Chancellor, I need to know Mr. Chancellor, I say, may I, may I whisper full-time that I'm willing to do what I say.

But anyhow, I said, I do not belong to those who question your policy, because the present situation cannot be compared to our outlook.

At that moment, Germany was weak.

We had no friends.

And Russia was in the state of complete turmoil.

No hunger, no army.

The White Army still wanted to kill him.

And we were talking on the same level, weak.

There's only one, one sector of the production that's still inferior to you, and that they want from you.

That is the tetra-electrical sector.

They want immense assistance, because they devote 80% of all their country to the armed forces.

And they want to develop an enormous power in the United States.

And they want it from you.

They want it from us.

They want it from West Virginia.

That is their aim in the conference.

They want to weaken.

The alliance, to break the alliance, that's not how it works.

Europe and technical system, that's the only thing.

And furthermore, I said, Mr.

Counselor, I put to you that you are very well aware that you're free from everything because of your strong alliance with the United States of America.

They see behind you, they see the ego of the United States of America, and therefore you may hear it, but hear it.

As I warned you as it now, you've got an overpriced.

It is wonderful that you will be tempted to go on for one, for one, three centuries to the other.

I know you are aware of that.

You are.

Rightly, I say, mister.

There are recent agreements on the monetary field and the economic field that clearly are considered.

You may have secured that NATO, which is interested because of the repercussions of the recession, the result in the cohesion of the Alliance and in the will to spend money,

We will continue to follow him to the beyond multiple.

That is to get, that is to care for that, that is always to be, that's what they do, but we, we, we lean forward and if we have to, we will do that.

On that story, you know, we're accepting Kennedy over as our ambassador.

He is a member of our support, and you know, he is the treasurer, so you can talk with him.

I would appreciate your passing on to him.

I know that the investments

of NATO last week, Tuesday, got a report from the ambassador here in Washington to the effect that the new ambassador might spend half his time in Washington.

Is there any sense of truth in that?

There would not be.

I hope not.

That's only what I'm saying.

You could not have done the same, man, than Josephus.

When we understand his grace, he is in love, and he is extremely effective.

And there's a person who has worked on this, uh, has worked on this problem.

Tell him not to be concerned.

The main point is, my understanding is, you must stop.

And, uh, I have another question for you.

And this is something that usually we will only discuss between the two of us.

It seems to me that after the

that the need for consultation and the rest is so important here.

I don't think it should be in a large group, but why don't we have Secretary O'Connor come over after our panelist and have a little talk.

And also she should come over before the rest of us.

In other words, I think basically it's something that he and I, and if you don't talk to me, it might be better to talk to Henry.

Just so you keep it.

I would be happy.

I mean, they do that.

You talk in conference with him.

But I think it's very important that you do not have the feeling that we're now creating a nightmare.

And I'd like to say that you didn't be free with that relationship with us when you stopped.

So you worked that out after.

Maybe you and me will be over there.

Maybe I've done the legal analysis that I called a different impression that the president wouldn't inform the neighbors.

Secretary General, in one way or another, all that is a matter of questions.

And then we can't ever talk to them about it.

It is our intention.

We have informed the three major countries, and also the Dutch, because they were seated.

But we want to keep them informed that that is our plan, and that we will do so.

I'll say something.

I think that's excellent.

And I think the best way to go about it, the idea of going over and forming an old council is not good, because there are too many people.

I think the best way to do it is to talk to the .

.

. .

I was in Hong Kong, about 10 days ago.

I saw the people there.

But I think it is, it is splendidly cast together.

Yes, but it is splendidly, and you have no idea of the dismay in the left-wing groupies in Europe.

Oh, they feel that too.

They are furious against one and against two.

Against one and against two.

And my son was doing post-habit study in Stanford.

And my son said, he said to me, the left-wing students are completely out in the city.

Martin Luther King had to take us, the left-wing people, as well.

And my son said, I'm delighted that the Boston faculty, excuse the word, the faculty of the professor, had to finally get out.

So they come, the different professors who sit there, they're coming in, their students storm the computer center, which costs $25 million, I think, and they start the whole thing because it stands for the establishment and for the demotivating that the state is worried about.

They're coming in, but he heard, and then the faculty sit down in hand.

with 94% of the professionals in our people.

And it was at once connected in teams.

It seemed that there was no place for him in Stanford.

That's exactly what it is.

I must say that this movement is a big thing.

you feel so well at least it's cooler but we have to remember the great left-right struggle has been going on for centuries the left is not always wrong the right is not always right but on the other hand at this particular point in history

We believe that our policy is pretty close to being the right thing to do.

We try to create a real case.

not a sentimental, gooey kind of piece, but just the evaporates the moment strong wind comes along, but a piece based on pragmatic considerations there.

And we go to try to do this to be sure that there's not going to be any second child at the barrio.

They, they, they, we have great differences, and we'll discuss them.

And if I find something to agree, we go to Russia for the same thing.

Occasionally, I handle that.

If it's a new thing, there's a lot of people who support the Russia.

They're pro-justice.

You know, if you don't leave my back, they're bad.

You know, I'm not here to say to the president how it's going.

All of our critics were saying, you've got a pro-Russian group in the United States, you've got a pro-Chinese group in the United States.

The pro-Russian group is much more influential in our State Department than the pro-Chinese group.

But the pro-Russian group out here in the United States are not going to accept the bureaucracy.

I'm not sure what the top people are.

They're all going to cry and they're going to hear Marty and George

saying, oh, God, this is terrible.

This is trying to destroy all the line carters who came to Russia.

We announced the Russian summit.

And then they all showed up.

That's the behavior of any other people who were left or less than that.

Did you see the nuclear program in New York?

Two intellectuals.