On March 11, 1973, President Richard M. Nixon and Charles W. Colson talked on the telephone from 4:19 pm to 4:51 pm. The White House Telephone taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 037-093 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
Mr. President, Mr. Colson is calling in and wants to know if you still would like to talk with him.
All right, fine.
Thank you.
You are.
Hello?
Yes, sir, Mr. President.
Well, how'd you get along?
Well, I got a report from Alderman.
He said that you came back pro-Semitic.
Well, no, it changed my attitude not at all to its domestic variety.
I know, I know.
They're quite a people, aren't they?
They really are.
They, of course, they...
They're disciplined and strong and really, really very, very, very outstanding.
Well, they've got a nationalistic spirit that I envy.
I just wish we were as strong as they did.
And they're very, very firm in their anti-communist feelings.
Bet your life.
And they're just going to fight like hell to preserve their country.
Right.
I put my money on them.
Boy, they're well-disciplined people.
I must say, Mr. President, that it would be a great thing for any American to go and talk to people either in Israel or anywhere in Europe.
Europe, your stature among people abroad is just extraordinary.
Communists?
Yeah, particularly there, I think.
The Romanians?
Just among, of course, all that we were exposed to were the leaders.
We didn't really... Yeah, well, that's all you could ever see.
People in the street pray well.
But, you know, I took some of your little pens with your signature on them.
And that just...
They'd fight over it.
But it was... And, of course, in Israel, I think what we read in the campaign is absolutely so, that you're the most popular man in the country.
They... My God, they just are so strong.
I can see why a lot of the American Jews came back and were in our corner.
But it was a great trip.
I appreciated the opportunity to see places I hadn't seen and do things I hadn't done.
It was a good change for me.
Well, it's a good thing to get out after all that, and you get back here, and you've got to get away from all that.
Segretti and Watergate and all that stuff, and you find that the people in the country are thinking about, and the world are thinking about different things, aren't they?
They certainly are.
Very different.
Well, three and a half years of being inside, which it had been for me, and not having traveled at all, it was damn good because you just do get a different perspective.
Right, right.
Although you miss being in the middle of things, too.
But there's nothing quite like travel, I must say.
That's it.
That's right.
the best education there is you come back feeling that much stronger about your own country when you when you see how other people do live i must say president ceausescu has got this enormous regard for you my lord tremendous admiration he he invited not asked to see him but he invited me in he did i know i know that's good though he's feels that you know which is true that he we talked before i was elected in 67 he saw me then and
I've had him here, and he's gratefully, you know, it builds him up, too.
Oh, sure.
He asked me to go.
It was interesting.
He asked me to go on television.
When I came out of it, he's quite a politician.
You know, he goes to, if there's a natural disaster, he goes to it.
And he likes to build his own political base with the people.
I mean, he doesn't just rely on the power of the communist system.
And asked me to go on television when we finished our meeting.
Is that right?
So it's kind of interesting.
He's tying himself on the Yurko tail.
It was kind of like one of our senator congressional races.
But it was a very good trip.
And as I told Bob, you do get a completely different feeling when you come back and see the jackassery that he's engaged in in this town.
My God almighty, the first day back, and there's the Washington Post big picture of Comeback and Chapin.
you know, as if that really had any consequence.
And yet that's all that... Well, that's all they're interested in, but they'll write for a while, and... Well, you're telling us on the issues that are important, Mr. President.
I'm convinced...
If you have the country... Well, we'll get, of course, they're going to have a field.
They're building up the scurf and like to build up poor old Ralph Flander.
Remember that?
Yes, sir.
And they're doing the same thing so that he'll have his day.
And it'll be two or three months of crap, and we'll survive it, though.
Oh, hell yes.
I really think whatever damage has been done by that issue has been done.
I think you can...
I really think they can overplay it, as a matter of fact.
They may just go too far with it.
Well, they're going to push everything from executive privilege to probably...
If they push it to the contempt line with a dean or something, why, we'll just let it go to the court.
Sure.
Fight it like hell.
I think the gray thing has a silver lining.
If that court ever turns that way, why...
I can't believe they would because they can't.
But it wouldn't rule on that, Mr. President.
I don't believe it.
I don't think they could.
Well, particularly if there's a double privilege with him.
You see, he's both the counsel and the other.
Well, how the hell are you going to have him go testify?
Now, Dean, I think, is unassailable.
I think the one that would make a stronger case for them would be...
Holden and Ehrlichman or me or Chapin or someone like that.
That's right.
Well, perhaps Chapin at the top or tougher, but Chapin would be the easiest.
Yeah, that would be the easiest one to get to.
But he had guys to talk to about it anyway.
But the basic question is it's still a political issue.
Very deeply rooted in our system, separation of powers.
And I would, particularly in this court... Well, they hide the...
From a public standpoint, they don't understand that, but from a public standpoint, we've got to play it in a way it doesn't appear like any cover-up, which it isn't.
We're willing to make statements and all that sort of thing, but we're not going to go down and have testimony.
Well, Gray has helped us enormously in that regard.
I think, you know, I read in Europe, of course, the dispatches and the wires and the Paris Herald Tribune, and I thought Gray was making a complete ass of himself.
I got back, and...
I still don't think he's handled it very well, but I think there's a great virtue in what's happened with Gray, because what now can be said is, look, my God, there's nothing left.
We're not hiding behind anything with executive privilege.
That's a very important principle for the president to be able to have his own advisors, as judges do, as congressmen and senators do.
Because we've made everything public.
We've made volumes of FBI files, and unprecedented.
That's never been the case.
Yeah, raw files, incidentally.
That's bad, though.
The fact that we've done it, my God, the American Civil War is right for once.
The raw file should never be, because that's just gossip hearsay.
It's unbelievable.
Well, of course.
But anyway, it's done now.
Well, I think, as I say, I think Gray made a hell of a mistake in the long term.
The utility of the FBI has been damaged.
I know damn well.
I told them, you know, I just candidly answered questions.
I'd think twice.
If you thought it was going to the Hill, that's quite a different proposition.
Sure.
If you thought you were going to be tested, you're making it for the Hill.
That's right.
Yes, because if I'm talking about the inner workings of the White House, I think I can talk in utter confidence to the FBI.
You would think twice.
But nonetheless, it does have the virtue...
Mr. President, of putting you in the position where we can say now, well, my God, we did this unprecedented action of making the FBI data available.
And it just isn't anything else.
And the only thing else that would be left would be a TV spectacular fishing expedition, political in nature, and that we're not going to permit.
That's right.
I think I can help on the outside.
I've talked to Dean about building some of this back pressure.
Well, it seems to me, I read this piece in the Post this morning about ridiculous pieces about some kid that they'd hired to, you know, to go out with demonstrators.
And, well, they were people, they were pretty, they called it peace groups.
Gosh, they were doing more than that.
They were...
pretty violent and I just wondered what in the name of God has happened to all the material that we were supposed to collect it on the everything from the convention which was violent to the San Francisco to Los Angeles to
the liberty thing and so forth and so on, you know?
That's the kind of stuff that has really got to be gotten out some way because we know that came directly from their headquarters.
We know it.
And we just don't get a word out on that.
See, Mr. President, that's the devil's hand of the post.
I don't know if you read the Star today also, but you saw that piece on Hartke in the Star where he's been using political money for personal, really for personal use in the sense that he's been
Not surprising.
Not a bit surprising.
Yeah.
Yeah.
who's paid $100 a week during the campaign, and they make a major story out of it.
That's right, which he should have been doing.
I mean, after all, if we weren't trying to put people with the demonstrators, we'd be damn fools.
Exactly.
Well, Dean has a wealth of research that he's put together.
I've told him that I'm going to go to work on it.
You've got to do a lot of this on the outside, basically.
It shouldn't come from the White House.
That's the problem.
Well, on this sensitive issue of the Watergate investigation,
Anything the White House does, it's going to be caught, and it's got to be done on the outside.
I simply have to work as, well, I can do both.
I can do a little bit on the public side myself.
Sure, sure, no problem with that.
Dan Bradley's agreed to debate me before the national press.
He's out of his mind.
If he doesn't back, he may back out.
I'm sorry.
Have a debate.
I will do it.
Oh, hell, he says... You've got...
But you can be well-prepared and very moderate and all that sort of thing and just say, well, that's the fact.
He's a very weak guy.
I'm amazed that he put himself in that position.
How did that come about?
He, the press club, asked the two of you?
The head of the press club is a very close friend of mine.
Larrabee.
Larrabee, president of it.
And he kind of took this up and
and I told him, sure, and then told Bradley that he didn't think he could get me, but would Bradley be willing?
He conned Bradley into it largely.
His daughter works for the National Committee, and he's solidly our man.
I know.
That's very, very well.
You know, it's interesting, the mileage we get out of a radio talk, particularly.
You see that stuff on the capital punishment?
Of course, it's a major issue, but
Cline East had already said this, but I rewrote the whole crime speech.
The damn thing was one of those things where we just...
went through a namby-pamby, you know, we recited the statistics and spent two or three pages on how much Jaffe's office is doing to rehabilitate, and I said to hell with it.
Basically, it's a damn good speech.
It's hard-line, strong, and, you know, the mandatory sentences for the rest.
Now, most criminologists will agree with both of these approaches, but by God,
You can't have Rogers.
I've got Rogers on my side.
He called for the execution of those people that killed that ambassador, another poor fellow.
I said, Bill, we can't ask for them to execute somebody, and we put Saran Saran in jail.
That's right.
And the country's for it, too.
Oh, my God.
Today, it's more than they were, because they've been shocked by some of these things.
That's right.
That's right.
Absolutely.
The skyjacking and the stennis thing, I think, had one hell of an effect.
As Simlinger told us, that was very much in people's minds.
Now, you delivered that speech with a great deal of feeling.
I listened to it yesterday.
I thought it was damn good.
And I love the couple of cracks you took at the judges.
I'll just...
And that's kind of a phrase that I had to write in.
Not judges, but just probation officers, too.
Soft-headed judges and probation officers.
Now, that's the thing to hit them with.
Well, that's something that everybody who hears that, Mr. President, immediately, I mean, they identify with it.
If you get into a sophisticated discussion of...
rehabilitation programs, people go to sleep.
But you talk about soft-headed judges and probation officers, and people say, God damn it, that's right.
Well, they've all read these stories about the second offenders that the probation officers, or rather than the judge, turned somebody loose after a couple years, and he's out there doing it again.
And they say, well, now, why did they allow that?
And I believe in it.
I'm totally for compassion and the rest, and if a guy has good behavior and the rest, but when they
But at the present time, they've gone hog wild on that, really hog wild.
I think they have.
And I think it's kind of ironic that it ran, that you gave the speech yesterday, and it ran today in the papers so well, right against the story of how some of the judges are being soft on returning draft touches, which I just think is kind of, I love it, because what that does is make people think again over the amnesty issue.
And it keeps that issue very much in the forefront.
And I noticed I could hit it well while I was counting.
Well, it's the amnesty issue.
Some of our POWs, a few of them, are indicating that they're willing to have it, which is good for them to do.
I mean, that's decent.
But on the other hand, most of them are saying, hell no.
And as far as the people are concerned, they see these guys and they say, uh-uh.
Have those prisoners had an impact?
i don't i think they've had a great impact and now whatever the others do you know the the networks and are just and the press are scurrying around they're trying to find you know out of the 200 that are out they've only found about five that have taken any other line any other line and they've they've had a hell of a time finding them well the other the other point is even if they find them now they'll never sell it to the american people because the american people saw that great banner that uh i showed you the day i was leaving
God bless America and Nixon.
The hand-painted sign.
And then the fellow who came back in the second wave, which... Kessler.
Kessler.
He was great.
Praising the people who stood behind the president.
Oh, my God.
And also, they're all saying, as you note,
uh virtually all are saying that the peace protesters prolong the war yeah exactly but you know what that does to uh the mcgovern's and all these people you know and the rest and a pretty good indication of that is the way that the uh uh that uh and i as i predict would happen the way that uh mcgovern finally got some sense and moved uh to to a more more uh
a moderate line in his criterion speech.
I'm glad he did, because we don't want him to go down too far.
We've got to keep him very alive.
Extremely important to keep him built up.
I watched that Ogronsky show last night at Christie.
I watched that.
I still do.
Oh, sure, you have to.
You've got to know what they're thinking.
I hate it.
I just get so mad.
I watched them last night, and they were pissing and moaning about the Watergate.
But then Mark Childs, who isn't often on it, said something very interesting.
He said, of course, it's very unlikely that in her lifetime now we will see a Democratic president elected.
And he went on, because the majority thought, I mean, you have captured the, he didn't give you this much credit.
He did it backwards.
He said that the majority had sort of taken this tack that they're on right now that
There was the stupid sort of racist...
They don't know anybody.
Yeah, that's just too bad.
But they are the majority.
But it's the majority, so it doesn't matter who the Democrats decide to nominate.
Well, the significance of that is what he's really saying is that so long as the Democratic Party is in the hands of the McGovernites...
It can't win.
There's no way that Strauss can get it out of their hands because basically the best indication of that is what's happening in the House Democratic Caucus.
They've changed the rules.
Oh, it's awful.
They've destroyed the open rule.
They've destroyed the seniority system and everything else.
which is a terrible thing in the long run, but in terms of the short run, this is bound to continue to split the Democratic Party right in the grind.
Exactly right.
Right down the heart.
And as Bud Brown pointed out, I read one of his press conference reports while I was in Europe, and he was pointing out the number of Southern Democrats who were in districts that you carried.
who are over 65.
Those fellows are a lot of my friends, of course.
That's right, but we've got to go after every one of them.
Now.
They either have to come over.
That's right.
Or they're going to go down.
We're not going to give any of them a free ride this time.
The move to the country, that Alaska election, I thought was terribly significant.
Are you ready?
Yes, sir.
Because that fellow, he's not a particularly charismatic guy.
I met him.
I know him.
You know, he's not as strong.
Of course, there are not many charismatic people from Alaska.
No, but the point is that he ran on your coattails.
All the way.
He sent me a wire.
Just a solid Nixon.
And the other fellow ran film clips of Ted Kennedy supporting him.
You had a little, you know, Alaska is a swing state, Alaskacan.
That's right.
It's always close.
It's always close.
But this fellow won.
I haven't seen the final figures, but it was a pretty good margin at the point I read it.
Yeah, it was about 53-47, which is very good in Alaska.
But I was so glad he won.
It was an off year.
Well, I have something in my mind.
It goes back to 1957.
It was an off year.
The first election was in a similar district, which had gone back and forth.
And the Democrats won it, it seems to me, after the 56th.
Yeah, landslide.
Landslide of Eisenhower's and yours.
I'm trying to remember who it was, but I was going to check that.
Yeah, there was one.
There was one, and I remember it depressed me because it was just sort of made you wonder.
Made you wonder.
Yeah, but you see, what I think has happened, I think you have, and of course the polls show it, my God, you have solidified support.
after the election and i think our major domestic problem of course is going to be food prices they're not a damn thing we can do about i'm going to do some things in terms of the pr on it but nothing we can do about
having them moderate until about July they'll begin to come down, but I think we can ride that through, but it's a terrible problem.
You can't freeze them, no way.
I've worked it out, and there's just no way that if we freeze them now, it'll take care of it now, but the damn prices will be up in 1974, and that's worse.
Yeah, that would be worse.
Much worse.
You can't.
The idea of just doing it now just won't work.
You see, we've got to look.
What I want them to be better is in 74.
You would not want this issue...
cutting right now if this were an election year, because this would hurt.
It's a damn shame, in a sense, that it's the only cloud on the horizon.
We've got to have some, though.
Everything can't be good.
I've never known any of them.
When more things were cut, though, Mr. President, they really are.
I mean, you are so right on this issue with the Congress of
Not spending per se, but taxes against the government.
Well, they're making perhaps some headway on the compassion issue, but I don't know.
I don't think so.
We can't do a damn thing about it.
Well, I say I don't think so.
I saw that Evans & Novak poll on Friday, which you undoubtedly saw, a very interesting poll taken in St. Louis, which shows that the people are with you completely on this issue.
On the spending side, if you put it that way, see, Harris had a poll while you were gone which put the wrong question.
He said, do you favor aid to Head Start or do you favor a cut of that?
Well, if you ask anybody, do you favor more billions for education or do you favor more billions for the poor, they'll say yes by a factor of 70 to 30.
If, on the other hand, are you willing to pay more taxes for education, are you willing to pay more taxes for the poor, more taxes for urban renewal, they'll say no by 70 or 30, see?
And that's the way we have to frame the issue.
And I've been framing it that way all the time.
I think if there's a controversy in this area, it doesn't bother me.
As I told Bob, I hope there's a good bit of controversy, because that's the way you're going to keep that issue before the public.
And they
They have reached a point where they are, just as we've talked before, 10 years ago, you couldn't challenge Medicare or aid to education.
You'd be murdered in the Northeast.
You'd be murdered in any big industrial state today.
That's where you get your predominance of the Peter Brennan type of guy who just doesn't want that program.
How's your law firm coming?
You got it set up yet or just starting?
The reason that I didn't get your call this afternoon, I was in the process of moving boxes.
We're temporarily in the federal bar building.
Next month we move into the building just a half a block.
They couldn't ever already know?
Unfortunately.
It's a brand-new building.
It's the American Institute of Architects.
It's a lovely... You're just going to hang out the... Well, that's all right.
I'm in the old law firm space, which I don't like being, because I wanted to go in and have it mine right from the start, but we're doing fine.
How many lawyers are you finding?
Twenty lawyers now.
How many will you make partners?
About half of that are
But with very different percentages, I presume.
Yes.
Actually, we need more young fellows.
You mean to make the associates that work for salaries.
That's right.
That's what we need more of.
You make your money off of that.
That's right.
Selling their time.
That's right.
Work the hell out of it.
But I'm very impressed with these fellows.
A couple of them are lifelong Democrats.
Good.
They're solidly, well, they've never been political.
We don't care whether they're for us or not.
They will be now.
They've got a very large investment in me, therefore, and they're going to work like hell for us.
This fellow Shapiro's very, very close to Bob Strauss, I find, on a personal basis, so that's not bad to have that.
That's right.
But, Andre, if you need it on a few things, the rest of the firm I've been shaping, I've taken Henry Cashin with me and
He's good.
He's not much of a working lawyer, but a great... Great front man.
Yeah, great front man.
Great business getter.
And then we've got a couple of young bright fellows that were in the Commerce Department.
That's good.
Very sharp, very good lawyers.
One who worked, I think, as a kind of... said he knew you before you were president.
He worked in your firm in New York.
Fred Lowther is his name.
Very bright.
Yes, very good.
He was a...
Any of those guys that you get out of one of those firms is bound to be good because they just put them through hell.
Well, I think they've done a pretty good job of putting a crew together.
The thing I'm worried about is I don't want to get too immersed in individual client matters because I want to keep time to do the things that I'll have to do.
Well, you can do both, though.
You can do both.
You could just...
You'll have to spend the time.
I mean, these clients don't want to just come in and see the boys.
You've got to touch them up.
That's the problem, is being able to keep them happy and still.
I'd really like to keep half my time free if I can do it.
Oh, you can do that, I'm sure.
There are things I want to do.
Among other things, I still want to put a combine together to take that goddamn Washington Post.
Do you really think there's a chance?
Oh, I have the form there, Mr. President.
I talked to Walter Annenberg because we stayed with the Annenbergs.
wanted to kill him.
I just...
Does he think there's a chance?
Oh, yeah.
I explained the system, the way to him, and he got very interested.
Of course, he hates him because they did him in.
Just despises him.
You know, Kay Graham used to be a friend of his.
I know.
And when she turned on him,
Do you think he could get interested?
Well, I try.
If he would just do that rather than go out and buy pictures, God, that would be great.
It would be fantastic.
He can influence the course of the world, not just America, but the world more than anything else by owning that paper.
In other words, the Washington Post is the most influential paper in America today.
In Washington, in America, and therefore in the world.
And therefore in the world.
No, no, it really is.
It really is.
Oh, hell, and... Because it's the one that everybody in Washington reads.
They've got nothing else to read.
I hate to say it, but all through Europe, that goddamn Paris Herald's abuse...
I know, powerful.
...is powerful as the dickens.
I'm sure it isn't a moneymaker.
Oh, no, no, no, they only do it for the other purpose.
But the influence of it, the impact of it.
Boy, Walter, I would just see that.
I just don't...
If I were a wealthy man...
You know, I'd take $100 million.
Is that what it takes?
Oh, that's only if one way fails, and you end up having to buy your way in.
I think you could... Shapiro and I are convinced that... We've studied the cases.
We're convinced that we could destroy her on the grounds that she has created a privileged class of stock, which she won't sell.
What would you do?
Buy some stock and then sue?
Yes.
Well, you'd buy some stock, you'd make an offer for the assets...
at something above their market value, which we've now dropped by 25% because of the things that are happening.
And then you would go in and say she would refuse it, of course.
She would not sell the assets at something above the market value to the shareholders.
So you would go to the shareholders and you'd say, well, your stock is worth $28.
We've just offered you the equivalent of $40, and she won't accept it.
And then there's a whole line of cases on this where you either compel her to sell or that she has to then pay the stockholders.
I mean, there's all sorts of remedies.
It cost her a lot of money.
Oh, God.
Well, I don't think she could stand it.
I think it would flick her because I think we could get her thrown off the American exchange, which would further drop the stock.
I mean, there's a lot of... You just need one fellow with a line of credit that's enough to back you up if you... Not for litigation, but for the...
In the event she would have said yes, then you would have to go in with $100 million.
I had Scaife.
Well, that's a weak read.
Anybody that's quite that irrational, I think, is a weak read.
Well, it's the bottle with Dick.
That's what I mean.
Yeah, he just goes off.
The irrationality is not due to any basic thing, but anybody that hits it that much, you cannot deal with on a confidential basis.
I know that.
I just know it.
So you just can't do it.
No, and it...
He gets all excited about it, and then he goes off on one of his two-week trips, and he's gone.
And his people can't do a thing, so it's... Well, Walter would be the guy if he don't need to work.
Well, he might be.
He got so damn interested that he and I set up into the wee hours of the night talking about it.
Great.
He comes back frequently, so I'm going to stay with it.
I just mentioned that, but there's one thing that I...
God, I'm going to figure a way to do it because that damn newspaper... Is there anybody else besides Walter?
Oh, God, there's bound to be.
There's all sorts of... Well, I can put a combine together.
You ought to get together with... Just ask Maury who some of the people are.
He must know.
He knows everybody.
He knows all of the big ones and see whether... Maury might be...
I didn't know they were talking to Maury about that.
I would.
I'd say, look, who's interested in doing this?
Let's go.
I think it may be a comeback.
We could put a group together.
I think it would be a hell of a thing to do.
You know, that damn newspaper.
I saw that, speaking of Harris polls, I saw that fantastically good Harris poll.
Yeah, the last one.
Oh, yeah, you'd think we wrote it.
On the people, on how he rated you.
Yeah.
Washington Post hasn't printed that.
They haven't?
No, sir.
I'll be darned.
I checked on it Friday.
200 newspapers have printed that, and not the Washington Post.
And, of course, it's...
If it were the election, we could raise the point, but no more.
You see, they'll say go to hell.
You mean with the Post?
Yes.
Oh, hell, I don't think we can do a damn thing with the Post.
No.
But you remember during the election period, they'd print it, wouldn't they?
Lawson would call them up and just raise hell, and then they would print it.
Oh, I suppose he could on this one, but they'll... Ah, they aren't going to print anything like that.
The feeling is that...
I'd just let her go.
The feeling is so intense right now that...
Well, give them some benign neglect.
Our people are circulating this.
I checked Friday, and Dick Harris is getting it around to the Congress.
The Congress is where it's needed.
That's right.
And Jesus, he is on these issues.
Governors.
But they're fighting it.
This really is one hell of a good poll.
But the Post is one target, too.
We're having some fun also with the networks.
And I will continue to.
You might have seen Bill Buckley's great column today on the... No, I didn't.
What did he have on?
Oh, he had a great one on the Whitehead bill, or the Whitehead proposal.
Mm-hmm.
He sticks it to the network, because as only he can write it.
Boy, he does good.
Well, we've been doing some work on getting the right wing, not the right wing, the conservatives... Mm-hmm.
...stirring on this issue, and...
AIM ran some ads this past week, some of the newspapers.
So we'll begin to get a little pressure on that score.
Well, you've got to be sure you charge plenty of fees.
One thing you don't really know, many lawyers don't know how to charge anymore.
But here, just remember what Clifford gets out of them.
Those are obscene.
Obscene is right.
Obscene, absolutely.
He goes out and plays golf with somebody and sends a bill for $100,000.
That's exactly right.
I know.
I took one client away from him before, in the old days.
I know what he was charging.
We won't do that, but we'll make enough to it.
It's good to hear your voice, Mr. President.
Thank you, sir.