Conversation 206-007

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Well, I think that the thing last night went well.

Yeah, there's no problem at all with Rogers anyway.

Well, I mean, I was trying to keep Henry from lecturing him, which I don't think he did last night.

Not at all.

You've never heard anybody say that you don't know what that means?

Yeah, but last night there was something else.

I thought it was very...

You'll fight from here on out.

You're not going to have any.

As long as we can keep Rogers in the appearance of being, well, both the fact and the appearance, but especially the appearance.

He doesn't really define all this.

As long as he's, that way, like, something, you know, where it's known that he was here and all, that takes care.

That was a fine picture of the dog, wasn't it?

Did you see that in the end?

Yeah, it's fine.

Beautiful picture.

I thought it was great in color.

Yeah.

Real classic.

We've got there, we've got everybody, there's so many cool, we've got our dog.

Everybody's got one of those cinema garden pictures.

He's had a good one, so.

He's had a few good ones, and he had, he has had a few, you know, just staged.

Which is, he has some pretty bad ones, too.

Something had happened to me rushed to change shirts and then a phone rang while he was changing

I'd be mad at him, but he should be.

But, you know, he probably thinks it's good.

It's part of his cancer or something.

Send me an extra copy of the, one copy now of the section

They're over, you know, like this.

Turn it to 10.

Also, you have to bathe.

You know that tent that you made?

Yes, sir.

You get that?

Very good.

Very nice bathing suit.

You like pink.

We have pink with the little...

i must say i i can

Norton apparently, he's trying to write on us, Norton wrote, he said he was imposed a communist government.

In other words, he used the word communist to read the Post story and very cleverly all left out the word communist.

at all.

But I have never seen anything like this guy.

I think he's under discipline.

But I think this guy mentioned it.

There's somebody under discipline here now.

Believe me, I've watched these things before.

Somebody, when I say discipline, somebody is telling him that he's got to see this.

Decide what Henry's operation in Miami is.

Is it

We ought to have settled and operational before he goes down.

Otherwise, he's going to be buffeted by the winds, which is going to be a problem.

And you get to the question of whether you want Henry on making news or whether you want him off.

If you want him off, it's going to be a problem to keep him off.

And I would argue that we've got a lot to gain from his being off.

I think we're doing what these guys are obviously trying to do is to make me an issue and to say that everything I'm doing is motivated by partisan... Well, maybe you shouldn't do it all.

We're not talking about that.

Well, you got two options there.

If you go to the convention hall and sit in a box, you will have a very difficult time not being on national television because they have the access.

They'll come up and say, well, I don't mind if they come up to me.

The problem there is they come up to you and some, you know, Cassie Mackin or Douglas Kiter, one of the stupid reporters,

You could just say I don't have anything to say.

This is my first convention.

I'm very interested.

I mean, it's like the socials.

You know, I'll talk about the convention side.

And when they ask me about voting policy, I'll say we are now in a very sensitive stage.

It's a very...

I don't think that, except for the fact that Henry could put in just...

If they're going to ask the question, what do you think about this thing and so forth, well, of course, I'm for the president.

I think this is the most historic and profound change in foreign policy and so forth, but I'm not going to comment on it.

They asked me what about these negotiations.

Negotiations, I'm not going to comment on that.

They are here to vote.

It's all this ditch water.

You're going to be the focal point.

Everybody else that is of any interest has already been down there and they've been milking them.

Already.

The family will have been well covered.

I think I have to make more noise than I'm talking about.

All I'm looking for is a calculated decision as to what precisely you do and how you do it.

From the viewer's situation at home, you come through a hell of a lot better if you're sitting in the booth talking to Severide or Cronkite than you do sitting on the convention floor having Kathy Mackin shouting at you about what's happening on the war.

Well, I won't be on the floor at all.

Well, in the box.

You'll be in the box.

In the hall.

You'll be in the hall.

I'll be there only twice.

I thought I'd go for the night.

I think he ought to go to the convention.

I see no reason for him not to do that now.

But I mean go to Florida.

I agree.

And I think that he should stay.

He should stay in a hotel.

That's better.

He should go on the appearance that he's going to the gym with me.

I was having a room.

The question is what I'm trying to get at is what our objective is.

You've got to recognize that Kissinger next to you will be the hottest property in Miami.

than your family because your family will have

That one could be a speech you gave at the State Department.

That's right.

Just give that speech.

a hell of a thing.

No, I think he could do that.

Now, I think the thing you're concerned about is people bouncing up to him in there.

I think Henry can finesse those questions, and I think he should.

Except, I mean, finesse them.

I'd say, look, I'm not going to comment upon whatever.

What do you think about the activity of your anti-clerk?

I'm not going to comment on that.

Now, on the other hand, you should not miss the opportunity to say some of those things that President

we have inaugurated.

It's been the most exciting experience a person can have.

We've inaugurated these great initiatives, and you feel they're terribly important and above partisan politics.

Period.

I just keep saying that.

Otherwise, well, it's great.

Now, Bob, did you have anything else in mind?

You see, I don't want him to...

I think the important thing he must say, nothing by implication that will appear to be critical.

You see, I'm a governor.

can't put away and in many ways exactly so the less the more i can appear as the man who's only got the national interest and then my idea is that come october i have been so outraged i've been for all these exact suggestions right i'll be so outraged i'll say i can't for the sake of the national interest i try to keep out

all ask, can Henry do it?

Turn them all down.

Not take, they've all asked for a why.

They all want Henry to come.

No, you don't do a why interview.

No, if you do an interview, they're not interested, basically, in what the good things are.

They're only interested in getting to these points.

Why don't you, Henry?

But if you have any interview at all, I think you've got to let them, you've got to be seen with any interview and so forth.

It's got to be in terms of

because if you do an interview like for example the cobs or cronkite or something like that first you're wasting it just totally wasted and second you can't say the things that need to be said now this is not the time for you to do that at the end of this of september when i come back from moscow i mean whatever you

nothing at this point I would simply I start with this rule turn down all interviews right that's my instinct well alright I think it's not a good instinct it's just the right thing to do just turn it down say no he's there he's there as a guest of the convention and he's not there in any part of these guys look so tough

That's right.

And then it's only natural that I want to be there for his acceptance and for his nomination.

Yeah.

We establish that posture.

That'll work fine.

Then it doesn't make any difference what you do or what you don't do as far as the non-convention or non-auditorium facilities.

That would be ideal.

I think that, will that be televised, Bob?

It might be.

It's all right with me.

I just don't think it'd be good for me to be televised.

All right, you don't have any option.

These aren't controlled situations.

I would know if it just was not televised.

But if the television comes, it's not a closed...

I just think that the first time people see me, you know, really talk substance, which I've never done on television before.

It should be in a situation which is not partisan.

Can you work that out with the young people that it's television?

Shut up.

We'll see.

I don't know how that happens.

what I'm doing.

That's just, the more it's for you and the more

it is playing our game.

So, supposing the thing doesn't get anywhere, if I can give one of these press conferences again, at this time we could telegraph it, when I say on July 19th, this will be proposed.

We're not going to ever do it in private again.

On August 1st we did this, on August 14th we did this, on September 15th we did that.

We'll have a record which these guys, I said

It's a great record.

My point is this.

I think Henry is such a celebrity, he ought to be there.

Also, I think if he isn't there, let me get it, first let's start about whether, well, the second thing is, I don't think we ought to give an inch to let them drive him off.

Who's saying?

If you are totally aware of it, then my feeling is that these are the rules you should follow.

Except for the youth thing, where I think it would just be great for them to hear you, and I wouldn't worry too much about whether the television catches a loop of that.

Because they aren't going to run a poll, do you understand?

There's a reason.

She is not even, you're not, you're just a turn away, a turn your back.

If Iro Walters can come up, you can be nice to her, you can be nice to her.

Actually, I agree with you, but I think she's actually helped Mrs. Nixon because the questions were nasty.

I just read the news, I didn't see it.

It was better until.

President Gloomy Gus.

Oh, God.

He's crappy.

He's away all the time and leaves you alone.

Oh, shit.

It was rough.

So the thought I saw was, how do you handle this attitude?

And I thought both you and Mrs. Nicky came off beautifully.

How did Mrs. Nicky do that?

What did she say to them?

She has her things that she needs to do and she likes to stay home.

She got her both of them.

I thought it was what she's interested in.

I thought... Well, okay, well, I think, you see, I'd like to see Henry be somewhat of a mystery man at the convention, except for the youth thing.

I think he should be around, he should be photographed, he should be smiling, you know what I mean?

I don't mind that either.

No sex around this place.

They think we're all queers.

No, I don't think they think that.

Unfortunately, they don't think we're anything.

I think they're forgetting to think it about like I was.

How's the lady today?

Well, you know, I was in real trouble.

this oil promotion scheme.

And they're running big stuff in the L.A. papers about it.

And METE, for some reason, is really for you now.

Well, the Times says if that can give you the guidance on everything.

Yep, yep.

I want to talk to you a little about the speech thing.

I know we've got to get that out of the way.

Yep.

Yeah, and that's all we need.

We're in good shape on everything else.

We've got an 8,000 birds feature, which would take about two hours and ten minutes.

I mean, if I cover it, we can at 11.

Every one of them thinks it's the State of the Union, I guess.

They want to level with the catalogers.

You know what you're doing.

Positive.

I wouldn't make it too loud, isn't it?

But very strong.

The problem is everything.

Everybody wants to be able to do something for the farmers.

Everybody wants to be able to do something for the young people.

Everybody wants to be able to do something for the old people.

Everybody wants to be able to do something for the blacks.

I want to be sure that I relate all the accomplishments and that I relate all the things that haven't been accomplished.

I'm going to go through that.

And as a matter of fact, the reason the foreign policy

I think, Mr. President, I've seen both of McGovern's speeches.

Even I, who am interested, can't remember what the hell he said.

All I can remember is the general impression he made.

Nobody is going to write to sit there with a checklist to see whether you covered the flags.

The flags aren't going to watch it anyway.

That is quite true, yeah.

But there's nothing you can do about that.

You can't.

Well, you've got to cover them later.

We've got a billion dollars for the farmers from the Russians.

We've got to get $500 million from the farmers from the trash.

No, but I mean, that's what they'll know.

For example, I asked for 50 words from a product on taxes, which is so like having.

Just the 90 days after my inauguration, I proposed fundamental tax changes to the Congress.

These changes have reduced taxes as I had promised in the 1968 campaigns.

So that this year, those with the lowest income bracket will pay 82% less.

Those in the $10,000 to $15,000 bracket will pay 13% less.

The job is not finished.

For the past two and a half years, I've had the experts work on a way to relieve the average homeowner and renter from the unfair and increasing burden

Unlike the opposition, however, I shall make no specific proposals.

The line firstly satisfies that it is fair, sound, and workable.

That's two minutes.

What would you think of that?

It would be pretty bad.

So, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so, so,

A basic point, because it's a hell of a cheer line, is whether or not to say, without mentioning the government, that the United States will always be strong, and we will never beg an enemy to cease its mercy, whatever the level of government, by implication, in the begging line.

Ziegler feels very strongly that would be a mistake, mainly because he says,

I do it.

He's afraid that the press there, he says that's sort of one of those things where they, first they would be for begging.

It begins with that.

Second, it's just the thing that I ought to take him on on that.

So I asked him to prepare language on begging.

The word begging means being unhanged.

The word begging that they didn't want.

Alright.

I had the same feeling.

I had the same reaction.

Alright.

But I asked for some alternate language.

My standard in foreign policy, like that of fighting presidents before me, Republicans and Democrats alike, is this, that in all of our meetings with other nations, the United States must do not

I turn now to an issue of overriding importance, not only in this election, but for generations to come.

I'll give you the whole thing.

But I start like this.

Peace is too important for partisan politics.

There have been five presidents in my voting lifetime.

Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson.

They had differences on some issues.

But they were united in their conviction that the United States should have a defense second to none in the world.

They were united in their total opposition to isolation from America and in their belief that the interests

They were all men who hated war and were dedicated to peace.

But not one of these five men, and no president in our history, believed that America should ask an enemy for peace on terms that would betray our allies and destroy respect for

I pledge that I shall always uphold that's one of the traditions.

I like that.

That says the making.

That's clear, but says it in a positive side.

I wouldn't just say betray our allies alone.

I'd say betray our allies, accept our enemy's terms.

I understand.

I then discuss Vietnam.

See, Vietnam has all come in here.

I like the tone of this convention.

I like the tone of this.

This is strong.

But that's the tone that I...

There's a little...

I don't know whether the subtlety is apparent to you, Bob, or not, of the difference in tone.

Of the difference in tone.

Totally.

It doesn't really subtlety.

I don't mean it's anything that much better.

His is better writing, but mine's better writing, better speaking.

His voice is better than no one would understand.

He always makes a point.

But nothing can save

if he agrees with you, that's people, that's them.

That's every word of what Andrew said.

Now, one key point, if you read this, let me have you have in mind 1,800 words.

That is not too long.

We cannot add to it.

We may have to strike some, but we cannot add.

I just want you to know that the reason I don't mention Latin America and Africa and all the rest, I do mention them

I don't mention Israel specifically but I get very because I just figured it's just too blatant remember Camel's two or three drafts said we've got to support Israel it's out there but I just think it's too blatant and also our Israeli friends all know what the hell I'm talking about Nelson who called me last night he's going to issue an answer today said it's unbelievable but have you talked to him since he came back?

no no no he said I'd be sure of it

John Connolly, anybody.

it was an unbelievable uh experience well that played off he had a skirt now we've got to be in this one henry somewhat more political you know just a bit more a shade not much of that

Like, for example, here's the way that I bring them in each day.

I realize that many wonder, because they do, why we insist on honorable peace in Vietnam.

From a political standpoint, they suggest that since I was not in office when I'm earning 10% in Vietnam, I should bring them all home and blame the war on our importance.

This might be good policy.

If at this time we betray our allies, it will discourage our friends around the world and encourage our enemies to engage in aggression, which might be a little bit of violence.

International major areas like the Mideast, small nations who rely on the French to support the United States, it's just a juggernaut.

The only thing I can take out here is engage in aggression.

I'd stop after engage in aggression.

I wouldn't say engage in aggression.

All right, bye.

Now, here's one that I'm going to put in.

Discussing Vietnam.

great deal of talk about providing amnesty for those few hundred Americans who chose to desert their country rather than serve it in Vietnam.

The time has come to put the emphasis where Rudy belongs.

The deserters and draft doctors have had enough of our attention.

The real heroes are walking among us.

Two and a half million young Americans who did their duty chose to serve their country in Vietnam rather than desert it.

Let the deserters pay the penalties they deserve.

Let those who serve America receive the honor and respect they have so richly

of that too because i finally let it be clearly understood that the american people will not tolerate any attempt by our enemies to interfere with the cherished right of the american voters to make their own decision as to what is best for america without intervention see i thought that was the way to get in today

No, I think it is said here.

You see, I said that when I said before, why don't I, it's good politics to end the war.

Then I go and I introduce the foreign policy, the other part to it in a way.

It is understandable that Vietnam dominates our concerns in the field of foreign policy.

But it is to the great credit of this administration that we have not allowed the Vietnam War to paralyze our capacity to initiate new policies for the cause of peace in other parts of the world.

I would not say that.

Vietnam, you know, we can get that out.

Vietnam is a great concern.

So concerned.

It's not in our interest, no matter how much success we claim in Vietnam.

You can say, I can understand the concern of Vietnam.

It's a great credit that we have not allowed the Vietnam War.

I think it's important to show that.

See, it did paralyze Johnson.

It did.

But we have moved on.

I hit defense very hard.

Like, for example, it can truly be said that by our initiatives we have changed the world.

The danger of war is less.

The chance for peace is greater.

But we cannot be complacent.

This is the only way to get to defense.

The communist nations of the United States have totally different philosophies than many people.

United States unilaterally to reduce its strength, with the naïve hope that other nations would do likewise?

Would the armistice increase the danger of war and war?

That's the McGovern line.

Would the United States unilaterally to reduce its strength, with the naïve hope that other nations would do likewise?

He's saying that our opponents have proposed mass executions after the United States...

I know, sir.

That was for our... All right.

But for our opponents, proposed mass executions...

the fact of making the united states and here's what you've got to be one of the things you can't just say we shouldn't cut the budget because people are important which would have the inevitable effect of making the united states the second strongest nation in the world that's going to be said that's the key key line this would completely remove any incentive for other nations to agree to a mutual limitation the province was promised an initiative

... ... ... ... ... ... ...

our lives let us take risks for peace but let us never risk the security of the united states look at the point of that

We have the opportunity in our time.

So, take a look and make any suggestions you have.

But the tone of this I like.

But it's not weak.

But also it's not too... Because I think that the government...

Here's the way I am.

I talk about Vietnam.

I do go through a little...

By the way, standing in this convention hall four years ago, I pledged to seek an honorable end to the war in Vietnam.

We have made great progress toward that goal.

We have brought over a half a million men home, a man-made home to Vietnam, and more will be coming home.

We have ended America's ground combat.

We have reduced the number of being drafted from 20,000 to 5,000.

No draft duty will be sent to Vietnam.

We have reduced our casualties by 95%.

We have gone the extra mile.

back tens of thousands of miles to seek peace in the negotiating front.

We have offered a ceasefire of total withdrawal of all American forces in exchange for all freedoms of war and our national supervised re-election and participation in those elections in the Congress.

We have offered everything to the enemy that any honorable

we will not stand in the honor of the United States.

I'll make a slight nuance in the previous sentence, but I think that this is essential.

Now the point is, the only question point I have not covered there, which we might talk about very briefly in addition, is whether we want to find out how the critics at home

I left it out.

It sounds like an alibi.

I don't think you should do it.

We're doing it.

We've done that.

And also, I think I ought to sound confident.

That's right.

You ought to be working on the positive side of that.

We've got these guys sweating.

Basically, our opponents are so shrill because they're afraid we're going to pull something off.

Would you like to take a moment to get the flavor of the first market?

It might help.

And failing on getting them...

A little smile.

I had lots of things that I've taken on.

I had to say something about it.

I go through the usual bullshit about accepting your comments.

I'm proud of it.

I thought he was the best man for the job four years ago.

I believe he's the best man for the job today.

And I'm not going to change my mind tomorrow.

You know, incidentally, that's much stronger that way than it was originally.

And I have something here that you may like or not like, Henry.

I've decided to throw in only one thing for the agent.

The average person doesn't care about the agent.

And I care very much about the quota business, which I think is disgusting.

Finally, you have demonstrated to the nation that we can never hold a convention without dividing Americans into quarters.

There has been and is unjustified discrimination.

There has been and is discrimination on the basis of race, religion, sex, race, and age and national origin.

We commit ourselves to continue rapidly relentlessly to rule the last step of that discrimination.

The way to end discrimination against some is not to begin discrimination against others.

Dividing Americans, of course, is clearly part of the American tradition.

Americans don't want to be part of a coalition.

They want to be part of America, as proud, self-respecting individual citizens.

This nation proudly calls itself the United States of America.

Let us reject any philosophy which would make us the divided states of America.

I'm glad you did.

That's where all these other, everybody writes, writes lines.

They're believing.

All the writers you've got there isn't the one that gets into this business of realizing that you've got this.

You've got, you know, you've got it across, you've got to say, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States, United States.

not as a partisan party, which would automatically divide us, but as a partisan of principles which can unite us.

Six weeks ago, our opponents in this convention rejected many of the great principles of the Democratic Party.

To those millions who have been driven out of your home to the Democratic Party, we say, come home, not to another party, but to the great principles we Americans believe in together.

I ask you to join us, not in a coalition held together only by a desire to gain

a new American majority bound together by our common ideals.

I ask everyone listening to me tonight, Democrats, Republicans, Independents, young and old, black and white, beggars, business farmers, citizens, all the proud people of different national backgrounds who make up the American community, to join our new majority, not on the basis of the old politics, but on the basis of the new politics, for what counts is not the party league we

I am proud of this record, but I am not satisfied.

A record is not something to stand on.

It's not something to stand on.

It's something to build upon, which we always have to say.

But listen to this.

The choice in this election is not between radical change and no change.

The choice is between change that works and change that won't work.

And love will live sometimes.

And I think somewhere that

I just wonder.

I could say I do not question the motive.

No, I do question it.

You could say we'll be united by what we stand for.

That's for example... Our goal is to continue the unparalleled...

stay on the new road we have charted for moving America forward, and not to take the sharp detour to the left, which would lead to a dead end for the hopes of the American people for a better life.

The new road, I think, bothers the better people.

It's much better than the high road.

Now, listen to this.

This lights up one of the clearest choices of this campaign.

Our opponents honestly believe in a different philosophy.

They preach the new policy

the oldest politics of all, that every voter has his price.

The only difference is that they have raised the price to $1,000 per person.

Did you see the track of that Rhode Island guy who said, I don't know when any candidate...

Let me turn now to a secondary over my beliefs.

This is very, to show you that this is what leads into your foreign policy.

You see, I had to get a couple.

I've only got about eight or nine in the speech, but they're pretty good.

That's enough.

I've got a chair.

Four years ago, crime was rising all over America in unprecedented ways.

Even our nation's capital was called the crime capital of the world.

uh...

I would say the former Attorney General.

But I think we have any man who has.

I mean, I might get that crack in, but it's not a pledge.

It's not a high-level pledge.

Well, I think we have to have

You have to realize that, uh, half the stuff we get out of, uh, our writing skills, we've got, uh, very sappy.

You've got a lot of meat in there, Mr. President.

What I like about the other parts you've read to me is they sound manly, high-level, and strong.

How about your saying, Mr. President, uh, that I... You said I would have my advice as a man who died.

I don't need to mention her.

I will as long as I have this office.

His office and the water position in this country will be told.

I wouldn't bring it in context with Hoover.

You don't like Hoover?

No.

I think that, Mr. President, one of your problems is you have the Republicans, you have the right-wing people.

I wouldn't run up too many.

i think we can take this if you would say come out why don't we just i think it's best to say i shall continue to appoint judges who sure might come up with it we must strengthen the peace forces against criminal forces i think that's right

bring it back uh yeah you can uh unlock it up you can uh know what you can do