Conversation 168-032

TapeTape 168StartSunday, June 3, 1973 at 12:35 PMEndSunday, June 3, 1973 at 1:11 PMParticipantsNixon, Richard M. (President);  Haldeman, H. R. ("Bob")Recording deviceCamp David Study Table

On June 3, 1973, President Richard M. Nixon and H. R. ("Bob") Haldeman talked on the telephone at Camp David from 12:35 pm to 1:11 pm. The Camp David Study Table taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 168-032 of the White House Tapes.

Conversation No. 168-32

Date: June 3, 1973
Time: 12:35 pm - 1:11 pm
Location: Camp David Study Table

The President talked with H. R. (“Bob”) Haldeman.

     Haldeman’s schedule
          -Church

     President’s schedule
           -Camp David

     Watergate
          -John W. Dean, III
                -Statement concerning meetings with President
                      -J. Fred Buzhardt, Jr.s view
                      -Dean’s lawyer
                      -White House response
                             -Haldeman’s belief
                             -President’s work with Haldeman
                -Contacts with President
                      -President’s conversation with Richard G. Kleindienst
                      -Number
                      -Press story
                      -Dates
                               -34-

       NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                         (rev. March-2011)

                                               Conversation No. 168-32 (cont’d)

                -Richard A. Moore
-Buzhardt
      -Contacts with Haldeman and John D. Ehrlichman
-Ehrlichman
      -Forthcoming call to Ronald L. Ziegler
      -Interview with American Broadcasting Company [ABC], June 3, 1973
-Haldeman
      -Comments to press
            -President and cover-up
            -Involvement in break-in
            -Dean
-Ehrlichman
      -Interview with ABC, June 3, 1973
            -Dean’s contacts with President
                   -President’s motive
-Dean
      -Contacts with President
            -Press conference
            -Executive privilege
            -Ervin Committee
            -L[ouis] Patrick Gray, III
-Ehrlichman
      -Interview with ABC, June 3, 1973
            -President’s contacts with Dean
      -Forthcoming telephone call to Ziegler
-Press coverage
-Dean
      -Statement, June 3, 1973
      -Pattern
            -Buzhardt’s view of leaks
      -Attorney
-President’s meeting with Haldeman
-Statements by President, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman
-Haldeman and Ehrlichman’s meetings with President
      - Central Intelligence Agency [CIA]
      -$350,000
      -Herbert W. Kalmbach
      -President’s activities
-Kalmbach’s activities
      -Ehrlichman
                                -35-

       NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                         (rev. March-2011)

                                                Conversation No. 168-32 (cont’d)

-Dean
      -Contacts with President
            -March 22, 1973 with Haldeman, Ehrlichman, and John N. Mitchell
                  -Florida trip
                  -William O. Bittman
                  -Ervin Committee
                        -Strategy
                  -Dean report
                  -Gray’s statement concerning Dean’s veracity
                  -President’s call to Kleindienst
                        -Kleindienst’s cooperation with Ervin Committee
                        -Howard H. Baker, Jr.’s administrative assistant
            -March 21, 1973
                  -Bittman
                  -Egil (“Bud”) Krogh, Jr.
                  -$350,000
                  -Ehrlichman and plumbers
                  -Dean’s involvement
                        -Clemency offer
                        -Subornation of Jeb Stuart Magruder’s perjury
                  -April 15, 1973
                  -US attorney
-Haldeman
      -Access to notes
      -Possible chronology of events
            -President, Haldeman, and Dean
-Dean’s investigation
-Ehrlichman’s investigation
      -Timing
            -California
      -President’s motive
            -Dean’s trip to Camp David
      -Ehrlichman’s note for President’s signature
            -Attorney - client privilege
            -Date
-Possible chronology of events
      -President’s role
            -$350,000
      -Haldeman’s role
            -Executive privilege
                                -36-

       NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                         (rev. March-2011)

                                               Conversation No. 168-32 (cont’d)

-President’s opponents’ tactics
      -Dean
      -White House response
-White House response
      -Haldeman’s possible interview with Robert U. (“Bob”) Woodward
            -Washington Post
-President’s opponents
      -Aims
            -President
            -Haldemen, Ehrlichman, and Mitchell
-Mitchell’s role
      -Magruder and Dean’s role
-Allegations
      -Cover-up
      -Break-in
            -Dean
-Dean’s August 1972 report
      -Ziegler
-McClellan Committee
      -Charges against Haldeman and Ehrlichman
-Dean
      -Knowledge of break-in
      -March 21, 1973 meeting with President, Ehrlichman and Haldeman
            -Haldeman’s notes
      -Statement concerning White House response
      -Meeting with Mitchell and Magruder
            -Dean’s orders
                  -Magruder’s perjury
      -Meeting with President
            -February 27, 1973
                  -Moore
            -March 1, 1973
                  -President’s March 2, 1973 press conference
            -March 6, 1973
            -March 7, 1973
            -March 14, 1973 with Moore
                  -Press conference
-Possible chronology
-Haldeman
      -Possible interviews
                                -37-

       NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                         (rev. March-2011)

                                                Conversation No. 168-32 (cont’d)

      -Ervin Committee
      -Grand Jury
      -Deposition for Democratic National Committee [DNC]
            -Post June 17, 1973 events
      -Possible interviews
            -Woodward vs. New York Times, Newsweek
            -Washington Post
            -Associated Press
            -Length
-Ehrlichman
      -Testimony
-Robert E. Cushman and Lt. Gen. Vernon A. Walters
      -Motives
-Dean
      -March 22, 1973 meeting with President and Haldeman
            -Dean report at Camp David
      -President subsequent investigation at Key Biscayne
            -Haldeman’s telephone calls
                  -Mitchell, William D. Rogers, Charles W. Colson, Dean, Moore
                  -Colson’s call to Magruder
                  -Rogers
                  -Grand Jury testimony
      -James W. McCord, Jr.’s letter to John J. Sirica
      -President’s questions, Haldeman’s telephone calls
      -President’s knowledge
      -President’s suspicions
      -President’s forthcoming conversation with Ronald L. Ziegler
            -Ziegler’s possible calls
                  -Haldeman, Ehrlichman
      -Chronology of events
            -Haldeman’s files
      -Dean
            -Documentary evidence
            -Possible tape recordings by Dean
                  -Camp David
                        -Methodology
            -Conversations with Haldeman
            -Conversations with President
                  -Easter
                        -Florida
                                            -38-

                  NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                                     (rev. March-2011)

                                                          Conversation No. 168-32 (cont’d)

                                   -$1,000,000
                                   -Possible tape recording by Dean
                                   -Dean’s forthcoming plea
                      -March 21, 1973 meeting with President and Haldeman
                            -$1,000,000
                            -News story
                            -President’s methodology
                            -Clemency offer
                                   -1974 elections
                                   -March 1973 offer
                 -Clemency
                      -January 1973
                      -McCord’s testimony
                      -Dean’s possible role
                      -President’s opinions in March 21, 1973 meeting
                 -Dean
                      -March 21, 1973 meeting with President and Haldeman
                            -$1,000,000
                            -President’s methodology
                            -Use for funds
                            -Bittman
                      -Easter call from President
                            -$1,000,000
                 -White House response

     Call to Haldeman

This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.

The boys are sort of looking over the latest thing that, you know, the county stuff's a lot better.
They're, uh, evidently they're, uh, bizarre to the analysis is that
that it did not come from the U.S. attorney or for the committee, but from Dean's lawyer.
That's fine, too.
They think that what it is is part of his public campaign to build immunity.
They feel this is not the time to take him on personally because that will have the left, the libs all put their arms around him, you know, as the hero.
I agree.
But on the other hand, they put out a sharp denial, of course, of
I think it was too sharp.
I think it's overblown rhetoric and it also doesn't fit with and it sort of lends incredibility to the even-handed treatment of Dean.
I think he got to have that run in the same story or the adjacent column to the story that he goes into his files and takes his notes out and all that makes it seem kind of absurd.
But
Well, I'll...
I just think they ought to slow down a little.
I don't think it's done any harm, but I...
I just can't keep it top of all of it, you know.
Oh, sure.
I didn't know they'd put it out, but I hope you just pass your judgment on to me on this thing, because I want to work through you on it, I think, because it's perfectly plausible, you know, that I have to work on transition things and so forth and so on.
Yeah.
But in any event, let me just check to be sure on a couple of facts that the...
in terms of the uh and it made it it made me that he'll uh uh maybe misleading his lawyers a bit but uh told me i remember i told you that when i told him that i'd only seen dean once or twice or you know during the period actually twice as it turned out because i you can't tell me says dean told me he's practically in your office every day you know what i mean yep now that says apparently this
He says that in January, February, March, April he saw me 30 or 40 times.
Well, the times are irrelevant.
Maybe it's 18.
But the point is, our files show, Bob, that the first time I saw him was February, not the 27th, February 28th with Dick Moore.
See?
Yeah.
Yeah.
I thought that it was the 27th, but they went back and checked.
I think it is the 27th.
well it doesn't make any difference no we're not going to put any statement out but the point is that it was the 27th or 28th whatever it was he says that that he didn't see you at all before january probably since february the 28th i know but but he makes the point that that uh that he he didn't see you at all until this year and then starting in this year he saw you from from january through
April saw you some 35 or 40 times.
Right.
Or had that many conversations with you.
Sure, sure.
At the end of the phone calls, that may not be too inaccurate.
Oh, sure.
And as a matter of fact, we're not going to quarrel about that.
I mean, we're not going to quarrel about number of times and that sort of thing.
Don't you agree?
Yeah.
Now, what you should know, and John's trying to get to... Bazaar.
Ziegler.
No, Bazaar won't talk to us.
No, he's talking to your lawyer, is that right?
Yeah.
Well, that's only, I think he's right.
Right.
No, I'm not questioning that.
But Ehrlichman was trying to get to Ziegler to tell him of an interview that he had with ABC this morning, at which he did a superb job of spelling out the nature of...
In fact, Ehrlichman had an interview with ABC?
Yeah.
Good.
I didn't want to ask you to do it.
Well, I did too.
But I didn't go into the detail that John did.
Why did they ask about those conversations, do you think?
Yeah, that's what they were there for.
They were on my doorstep this morning.
Yeah, I figured they were.
So what I said was that I... See, I have a consistent position I want to stay with, and it's helpful most of the time, although once in a while it gets in the way.
But what I said was that I will not comment on any specific story or any hearsay or any allegations that have come up.
So I'm not going to comment on the story today.
I will say, however, categorically, that the president had no part in any way, shape, or form in any cover-up of the Watergate affair.
And I said, I also will say, as I have said, and I've said that before, and I'll also repeat what I've also said before, which is that I had no part in any way, shape, or form in any cover-up of the Watergate affair.
Now, beyond that, I'm not going to comment on charges that are lobbed up day by day.
I'm simply going to say that's the truth.
And as the truth becomes known, that will be confirmed.
And I have full confidence that that will be the case.
And I have no concern about any of these charges that are being logged out.
He said, well, that, in effect, is denying these charges.
And I said, let me emphasize, I am not responding to any individual charges.
I'm telling you what the truth is.
And I left it at that.
Now, John went substantially beyond that in quite a long interview and made the point that...
Dean's communication with the president came about at John's, at Ehrlichman's and my suggestion that as this thing was spinning out, the president ought to now talk directly with Dean because, you know, there appeared to be more there than was meeting the eye.
And that the president did.
And that the reason he did was to find out what was going on.
Find out the facts in the thing.
And he built a very plausible thing.
And plausible because it's true.
Did he nail the date down or try to?
I think he did.
I think he did.
Actually, you see, if I could interrupt a minute.
You know, Bob, from February 28th until about the 14th, when I had two press conferences there,
Believe me, we weren't talking about the goddamn Watergate State.
We were talking about executive privilege and the urban committee and Pat Gray and is Dean a liar and that sort of stuff, you know what I mean?
Yeah.
Then we picked up the other topic.
Go ahead, John.
Well, he makes the point that as you got into this and got more facts, you pushed harder to get further and so on, and that you did have these sessions with Dean to try and get caught up, and then we go right to our cyclist, sending him up to write the report and all that.
But I think John's, I'm not characterizing it very well because he gave me a quick run, but I was very impressed with what John said he had covered with ABC.
And I think that's something Ron might even want to get a transcript of it because ABC won't carry the whole thing, but maybe they could give him a tape of it.
Good.
Ron, the reason he can't get it, he's in this meeting, you know, they're meeting down there right now.
Right.
They're all, you know, trying to.
Right.
But as a matter of fact, Bob, they aren't, nobody's there.
getting panicky and so forth.
But this is not something we expect.
That's right.
And I think that part of the reason for their maybe going this week is that they were a little disturbed about what has happened the last 10 days or so.
They haven't been making too much headway.
That's right.
Or I don't know if you agree, but I think they began to see some problems.
They had to lob something else up there.
So they're going very hard now with their star witness.
But when I say they are, the press is.
I agree with Bizaard's theory that this is not from the prosecutors.
It's a pattern.
He does this every weekend.
He has a new escalator each weekend.
Must have some clever lawyer with him.
No, he's capable of it.
I'm told that this guy that he's got is very clever.
And very unscrupulous.
You are squizzy, unscrupulous.
You and John are doing exactly the right thing.
You know, the thing that when we were up there in the library that night, and I was sort of depressed a bit, but God damn it, Bob, you and John and I are telling the truth.
That's the point.
We are telling the truth.
And therefore, when people say do this or that, God damn it, we're telling the truth.
I mean, now, there are things which are hard to explain, like that damn CIA thing, but it happens to be the truth.
The 350 happens to be the truth.
The conducting happens to be the truth.
The fact, too, that either you or John told me about either the 350 or the conducting,
happens to be the truth because at that time people forget, God damn it, I was in the middle of a campaign, I was running a war, I'm doing a hell of a lot of other things.
There was no reason to tell you about it.
It was not significant.
It wasn't a big deal that we were involved in.
It was a... Well, as a matter of fact, John just, I think he approached it routinely, the Kambach thing, you know.
And Kambach never spoke to me about, well, I didn't see him, so he didn't have no reason to.
But that's that.
That's...
Well, incidentally, one other thing that I had read that I think our files are wrong on, it says that, you know, we saw him on the 21st, and it says that on the 22nd that I saw him again with you and, at least part of him, and then you and Ehrlichman and Mitchell.
My recollection was we didn't see Mitchell on the 22nd.
Do you remember?
I think we did.
But was that the... Oh, no, wait.
The 22nd?
Remember the 21st and 22nd?
The 22nd is the day I thought we went to Florida.
Wait just a second.
Let me get a piece of paper in.
Yeah.
The 22nd was the day we went to Florida.
It was.
I don't know when the hell I could have seen.
I thought you, isn't that the day you and John and Dean met with Mitchell?
Yes, you had to meet with him.
Yeah, but so did you.
Not with all of you?
Yep, in the OLO office.
We came over after you had us meet with him, and then you said you'd meet with us afterwards.
And the original plan in that meeting was not for Dean to be there, but that he was there.
And it was at that meeting that we talked about... That's what I was wondering.
What the hell did we talk about?
By that time, we knew about the damn Bickman thing, but I don't think we talked about it, as I recall.
No.
We might have.
No, no, we didn't.
That was, that was undone by then, or, you know, it was... You'd already had that, they even had the casual reference to Mitchell.
In the morning meeting.
I see.
Or early afternoon or whatever it was.
We met with you at 2 o'clock, or 1.45.
Right.
And we met with you for almost two hours.
It was a fairly long meeting.
What the hell did we discuss?
Well, we talked about how to deal with the whole Irvin committee and the Watergate business and whether, and then that was where we decided we ought to get a paper out by John Dean.
Oh, I see.
John Dean report.
Yeah, that's right.
Mitchell was there.
That's right.
And then we also got into, at that meeting, the whole business of Pat Gray.
That was the day or, yeah, that was the day that Pat Gray said Dean had lied.
Yeah.
And so that, we got into that discussion and you picked up the phone and called Clingast about something during that meeting.
Oh.
About that you wanted him to work, oh, that you wanted him to work with the urban committee.
Oh, yes.
And, you know, that he was to, because we had had these feelers about who was going to, you know, Howard Baker was saying that his administrative assistant would work with.
Yeah, that's right.
Now it comes back.
So we covered a whole lot of stuff at that meeting.
Yeah.
But it was all trying to get the goddamn report done.
The thing about all of this is that it was an attempt on our part to get the facts.
Well, there's no question about that.
Except for Dean's, where he only, incidentally, it wasn't a confession at all, but, you know, except for the March 21st thing where he mentioned his fear about the Bedman thing.
You know, he never, I mean,
You know, he'd lob out, well, Krogh's got a problem, and I think the 350 thing.
I think that March 21st was the first time he ever mentioned the 350.
I think that's right.
He mentioned that problem, and he mentioned Erwin's, you know, plumber problem.
Did he mention it then?
I think so.
I'm not sure.
Well, he might have or might not have done anything.
But nevertheless, the whole fact of the matter is he didn't mention the 350.
the problems he had, you know, that he's the one that offered the clemency, that he was the one that supported the perjury of Magruder.
You know, those were the things, you know.
Those things, even then, you remember, he didn't raise all those.
Well, anyway.
He sure didn't.
In fact, he never did.
Never told me those things.
Never did, even on people's sickbeds.
I don't think he's told the U.S. Attorney House anything.
Well, what I'd like to do, and, uh,
I've got to find a place to do it.
I've got to get into my notes again.
Yeah, the way of doing that is memorizing.
I guess so.
But what I want to do now is write a chronology, which I can do.
I wish you would.
Of what you did and what I did and what Dean did.
Right.
Your story, you see, holds up awfully well of being, you're coming into an intensive period of trying to get this stuff worked out with Dean and then finding that it didn't work and then cutting him off and then turning Ehrlichman loose on you.
When did I turn Ehrlichman loose?
March 30th.
March 30th.
Yep.
Right after we arrived in California.
Yep.
I was en route to California.
It was on the plane that he gave you that...
Why did they turn him loose?
I don't recall why they did it.
I think mainly because we weren't getting the Dean thing.
See, that was Dean had just come, been up at Camp David and then come back down.
And we weren't getting any answers.
And you weren't finding out that we were still, the thing was still wallowing around and conflicting stuff and not knowing what the story was.
Right.
So that was on the way to the California.
And I said, now, John, you take over.
Yeah, you may have said it before we went.
Then he...
Remember he wrote up a note for you to sign to him that would give him attorney-client privilege.
Oh, yeah.
Because at that point we were worried about, you know, as he got into investigating that he'd be protected.
And he signed some note saying, I direct you to take over this investigation.
And he stated it by hand, he says, and I think the date was March 30th.
You could do that, Colonel.
It would be very helpful.
Let me tell you the reason.
I don't want to do one by myself.
Are you sure?
I don't want to write a memorandum out because... Good Lord, no.
Don't you agree?
Yes, sir.
I mean, for example, I don't want to say that I did not... that I was not aware of the 350 until such and such.
I wasn't aware of other things like it.
How about you do it?
If you wouldn't mind.
Did you remember, before we got our statement, I called you and we nailed down everything.
Well, that's the plus of your having...
eliminated executive privilege, is that I can go now through these things and I've got to figure out how to do it.
I think I want to do it publicly.
But that's the other thing.
Me and our enemies are playing all of their stuff publicly, John.
I mean, Bob, and playing it publicly.
I'm trying to think it's almost time for us to start playing it publicly.
Well, I think it may be.
And I can do it.
There are two ways.
One is we could...
I can go back on my deposition, but that isn't going to get run.
I think the way to do it probably is to go to Bob Woodward at the Washington Post and just say, Bob, I'll give you an interview if you'll print the whole thing.
And I'll tell you the story.
Yeah, at the present time, as you are well aware, Bob, they're really not after you or John.
Oh, hell no.
They're after the president.
There's no question about that.
And they're not after John Mitchell, the poor fellow.
Well, and that's who they ought to be after, of course.
They ignore him.
Isn't that interesting?
Well, the reason they ignore him is because they know he's got, and they know that getting him isn't going to get you.
And they're concerned about letting him lie at John Mitchell.
They're afraid it'll stop there.
Which is where it does stop.
Well, it's with Mitchell and John Dean.
Well, it stops with Mitchell, McGruder, and Dean.
See, the interesting point that I've got to get to somebody at some point publicly, and I'll do it as soon as I get a question they leave it to me, I'll do it on television, is that they keep saying all this cover-up thing.
They keep overlooking the fact that to this day there is no allegation by anybody in this case that anybody at the White House
was involved in the planning or execution of the Watergate break-in, with the remote possibility of Dean, remote possible exception of Dean.
But beyond Dean, nobody has alleged that anybody at the White House, in other words, the Dean report that they get so upset about in August, is still, even though Ron says it's inoperative, it's not inoperative.
It's still operative.
It's still, that is the fact as we know it today.
That's great.
And that seems to get overlooked.
And that's what gets overlooked is the McClellan committee, where they started lobbying into, well, Ehrlichman and I must have done the Watergate, therefore we wanted to cover it up.
You've got to go back to a motivation thing here.
We didn't have anything to cover up.
That's correct.
Not a goddamn thing.
John Dean may have or may not have.
I don't know.
Because I still don't know.
From all he's ever told me, he didn't have.
Yeah, he said he didn't know they were going to go forward with it.
That was his lie, you know, throughout.
That's right.
You know, and drawing the wagons up around the line out?
That's right.
When did he say that?
On the 22nd.
Is that what he said then?
He said the 22nd?
No, the 21st.
The afternoon of the 21st.
Oh, he said draw the wagons up.
That was even after the conversation we had.
Yep.
Oh, he met later with you and John.
And you.
We met over at the EOB that afternoon for 40 minutes.
Later, I see.
At 5.30.
I see.
And it was after that meeting, I've got notes on all that.
And he went over and said, And that's when he pulled the wagons around the White House line.
Yeah.
Because he said, if we do that, nobody will think.
We're all okay.
Now, it turns out that that was a self-serving thing because he was trying to hang himself onto us, knowing that we were clear and bring himself in.
Now, he may still be clear.
I don't know.
Well, he's not clear on when his rule at Tilly's Hill is on his meeting with Mitchell and Magruder.
But Magruder will, I'm sure, testify that he was told to butcher himself.
See, on that one, I think he's just a dead goner.
Yeah.
That's something.
He did meet with you on the 27th.
27th?
No, February.
Well, that's fine.
That was his first meeting.
That was with Moore, then.
That was with Moore.
No, Moore wasn't in that one.
Moore came a little later.
You met with him for a half an hour on the 27th at 4 o'clock and for an hour on the morning of the 28th.
With Moore.
That was there sometime.
Neither of those was with Moore.
Then you met with him...
Quite a few times on the first.
That was about half an hour in the morning.
That was before my press conference.
Another ten minutes.
And then another ten minutes.
Right.
See, I was preparing for the second.
That's right.
That's exactly right.
And then you had the press conference on the second.
Right.
And then you didn't meet with Dean that day at all.
Yeah.
For the following day.
or that weekend at all but then you got into March you met with them for a couple minutes on the 6th in the morning and again on the 7th for a half an hour in the morning these are just quick I mean they're not the long sort of checking what's going on then I don't see where the war thing started the war meeting started on the
Oh, 14th.
Oh, that's when I was preparing for the press conference.
And he came in after the press conference.
He and Morty together came in after the press conference.
I think that was it.
Well, anyway, as you can see, I can't try to get my recollection on top of this.
You should.
Let me go back to it, but let me just stay with the facts, you know.
That's right.
So we don't get caught up on something that's wrong.
But I'm going to try and do a thing.
And you think an interview on the paper is better than something on TV?
I can do both.
But I do in the sense that I think we need a public record on it.
Yeah.
Basically, let's face it.
You're not going to get a decent public record out of the Urban Committee.
Oh, no.
You're not going to get a decent public record, of course, out of the grand jury.
That's nothing.
I mean, that'll be months before it happens.
The other place I can is in my deposition for the Democratic National Committee.
Because that does become public, and I've already done that, but you see, our lawyers have taken the position that anything relating to events after June 17th is irrelevant.
Because their suit is for damages as a result of the break-in.
If we could drop that irrelevance, then I could give all this in my deposition.
I could get a second, or I've already had three rounds, I could get a fourth round on my deposition.
and get that in, and they make that public.
But you can't be sure what they'll print of that.
Or if I go to the Post directly, or the Times, or Newsweek, I can take anybody I want.
You think Woodward is better than the Times?
No.
Well, he knows more about it.
The Times might be more fair.
Yeah, they are.
Well, I wouldn't do it, except on a deal.
And they've offered this.
And, of course, AP has to.
I could do it with AP, for that matter.
But nobody printed.
See, if you do it with a post, you know it's printed.
Sure.
I can do it with somebody, though.
The deal that a number of them have offered is that they will carry the entire thing.
Of any length.
Anything I want to say.
Yeah.
But incidentally, you're very well advised, though.
Don't make it too long.
That's right.
Categorical imperatives.
I mean, this is the thing here.
Well, especially on TV.
I'm convinced of that.
Oh, the TV.
You murdered them.
Like this thing I did with them this morning.
If they carry any of mine, they'll have to carry all of them.
John did a hell of a job last week, too.
When I raised the Cushman thing, I was only raising because I was so pissed off at Cushman.
You know what I mean?
Well, Cushman and Walters both are sort of reverting to type on the military rather than the public interest.
Well, frankly, they know better.
They're sort of
at protecting their own ass.
Yep.
And letting anybody else be hurt, aren't they?
Yep.
Oh, I shall not forget.
But in the process, they're not really protecting their own ass, either.
No, they look bad, don't they?
So it was on the 26th, then, that we told him to write the damn report, was it?
Yep.
And on the 26th, we left for Key Biscayne, and he went up to Camp David.
And then I had those...
And you spent that whole weekend at Key Biscayne really probing into, you know, new questions kept coming to your mind.
That was that weekend where I was over at your house that one day for six hours calling people.
Were you?
Yeah.
What kind of people were you calling?
Jeez, everybody.
Colson, Rogers, Mitchell, Bean, Moore.
And it was partly factual, to get specifics, like the Colson phone call.
Remember, Dean had told us about the Colson phone call to Magruder.
He was trying to tie Colson in.
So I called Colson to check that out.
And we were talking to Rogers about whether we should...
There was the debate then of whether to offer everybody to the grand jury or whether to, you know, what to do.
And that was the weekend McCord came out with his letter to the judge.
And it was a big weekend of revelation.
Not really revelation, but of new insight.
And those created questions that were asked.
You had...
a lot of notes of questions that had occurred to you, and you were grinding away on them.
Then I'd go out, remember, I'd go into the living room and make calls, then come back and report to you, and you'd have a whole new batch of stuff.
Then I'd go back out to the room, make another call or another batch of calls, come back, give you another rundown on that.
That's when all the rumors were flying around.
That's right.
And that's what I'd like to get out.
I'd like to point out what was flying at that point.
And that I was trying to get to that.
And that through it all, they were all contradictory.
And they still are.
And this baloney about why don't you tell the people the truth is ridiculous.
You don't know it.
And you still don't.
I don't know.
If you do, you have it by divine revelation, not by any concrete evidence.
Well, sure, you've got suspicions.
So do I.
But are you or I or anybody else entitled to announce our suspicions?
That's right.
And what could be more irresponsible than for the President of the United States to say, I suspect that this is what happened?
Well, anyway, I'll be talking to Vigorous at 2 o'clock when they break this meeting.
I'll tell him to give me a call.
Tell him to call John on the interview.
I will, and I'll tell him to call you, too.
All right.
No need to call me.
Well, I mean, the only thing I could suggest is
You could do this chronology for me, Bob, I would appreciate it, because I don't want to do it.
Right.
Well, I'm going to do that.
I'm going to go in tomorrow morning and work in the files tomorrow.
On an in-and-out basis, I'm going to have to memorize and go out and write and go back in.
But I can do that.
It's interesting, apparently in this story, the source says the dean does not have any documentary evidence.
I wonder why he says that.
He doesn't have, of course.
Well, they've probably asked him.
It's interesting, though.
Did you see they lobbed out that he had tape recordings?
No.
That's buried in one of the stories that one of his sources lobbed out that everybody was making tape recordings of phone calls and that Dean did, too.
I don't think that's true.
Let me say this.
The tape recordings that he had, I mean, I don't believe that he didn't have any at Camp David, Doc.
And when you called him here, and when I called him at Camp David, you know, he was, you know what I mean?
I don't know how the hell he could tape record Camp David, do you?
No, he never, well, yeah, you can easily.
I've got a little thing you just plug onto the phone and stick it on your tape recorder and it records the conversation.
Just with a little sound, so be it.
So he doesn't, what the hell's a different sound?
That doesn't bother me.
They heard him worse than anybody.
At least his conversations with me do.
And he didn't have very many with you, I don't think.
On the phone?
Any alone conversations?
He must have had some.
I must have called him on...
I probably called him while we were in Florida, didn't you imagine?
He's claiming it by Easter phone call.
He makes the claim that you said in that phone call that you were just kidding about that we could raise them a million dollars if it was needed.
We never even discussed it.
He may have a recording of that that has something in it that they're trying to make something out of that, but we can set that one to rest on the basis of investigation.
I mean, hell, at that point, you were trying to find out in the first place if there was the question.
Now, let me tell you that in the Easter call, I remember that very well.
That was a very brief call, and we didn't discuss any of that sort at all.
Okay.
He talked about his...
He wanted to see how he was going to plead and all that sort of thing.
He wanted to see me, and of course we couldn't do that.
Yeah.
But on the million dollars, is that the first time he's raised that, or has he raised it previously?
This weekend story is the first time it's come up.
Yeah.
What does it say, in effect?
It says that you asked at some point, I think he puts it at the March 21st meeting,
that you asked how much money would be needed beyond the $465,000 that had already been paid to defendants, and that he had said a million dollars, and you had said, well, we can raise that.
I did.
But that isn't the point.
No, that's right.
The whole point is I did, but we...
The whole point is...
Bob, you remember when you were in the conversation, fortunately, we said there were three points that were made.
I said first, you've been raising me, but the thing you'd have a problem with is clemency.
We can't give clemency, you know.
And then I also recall at one point, thank God, said it's wrong.
Isn't that correct?
Yep.
Because the whole purpose of that conversation was to show how insane or foolish this whole business is.
That's right.
Pay off the people who do it.
That's right.
I mean, the clemency thing, for example, you know.
Actually, I made one unfortunate statement.
You couldn't even consider clemency the way I put it, as I recall, until after the 74 elections.
I don't know what your recollection is on it, but mine.
I was really meaning to say that you couldn't.
I don't recall that, but that's perfectly possible.
You have to get something to say you just couldn't consider clemency at this time.
That's really the whole point, and therefore the whole business of paying the dependences.
In any event, that was in March 21st.
All offers of clemency and all that stuff were in January, according to what McCord and those people have testified.
So what difference does it make what was discussed in March?
i think what happened is dean or somebody offered clemency way back early and was trying to get it ratified yep in march it was in the soup we didn't ratify it i didn't ratify it no you were there when you talked about it that's right you couldn't even consider it and i think that's what you would naturally say yep that's right but i'm glad that he's uh logged out the million dollar thing because that was as i know we
I've been concerned about this conversation mainly because we were talking to a trusted confidant and basically he goes, what the hell, why would I ask the question about how much would it take but we could get a million dollars?
Well, we could get a million dollars.
So what in the hell does that mean?
That we're going to do it?
You know, that sort of thing.
At that point you were making the point that it isn't a question of money, it's a question of what was being done.
First of all, whether it was
And there was still a question, at least in my mind at that point, of whether we were talking about money for lawyer's fees and support or whether it was a hush-up money.
There was only a semi-factor of blackmail or hush-up involved there.
That's right.
And that was not related to Watergate.
True.
So...
Well, that's interesting.
He says in the Easter call that I mentioned the million dollars.
We didn't discuss it.
No, he says that your point of being able to raise the money, that you were just kidding.
Something like that.
In the Easter, when I talked to him then?
Hell no, no, we didn't discuss that.
I know that.
I know what I said on that occasion.
Okay.
Well, whether it was or not, I mean, that's a... That's something you have to remember.
We can knock them.
We think they're kind of a game they're playing.
We're just going to have to knock them right out of the box, but at the right time.
Yep.
But we can lay our groundwork now.
Right.
Our factual base.
Right.
Right.
I'll have them call you around.