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I'm going to relent a little on the foreign policy thing.

And I'd like for Sapphire to make it exactly $1,500.

In other words, it's about $200 more than it was $1,000.

Okay.

He's got $1,250 now.

No, it wasn't.

It was about $1,750.

Just say, put it this way, he can, because he hasn't been able to get this cleared by him, you see, they want to put some more in.

So why don't you just say that he needs 200, put it this way, he needs 200 more words, 250 more words.

Try to, I'd like to, you see, let me put it this way, I don't want to screw around having to, you know, argue about it, see.

So tell him that if he can put 250 more words, that takes him actually to 1,500.

Right?

Yeah.

You see, 1,250 plus 250 equals 1,500.

Henry's was 1,700, or whatever it was.

I think it was something like that.

Just say 1,500 and not a word over it.

And if he can work it out, I won't read this one.

I'll have him get that to add 250.

about the $1,500.

Okay?

Bye.

Do they have that material yet for that meeting tonight?

Yeah.

Oh, I see what you just read out.

All right, fine, fine.

Jack will let me know later.

Bye.

I just want to look bigger.

Before writing into that speech, time is short on this cabinet meeting.

Do you want to look at this final agenda?

Bob said he'd get a few by three, so... Yeah, leader plus cabinet.

Let's pick it up and guide him as he goes.

Thank you.

I'm not sure.

sitting in his chair this will be his last meeting or do you want to even

Bye.

.

And that's, that's it.

I don't quite, I haven't gotten what they were working on, I'm not sure.

No, that, uh, at least as I understand it, the ones you mentioned, the ones that he'd given you were written into the productivity commission.

Yeah, no, no.

That's, they, they, they were, they were, they were working into that.

Trolls were working.

Trolls were on, trolls were working, and abused, uh, moved out of productivity.

Good.

If you prefer, read the speech.

I think my own preference on this would be that if your potential purpose, as I gather it was, was to give them a little pep talk, I thought I could use a pep talk.

But I think it's worth it.

But I think it takes words.

You mean I could read it?

Yep.

And it would do something pretty awesome.

I don't know.

I guess right now we don't have anybody involved here.

That I will have to just wait until a man just came in and, you know, talked to a few people, talked to a bunch of people.

That's what I'm trying to do.

I'm just watching the birds.

We're trying to find a time to take off a couple of hours and prepare something and make a delivery.

I just need this.

I would think that since this is a subject that you talk on a good amount of time, it didn't take a couple of hours.

If it does take a couple of hours, I think probably for this, yes.

I'd rather, I think if you were going to make it a major address, then I'd rather you grant that you're doing just a short talk.

It takes some time.

You've got to make it short enough to decide how to make it short so you don't do it too long.

But I've got to make it short enough.

Maybe this is it.

Make it look right.

If I feel it, I don't need any more electronics.

It doesn't mean I'm going to volunteer.

Just say, don't be too worried about that.

No, no, no, no.

I'm not going to read that.

Don't bother.

Don't bother with that.

volunteers i will definitely because i know that has to be that kind of okay

We're at a price, please.

Jeff, can I have something?

Yes, sir.

I know you're a specialist in general, but I wanted to see you today.

4-4-3-4-6-10-9-plus.

Oh.

Yeah.

Well, uh, before I wait...

Just a second.

He has to go out.

He has to go .

Oh.

You know, I think we just might try this on a red basis.

But I think that what I would do I think

Well, it would be the first part.

You go down to page six.

Then start right after that on page six.

Then just pick up the talking points that you have down here.

in their speech format where you see one or two tries splicing the two together and it'll make it out of the operation.

But I don't think it's too bad, perhaps, if it's laid out that way.

And then I won't have to make the effort to try to put everything together.

I can do things my way.

Yeah, it will work.

I don't think there's much overlap.

I mean, you could pick up two and put them together.

The last is seven.

Try that and get yourself together.

Don't get misplaced with that.

Well, I had to go see Long about this welfare business.

Dean of the Duke Law School brought this by.

Class of the souvenirs.

This is your procedures class.

All right.

She's been there last week.

Said she made a great hit.

Cool.

Yeah.

All right, what's the class?

All the guys in Toronto.

Wasn't a very big class to begin with.

50.

45, maybe.

It's not a very big class.

Well, it's the dean.

His name's Snead.

He's a very classy Republican.

Well, it's a down-to-earth fellow there.

On board, recommended for court.

Yeah.

Is he that good?

Yeah.

Well, I talked to him about bussing and a lot of things.

He's strong.

Keep it in mind.

Yeah.

He's, uh, how old is he?

I would guess about, uh, 52, something of that kind.

Too old to quit.

His wife was with him, and she lives about that age.

What is his background?

Law school?

I'm not sure where he went to law school.

He's been teaching at Stanford for about eight or ten years.

I don't know where he was before that.

And that's how I got an introduction to him.

He was back there.

But he asked to come in.

He was a good guy, I think.

He's got a funny muscle spasm.

His head's tipped over to one side.

But very bright.

Very, obviously, quite conservative.

Good Republican.

It had to have been Republican politics in California.

I don't know how that happened.

But I don't know.

I don't know.

He kind of said, apparently he'd been pretty busy at the California State Conference.

He knew all the players.

Let's remember him.

Yeah.

Mine, you know, you never know like a sister or anything like that.

Yeah, definitely.

Definitely.

He's that kind of fellow.

He says, you're most welcome at the law school.

That's the only place that left me off.

I told him about my experience then.

Yeah.

Well, it was good.

There have been a lot of ripples since.

I have a good comment.

It's all right.

Oh, it's all right.

It was a guerrilla theater, you know.

I wanted to just take about 15 minutes.

Sure.

We ran through this busing thing.

We had the lawyers in the business.

They can't take a day and a half.

and boiling that all down, it seems like there are several reasonably possible things that you can do.

And my preference is the first, and it is for you to support one of the existing proposals in principle, rather than to develop your own language

who will launch it and try and fight for it?

That's a hard question.

I'm inclined to think later rather than sooner.

We think there is a way for you to answer the questions.

You answer the questions by saying, and interestingly enough, Tom Steed is the one who suggested this.

He's the sponsor of the discharge petition.

He said there would be some resentment in the House if the President were to involve himself in the question of whether there should be a rule, whether the discharge petition should be signed and that kind of thing.

The discharge petition for country women?

Yes.

And basically it's the Baker-Brock constitutional amendment.

But the President could notice the problem, could say that the court rulings are confusing

that they are the source of great controversy and concern for the American people, and that when you get into a situation like that, it is appropriate for the Congress to address the subject and to develop new law, which in this case might necessarily be a constitutional matter.

it would be sufficient unto itself for you simply to notice the people's dilemma, so to speak, without taking a formal position in favor of the discharge petition or in favor of an amendment as such.

He said that Sellers' maneuver in the judiciary is to filibuster, and that Calmer is trying to get a majority in the Rules Committee to give this a rule.

and that the Democrats are running away from him as fast as they can.

Steve is holding their feet to the fire.

He thinks it's good politics.

He says that there are no Democratic candidates, as far as he's concerned, except Jackson, and that obviously Jackson has no chance, and so he says the Democrats don't deserve to elect the president this time.

And so does old Tom.

Yeah.

And he said, but those of us that are going to be around want to take a position on this issue.

And he said, more and more of my colleagues are beginning to get the point.

And there are many names to the petition.

But he said, it would be misunderstood if the president urged anybody to sign the petition.

It would be misunderstood if he urged the House Rules Committee.

It would be misunderstood if he endorsed the Baker-Brock Amendment at this time.

Well, so much for that as a possibility.

Right.

Second possibility is for you to submit and advocate a new constitutional amendment of your own.

And we've got one, two, three, four, five, six different possibilities, any one of which would do the job.

They're all hard to explain.

They're all hard to defend because of the problem that is going to crop up regardless of what you do.

And that is that

any of these, including Baker Brown, in right and the south to backslide and to reinstitute the dual school system.

Now, there's a way to cosmetically treat that by adding a clause that says, nothing contained herein shall permit a school district to return to a de jure dual school system.

Maybe that doesn't have any effect, technically, but it would be good in politics

And that leads to the next suggestion.

That is, before you leave for China, you call Baker and Brock and Lent and Steed down to the White House for a meeting.

And you ask them their opinion on this problem.

And they tell you about the amendment.

And then you say, well, I'm concerned about the South and backsliding, and I'd like to have you work with my Justice Department and the GW people

to try and guarantee that we don't have any backsliding in the South.

The probability is that they would say, thank you, Mr. President, we'd be glad to work with you.

And that would hold the situation until you got back and probably heard the dealer kind of happy.

And then it might lead to Baker and Brock sponsoring an addition to their amendment, which would be theirs, that would simply say nothing contained herein would permit backsliding.

If they did that, then you would be in a position at a later time, if you wished to espouse it, or you could take the position, well, I'm for the principle, I saw this problem, I made this suggestion, they didn't see fit to adopt it, that troubles me some.

You have quite a lot of flexibility now.

but you have shown interest.

You have brought the sponsors of this thing down.

You've discussed it with them.

And you've sort of allied yourself with them by the fact of the meeting without having to come out and take a position.

And that's news all by itself.

Now, there are other ways to go.

Elliott thinks that a legislative approach is a good approach.

And

He's given me a memo to you, and he's given me some language that would be possible, that in effect is a Baker-Brock approach, except it's by legislation and it's directed to the courts.

He says the courts can't do this and can't do that by wearing a remit.

And so that's a possibility.

Our reaction, more than my reaction to Elliott's proposal, is there are many things that's wrong with that as with doing a constitutional amendment.

And if you're going to do the one, you might as well do the other and take the whole hog.

Occupy the whole hog.

Occupy the whole pig.

Like they had to hunt for sheep as a goat.

It has kind of an intriguing aspect, drop a bomb on an armed drop tent.

Why not?

Why should it?

It has kind of an intriguing angle to it, and that is it says that you may not bust a child farther

then the interval of time, that is, the interval of time may not be greater than the interval of time required for that child to walk to the nearest neighborhood school, which is kind of a cute little gimmick.

So there's that possibility.

Then finally,

And there were some strong advocates for this position after we'd been all over, examined every alternative and come back to it.

Oh, terrific news.

Got that.

Good group.

This guy that's taking rent at this place is a damn good man.

I got to know him.

And he was aboard from the first night.

Elliott's guy was highly qualified.

He's a liberal lawyer from Massachusetts, but once he got his marching orders, he really understood the problem.

And this was a damn good group, and I think I was very productive.

But anyway, at the end, we came back and said, well, why should we do anything?

And there is a very strong case to be made for simply restating your present position on against busing to achieve racial balance on four neighborhood schools and to just keep pounding that and pounding that and pounding that and say nothing about the new methods until the Democratic Convention.

And then once the Democratic candidate is chosen, take a reading on who it is and what his posture has been, and then make your election to go or not.

Well,

Now, that's the danger there, isn't it?

We don't think that's too likely.

If he does, then you attack him on the ground that he's going to permit the south off the hook.

See, he's got the same problem that we have for those of you right now.

Oh, lots of votes in the north with the liberals, with his constituency.

I assure us.

Well, that's right.

I mean, it's going to cost him.

It isn't going to get you anything.

Regardless, maybe, maybe.

Well, anyway.

But you don't believe that the Democratic candidate, in other words, has that option?

We don't think he does.

We don't think he will think he does.

But do you think, as a matter of fact, though, that there are a considerable number of

and all concluded that the Democratic candidates would all have to come out against Bussing.

Well, we had all but McGovern.

All but McGovern, of course.

But Alsop's got a cute little piece this morning about how McGovern almost lost his soul and came out against Bussing.

When Mankiewicz and Joe Rau got to him and turned him around in the last minute, just four years ago, that's it.

That's it.

That must be McGovern.

So he's not against Buston.

He's in favor of Buston.

But he almost was against him.

He was so impressed with the arguments of Stuart Alsop and a couple other people that he said to Stuart Alsop, well, I can see that the next time I'm asked, I'm going to have to say that I'm against Buston.

I'm more likely to Buston.

I think he's pretty well hooked where he is.

I think Muskie and Humphrey have both come across.

I think given the Florida situation, they'll both have to support what I'm on in that puzzle.

Yeah.

Well, it leaves you right where you are.

You're a best vessel.

Now,

I think you can get a good deal of visibility.

But it would allow him, John, basically to become viable candidates in the South.

The South is very important to us.

As you talk to the public.

Yeah.

Here's what George Wallace is doing.

And I don't know whether this is really getting the fat plate in the South, but it should.

He holds up a sheet of paper and a round.

He says, I have here the voting records of all the Democratic senators who were running for president.

And he says, this record shows that every one of them has voted for busing.

Every one of them has voted against neighborhood school.

Every one of them has voted for the consolidation of your school districts with other school districts.

Every one of them voted against cards voting.

Well, he doesn't say that.

Yes, he does.

Does he?

Oh, I didn't know that.

Well, anyway, he's pounding them all over the head.

Jackson thought enough of that yesterday that on Meet the Press, he answered and said, that's not true.

He said, I am the only one who has never been to Iowa.

And so I'm the only one who has my child in public school with blacks.

And...

So, and then he went on to expand on the harm to children and so on and so forth.

So he made a very, he made a flat denial.

But I'm not sure that Muskie or either one could be a credible candidate on this issue in the South because of their record.

He developed strong evidence in their record of children around them.

Muskie's got a straddle on him right now.

And when he's answering questions, there's really only one really who's on equipment at the moment.

I think they're both going to have to get on equipment if they're going to make any sort of a dent.

They're all hoping that Wallace is going to stop an attack inside.

I would think that if I had to be poised for it, I would think so because Wallace is stronger and stronger.

While this is showing up stronger and stronger in Florida, maybe this is what I'm told.

I am drawn to the idea of your meeting with Baker Croft as a symbol.

And then, out of that meeting, on your return from China,

a follow-up meeting with Elliot, the intern, and John.

And then, by then, we'll know what's happened to the discharge petition and the rule and so on.

And we've written over the necessity of, what would I do with Baker and Brock?

How would that come out?

What would they go out and say?

They go out and say, we're greatly encouraged in the President's interest in the idea of a constitutional amendment.

He didn't commit himself to support it.

He told us of some problems that he has with the specific language of our amendment, and he's tendered us to...

He agreed with the goal, but he believes that the language is very important, and he's asked us to consider this.

He's given us the experts in the executive branch...

I haven't come out...

I think I've come out positive that the president supports our goal, but the constitutional amendment, he believes, has got some very great problems to draft, and that's the word that we're going to choose, yes.

That commits you to either join them or break with them at some time in the future.

You could even take a break of balance, you see, in the future.

We have been able to work out an agreed-upon language between the administration and the senators, but on balance, because of the principle that's involved, I will support their amendment.

That keeps you to some reservations.

When is the first court decision going to come down?

Is that sort of going to fall?

I don't know.

The Richmond thing, of course, is working its way through the courts.

John Mitchell's taken a position on that publicly, which is what's against it.

He said he doesn't know whether it's appropriate for the federal government to get in on that case.

You'll surely get a question on that at the press conference if you'll admit only to domestic questions.

And the answer that we propose for you is that you don't know technically whether it's appropriate for the federal government to be involved, but you view with considerable alarm any breakdown of local units of government in a situation like this.

Just a general sort of statement of principle.

I couldn't think of any graceful way for you to say you didn't appoint that judge.

The court is the court.

But as far as court cases, there are going to be several consolidation cases decided in the Midwest in the next four or five months.

I think one good thing that's going to come out of this Camp David meeting is a lot more faithful adherence to your policy by

A.G.W.

and Justice.

This whole exercise is going to work better.

I don't need a decision from you now at all.

I want you to just feel for the race.

Because time flies.

That's it.

If you get a little time on the airplanes over Florida over the weekend or coming back to focus on this, I'll try and have

Thank Frank for you in such a shape that you could decide where you plan to go.

Well, all right, I'll be there.

Rather than to come.

I plan to go down.

All right.

I'm going to take Conlon down.

That's right.

Well, I can use the rest.

That would be great.

You just go down.

You spend the time right there.

It's a miracle.

You shouldn't have asked for more.

My people like to come, but they don't want to come.

All right.

Well, it's a terrible decision to make.

The thing that concerns me, I know the politics is to be against it.

I know also that from the standpoint of the country at home, that to divide this country black and white and the president is against black people is bad.

I don't like to have the professional blacks, a few of which would be bitter at the moment, all going out and saying Christ, all under the president is against us.

I don't know whether we can get into the profession of black people or not.

Steve claims, and I just had lunch with him, so I'm a little fresh on this.

Steve claims that 90% of the blacks in his district are opposed to busing.

Now, that's Oklahoma.

There are no professional blacks.

I didn't rank the pile of blacks.

You know, perhaps the bigger nation.

Roy Ennis is against busing.

Well, of course he would, you know.

Vernon Jordan, I've talked to, he's for it.

but he's for it because it's a civil.

It's a civil rights.

He says he'd fight you.

He wouldn't have any choice.

He hasn't established his leadership role yet.

He really wouldn't have any choice.

But he thinks I have no choice.

That's right.

He knows.

I haven't asked anybody else.

I can have Bob Brown do some sounding if you want.

And Paul Brown knew it was something, all right.

But in his own way, as if he were asking, for his own purposes, he said, what do you all think about Mustang?

Not that he's asking for the president.

He's asking for himself.

Your first option is the best one.

I agree that the legislative option is rather nice.

So forth and so forth.

I would rather be in a position of supporting, if somewhat even reluctantly, the constitutional amendment with the added praise that the dual school system, well, keep a, what it speaks to, the dual school system argument.

I didn't try that.

I didn't try it on him.

I had to be a little careful about tipping my hand.

Baker and Brock, I think, would be for that.

I think so, too.

And Lent is a freshman congressman in Long Island.

There's a long speech in the district who is the sponsor of the Baker-Brock amendment in my house.

So it's got to be known as the Lent amendment.

And probably it would be a bad idea to have him there.

But why the hell is he...

He's a young, bright, conservative Republican, and I think Baker and Brock just picked him out and decided that he has no scars on him and he's a good one to have.

In the Senate, you've got Bobby Griffin.

Yes.

Now he's got a different one.

He's got one of his own.

He's got one, man.

He's got one.

His isn't quite as good.

So he's been the problem.

Oh, yeah.

He's the problem.

Yeah.

Well, there's 11 of them, man.

but I mentioned Griffin because he's deliberately decided it's a matter of high politics that he's gonna take on the Negro establishment, and go for the whites and the good Negroes.

Right, absolutely.

Jerry Ford has signed with his term position.

HR grows to Bobby Griffin.

Well, I think your strategy is good.

I think if you would prepare for me, John, for Thursday, it may just be limited to one thing.

But if any domestic things come up, this one probably is the most likely one to come up as well.

Pat's been working on this.

We may get one.

We have that in budget.

I don't worry about the budget.

We've got...

I think a pretty full range of domestic answers.

Well, he's cutting them down.

I'm not saying too much of that.

That's right.

So if you would prefer the answer in terms of why don't we say I'm going to meet with Senator Reagan and Senator Dock and Congressmen and discuss the situation.

I think that's a good thing.

Have the meeting on Monday.

I hope we may not discuss it then.

There's some problems on the language, on the favor of the goal, but a constitutional amendment is something that must not be lightly, or must not be carelessly or incorrectly drawn.

It must live with the agents, not just for a temporary problem.

It must not be retrogressive.

partners with me and ended the dual school system.

I think some of them would object to frankly not turning their back on the dual school system.

Now you can talk in terms of keeping faith with the South.

The South has moved in this area and so it would not be the other way around.

In other words, you're not now going to oppose something that will treat the North with greater preference than we did.

is that we demand it with a sign.

We're keeping faith with a sign.

By being even-handed, it must be even-handed in its application.

That's why we cannot have a situation which allows, which in any way counts as a jury segregation.

Or a sign.

I think certain things are going to be with them.

Then after the meeting, they'd go out and pay the president's members and ask us to move further with the staff.

And we'd continue the meeting, and when we come back, about March or April, we'd, uh, now let's see what we're buying.

About March or April, we're still not ready to move.

Well, we may be.

We may be at that point.

In other words, the seller starts his hearings the first of March.

Until he gets through, we can say, uh... At that time, you may find, must be,

having moved against or for the amendment.

Yeah, but you see, you've already high-balled off your press conference and your meeting with Baker and Brock.

The president considers constitutional amendment.

It's right up there.

He's going to force that.

Yeah.

And you're in ahead.

It'd be pretty hard for them to ever get that away from you at that point.

Do you think so?

I think so.

It was very useful, very useful.

It was dang good all the way around.

I'd get cheek and jowl with these guys for a while and just talk with them.

I'd talk with them.

I had trouble with Bill Clausen's son.

He was working with Morgan.

It was good news.

I said things quickly.

One, I saw Bill Marion in Toronto, and he has talked to Jack Anderson and found out exactly what he has.

And he had sent a reporter out to the coast, and Don had talked to the reporter.

Anderson had a gift.

Oh, shit.

Don didn't know he was a reporter.

He met him in Palomar Holmes' office in a big sales pitch, and went out, had lunch with him, along with his John Myers and his organization.

He was a gunman, a crook, yeah.

And the whole thing was just all out there.

He's got 10 people seeing his face and stuff.

So Marriott softened it quite a lot.

Marriott's estimate now is that it's been Marriott softened for, well, I'll tell you, two of the three aspects.

Anderson buys the proposition that you have admonished Don not to have anything to do with any piece of business that involves the government.

And she's been very strong.

Well, Merritt thinks he will.

He also will absolve Merritt on the specific deals that he had tips on, on airlines.

Merritt said he gave him all the dates and all the facts, and they were all done before Don got into it.

Except for the Anastas deal.

Anderson, all the dates of negotiations and so forth to show that Don

had not been the efficient cause of Americans shifting its business and so on.

But there's no question about Don going to Athens and getting the Anastas deal, and that'll hang out there.

And that's the only one that merits running the airline.

Those deals don't worry me too much about them.

Do they give you, you know, an operating airline deal?

It will come down pretty hard on Don.

And it would come down pretty hard on his son.

Because he told this guy all about his son being in with Mesquil and how I had objected to his having anything to do with the deal and had talked to him like a Dutch uncle, but that he'd gone and done it anyway.

And John Deholtis didn't know he was a reporter, but who the hell did he think he was?

I have any idea.

Any idea.

So it'll come down pretty hard on that kind of thing.

And Bill says we're supposed to see how he can hold Anderson on that.

So that'll start to run Friday, and it'll run Friday, Monday, and Tuesday.

I've got to go ahead and get Don back here tomorrow night and set this meeting up for one season.

Doesn't this make it imperative that I not see him?

Yeah, it distracts our hand all the way around.

I think you've got a job at you.

Yeah.

So are you sure that Marriott didn't send this guy out to get Don to see him or something?

Well, I just wonder how Don couldn't be that dumb.

I don't think he'd know he was a reporter.

This guy knew Johnny Myers, this reporter.

And he said to Myers, I'd like to meet Don next year.

And Myers fixed it up.

Don was out of the Myers.

This is Don over at Myers.

Oh, the gunman Hughes.

Yeah.

Well, this wasn't just last week.

This has been several months ago.

This was probably before the Hughes deal broke.

Don had this meeting.

Yeah, Don.

But the story about the Democrats having fed this to Anderson is a lot of food.

Anderson generated this himself.

And he talked about the service contacts, the armed services contacts with Alomar, and he talked about his stock deal with Alomar, and he talked about his finder's fee on the Air West deal.

No, he didn't.

He said he should have.

But the film's made all the money on it.

And it's just all hanging out there.

Well, does Don, did he or did he not, I'm glad you pointed out that you tried to keep Don in control.

Yeah.

But the other point is that Don, if he's cut across, did he or did he not make it clear where he was?

that I tried to keep the son of a bitch out of all kinds of places.

No, he did what Merriam did.

Merriam said he made that point very strongly with Anderson, and Anderson fought for it.

Merriam made what?

That you had instructed the Merriams that under no circumstances was Don to ever compromise the administration by any of his activities.

Which is true.

Yeah, that's right.

That's right.

I pitched a model.

That only covers Merriam.

Yeah, I'm covering Hallmark, yeah.

Well, I think that what he was working toward was getting Anderson to write that anything Don did that was improper was on his own.

But was Murray thinking he sold Anderson off?

That's what he said.

I hope he's right.

I mean, who knows?

Who knows?

Maybe the Mormonism runs that deep.

Van Anderson said to him.

You know, it's a little bit, you know, to be fair, John, I mean, I have to be strange, but that's a legitimate story.

Goddamn, John is dumb.

He's dumb enough to talk to somebody.

You mean to kill yourself?

Yeah.

No, I mean, not dumb enough to talk to somebody.

Goddamn, you're guilty of something.

Hang on a clock.

Yeah.

Oh.

One benefit of this, which, of course, is undoubtedly very beautiful, is its timing.

Yes, sir.

You know, they all try to throw this crap in the last day of the night camp, especially the election.

And the fact that Don has been parked around for so many years, well, it might cause him to turn his sails a little bit for the rest of the time, too.

It wouldn't hurt to put him down like that.

Now, the other thing is that I tried to get married to hire Don Jr., but I was struck out.

He said he didn't have a hotel far enough away.

Don't you really have to take Don Jr. just to find some cash?

Maybe.

When you don't?

It occurs to me that... Well... Where he belongs.

I really don't know what the hell to do with him.

I really don't.

Is Don asking for a job for him?

No.

But he doesn't know he's fired yet.

That's it.

Yeah, I've got to call him and get him in here and tell him to quit.

I think the way I'll do this is through John Mitchell to Senator Sears in New Jersey, who best goes later, just have Vesco can him and send him home.

Have Vesco can him, by the way.

Would you do that?

Yeah, I guess they would.

Sorry, you know what you're doing.

Mitchell's over across the street, and I'd better catch him and get this started up.

I would say that they're going to do it right away and get him the hell out of the camp and get him out of there.

But if your plan, if your information is that he did miss people, that's Donald's story.

That's his story.

No, I don't have any evidence in it.

CIA reports are all made.

You checked on Johnny Meyer and Don swore by him.

What did you tell him?

I read the reports.

And convinced him.

Terrible guys wouldn't have anything more to do with it.

Johnny Meyer came in with a guy.

Took this guy to Calmar Homes and introduced him.

Don was there.

And Don went out to dinner with us.

And Don went to lunch.

And the touch is, he said, well, I've already had lunch, but I'll go with you.

And then he ordered a hamburger and a chocolate milkshake, and fried potatoes, and ate them.

It was very good stuff.

This guy makes quite a point of that in the story.

You mean the reporter?

Yeah.

Well, I think, John, that just so we're sure, because I don't want to be caught with this thing this week.

Are you going to have Eddie come, too?

Yeah, I think I've got him.

And you're going to have the...

I'd bring your meetings to the different parks.

I wouldn't have Rose sitting on all this gory detail.

But I'd have...

Unless you think otherwise.

Well, it depends.

I'd like her to sit in on the part where they explain their plan.

Well, that, by all means.

That, all of that.

But I've got to say... And on the part where we tell them how things are going to be from here on, I think she should be in for the credibility she lends to it.

Right.

Now, I think you take...

I suspect after this, I see Mary called him today and read him all this.

Oh, Don?

Yep.

What happened?

He said he was stoned silent on the other end.

Really?

So I expect he will not want to see you in certain circumstances.

He said he was stoned silent on the other end?

He's so dumb he doesn't know what I was going to call him.

He's got a feeling I've hurt Walt on him.

Yeah, because Marriott read this by now.

Yeah.

And that Anderson has it all.

Yeah.

And Anderson knew it.

His one reaction was he said, I'll sue him.

And Marriott said, well, he said you have been aroused to sue him.

It's all true, isn't it?

Well, then, let me come again now.

Let's not leave the option open.

Well, let's consider it closed.

And then, if there's any problem arising from the meeting of any sort,

We'll let you know.

But if you don't hear from us, you can assume that we handle it.

Yes, we'll handle the problem.

But I think we should just say that, Don, it's not in your interest.

It'd be better for you not to talk here with your brother.

You're not good because of the light of this.

Yeah, the light of this.

We're not concerned.

I haven't talked to him.

You're involved.

That's just my business.

Yeah, I think that's the line.

That's what I'm getting at.

Me and my mom.

This is the last I propose to say to you about that subject.

I wouldn't get incivility.

It occurs to me that we've got to start compartmentalizing the words.

Bob is a hell of a great worker.

He has to handle a lot of things.

And that's something that should come up.

He's going to have to do it in China.

So I would, if you can, I'd like to use John to talk about Bob.

So I'd like to have you be involved.

That would be a good idea.

I would really like to talk to him a little bit.

I don't want you to worry about this.

I told them to come from somewhere.

They told us, but what other country?

Let me tell you.

As you know, there's always some cash around left from the other campaign.

I don't know what it is.

We probably spend about three times, but I just want to go along with it.

Bob has some, I understand.

Andrew Bozell's got some.

And usually with me,

I mean, I would have gotten a hell of a lot if you hadn't.

But what would you do?

Suppose you wanted to just cash in on it.

What the hell would you do?

$25,000 is all you need.

If you go to South America and stay here, nothing.

You'd give it to them all at once.

Well, no, I suppose you'd give it to them all at once.

You'd give it to them all at once.

You'd walk down and give it to them in front of them.

So you'd have to give something to them.

Well, I know a guy that's got an international business.

We could give a guy somewhere.

I could find a way to give a guy $100,000, $500,000.

We could put this kid down here in the recession.

I'm not quite at the suggestion.

You have to realize, you know, that it's not unusual.

It's like a fully gone scenario.

Yeah.

And that wasn't bad.

Well, in a way, it's a lot worse.

Yeah, but that was embarrassing.

All right, with that, what's the other possibility?

So high.

That was me.

Yeah, yeah.

Don.

Well, I go to ask you to put it out of your mind, but to the extent that you can, why don't you just release it now and let us take it out.

Well, in a sense, John, it's just as well to let us get the whole goddamn thing out.

Get it out now and put it behind us, I guess.

I'm also listening to you say that I'm not sure that you and I have some sympathy for you now.

Right.

on this one, and also on other candidates.

They all got the people, the family, the health, the medical, the life, the world.

I mean, Bobby Kennedy's son, Bill Foskey's father's a drunk, but they all got time.

You're right.

You should be a

The only other is that we can't control them.

But we made a mistake and just did a piece of the document.

I, you know, everybody's broken their pick, and the reason they have is that they haven't been used.

You know, everybody's borne down on them a long time or another, and finally worn out their welcome.

All right.

Every week puts a lot of guys on it.

Yep.

You know, it's like it's no big deal.

He hates it when he doesn't.

He was tough as hell on his own.

I had never met Speedy.

Speedy scared him to death when John the Miner was killed.

Speedy knows Banner.

Banner gave him the chapter book and said, stay away from John the Miner.

He's no good.

And you told him all the time.

And he still goes back to him.

Of course, you want to remember they come back to him.

Well, that's true.

They said about the whole thing, he should just run like hell.

Well, I have a D. I'd say, no, this is all out under these circumstances.

You must not do it.

You must not break over.

You aren't seeing important problems coming up.

Fair enough.

All right.

When you get over there, I've got a couple of things to go over.

Bob, is that a good excuse to get in an argument?

He doesn't make it.

Fair enough.

Yes, sir.

Thank you.

No split on it, is there?

Do you want Stans to sit on your right tomorrow?

Do you have any special honor other than the chair?

I just mentioned the chair.

Normally you know the leaders.

You decided you and the rest didn't know.

We'll mix them up in other than the leaders.

I don't think Stans needs to.

I think we've done enough.

We have dinner for him and the rest.

You would like to place the leaders on your side.

They should be here.

The way it always is.

His fan should be over there.

He'll get enough out of the recognition while he's there.

And, you know, it's a little more of those people.

He had his day.

There they go.

Fair enough?

Now, this is simply the leaders and the captain, right?

We're not going to have a whole White House staff today, right?

Thank you for the ass off the leaders.

We have too many White House staff.

We're all the same.

He hasn't been there.

Oh, Skyler.

Skyler, not Skyler.

Skyler.

Yeah, good.

Hi, buddy.

Hello.

Uh, hi, Rob.

Not a very afternoon briefing, you know.

Oh, just waiting.

Oh, Henry's, uh... Oh, Henry's, uh... Oh, he was coming over on the... on the... on the... Oh, I see.

Oh, yeah.

Oh, that's good.

That's good.

All right.

How does your mark stuff look?

Pretty much places down.

But it's all right.

I think it's all right.

Don't you think so?

Yeah.

some of your stuff about facts and so forth.

Okay.

I would say that I just don't get it.

I put it this way, I'm just not going to comment on the various statements of presidential candidates.

I want you to say that.

I'm just not going to comment on the earlier statement.

And that will sort of get you off the must-be witness.

So the muster is a muster.

Unless there is a statement back, this is the point of view.

And you're not going to comment on the point of view.

If there's a statement back, you'll keep the record clear.

And that's all.

Bye.

Where she got her eyes all my eyes?

Absolutely.

Nobody ever called me.

No, no, no, no.

I was the first person going.

No.

I don't know who the hell it is.

As a matter of fact, as I told you, what concerns me is that God damn few of my friends are cold.

It's true.

I didn't pick Joe Kraft, Carno, and all those people.

No.

I stayed in the criteria.

Yeah.

That's right.

Yeah.

He left it to me.

Yeah, he left it to me.

The decision is mine.

The president approved it.

And as you said, without regard to their position, without regard to the President, they fit the criteria.

And you could say, for example, now if you read this list, you will find that a considerable number of people are, I want you to make the point that I've not considered to be the President's strongest supporters.

Yeah, I'd say publicly.

Oh, yeah, absolutely, and that I, well, I didn't tell him.

Good God, I didn't tell anybody.

We weren't doing that.

As a matter of fact, we couldn't get him out of here anyway.

Okay.

Connection, please.

Are you, uh, reading the proper deal here?

Oh, I wanted to tell you, either you or Mark can do it, but it's a little behind.

I'm waiting for a document, and I'd like for it, I'd like for you to type it, and you get to say that you don't need that time, rather than too far apart from your own home.

Yeah, well, the one with the state engine was your usual one.

We'll do it that way.

But not the three, not the three spaces, but the other one.

No, we thought that might make it easier.

I don't know what, I know, I'm just, you know, I'm just too old.

At some time it might, you might get to it, you mean, but we did that one because we knew it was a final business or practice.

It worked out fine.

It did pretty well.

But did Ray tell you when he thought you'd be ready?

No, he said he was putting together two...

Drafts.

Two drafts or something, and would have something as well.

I don't think he said any time.

I've got to make them do the work for me.

That would be terrible.

I would pray for it.

They were kind.

They all worked on their own.

They all worked their good parts.

Well, they were wonderful men in the country.

Oh, I can hear you speaking.

Well, you know, I'm going to tell you.

We found today in the street,

That's her.

It seems that this really exploded the idea that they cut this for the Democrats.

I don't know if that's correct.

But the adjuncts in the area, what happened was that a month or so ago, a reporter, no, no, no,

He was gotten together with Don and Sean Meyers.

How long had I had him today?

Early until the meeting, probably two years.

And everybody warned him for years to stay away from that.

Didn't you have one occasion?

B.B., everybody had warned him.

I didn't specifically talk to him.

But you know he did.

But I know he did.

Yes, I know he did.

I remember.

And so they proceeded from there.

And Don, and the head of the small model, I understand, and Don...

They went out for lunch.

Don said, you already ate.

You look terrible.

Well, I already had lunch, but I was trying to live.

And Don got up and said, you already ate.

You look terrible.

I was trying to live.

Well, he didn't know who to call.

So, you know, Mary would call him out, but they didn't let him come home.

And also, Bill said, you know, it's true.

So, in any event, I just told John, I said, look, I've got all these problems.

Do you want me to do it with my children?

No, it's not a thing that is that.

It's terribly embarrassing and so forth, but Sue Anderson, we've heard when this went on so long as Friday, Monday, Tuesday, that was not the problem.

You know, you didn't find the point of it.

First of all, I'm glad you're here now.

Yeah, and it may be over, too.

And second, what he runs it now, it's a hell of a long story.

But yeah, the other thing is...

The second thing is, an awful lot of people are somewhat sympathetic about where yellow goes.

That's right.

I think that's right.

I just don't, I think people at that point said they can't control it.

That's right.

Well, I, Ray, that's a figure.

I have to be there right now.

I made it from $3.30 to $7.50 to $7.50 to $7.50 to $7.50.

Ray is such an air perfectionist.

I should have known better.

I should have done it myself.

I've been reading some of it in the background.

I'm trying to understand it.

I've got to take time to do that.

I just decided, Bob, that I'm just reading some of it.

I think that's great.

Others thought it would be better to do it the other way in charge.

I'm sorry.

I was supposed to have done it for hours as well.

I was expecting to do it better.

I'm sorry.

Are you kidding?

These guys had no idea how much effort it takes to prepare something.

We'd have to speak 50 minutes and be well organized and say something.

Goddamnit, I don't do it that way.

But anyway, I mean, you can't.

That's why I just don't talk about it every day.

Bye.

Oh, good.

Just wait a second.

All right, I think you can get something.

who's from America and has to observe themselves as the other nations in the world, they are going to explore what we're after.

And you have to observe yourself for some purpose, for what?

I chose temporary controls.

to the current inflationary license.

It was cute, but I don't want to have to hang out there or something.

I chose.

I don't know what else to say.

I don't know what to say.

I don't know.

to restore the economy and bring jobs.

Just to create jobs, to create jobs, to create more jobs.

Walmart, I think, will disappear.

Our goal in Walmart, our goal is to remove the controls.

to get rid of the deficit.

Once we move out of off-price, we're going to lose money.

This is the Business Leaders of America, where we've got a few other business leaders.

Should we call them business leaders yet?

You're the Business Leaders of America.

It's an industrial conference, and that would tie in with the rest.

They would be the industrial leaders.

The industrial leaders.

It really is an American industry.

I don't know.

Okay, that's fine.

Fair enough?

Okay, thank you.

It's a very hot class man.

All right.

I'm not sure that it's a hot class man.

And also, I think, too, we have to realize that I kind of hate to go to the top band, and they are important people, and they are our friends, and I'm probably one of these.

Well, the fact that you're being there, the fact that they're being on this big conference, no matter what you say, it's just the fact that

What if you got them all ready to die for Richard Nixon?

What are they going to do about it?

They'll go back.

That's the comment they're going to make.

They'll go back.

Sorry, Joe.

But they will.

They're going to.

Oh.

Well, it's getting almost ridiculous.

I told Hall, and I said, now look, we're going to come and catch him in time.

And we're going to come and catch him in time.

We can all divert about too much of our energy to all of it and tie it up into something that is just an insoluble problem.

And I think that one of the pros is that he's going to have to be an actual reminder of what's going on.

There's a problem that's going to be gone now, I think.

Well, it may be that Rose and I shouldn't be in that meeting.

I'm not so sure getting that big crowd in there is exactly what we're going to do anyway.

You're talking about a body?

Don't we agree you should not be in the meeting when you talk to them about this?

Huh?

Does he understand?

that, and all of it, and in relation to this and all the rest, but when he has his program, okay, for now how do we market his marketing program and so forth and so on, then I really think that Don has got to get the cold turkey treatment that he was there to stay the hell away from here.

Right?

That's the point.

I'm not sure that it's probably useful, but

Thank you.

Their pitch to us is $100,000 for, I don't know, an initial excuse that we should give it.

And I told them, I'm sure if you right away heard it, they said, Chuck, you probably could.

We'd give it to them.

We'd be able to work it out.

I'm sure it's not about $30,000.

It's about $250,000.

I don't know.

I think it was the only one I could see was getting caught.

That's it.

No problem.

I don't know.

I don't want to create a problem.

I don't know.

I don't understand.

I don't know.

The thing I want to do is keep our options open.

I know he's working.

He just may be the only follower that's got the ball.

And I think he might be willing to do it.

He's mad about it.

Henry would quit.

That's fine.

Henry should.

You know, the first four years.

He's still going to go on.

He's going to make it.

I don't think he's going to be able to stay for four more years.

I just don't think, I think it's not likely that Henry's going to stay, be able to stay for four more years.

No.

The big play is over in May, and Henry is, I don't know, the pressure is off.

I don't think the pressure is off.

I think he's not even subscribing to Aves.

Henry is a

Build a building and build it up.

We can't stay with anything until it's ready.

Could be.

Nothing bad's been going on, huh?

No.

Dollars are all there.

How about having Rumsfeld go into economic stabilization?

I don't want to do it with Rumsfeld alone, but if Rumsfeld can go in and do it with Conley and show up inside of me and without arguing, maybe that's what we should do.

Or they don't feel that's necessary.

Let me ask Conley knows how busy I am and everything.

Why don't you say, now, John, Rumsfeld asked for this.

Should we do it before he goes to China or not?

And that I think maybe there's a need for that.

You'll say yes.

I can say yes.

He's all set for the weekend.

I didn't call him in Texas.

I talked to his office just to be sure he was.

She said yes to this one.

I said, well, please confirm to him that the president is in Texas.

I just wanted to be sure he was.

I didn't think he was going to be on the end of the year.

The real deal that I should make with Conley is something perhaps quite different.

I think what we ought to do, and I don't think the Vice President would make a probable move, would be the person who would help us.

Who would?

I'm not sure it's the best way.

Well, I think the best way for John Conley is to go where he ought to be, and that's President.

Mr. Secretary, stay there.

He would be a bigger man, I think, and he would be as much present as he could be.

He'd be Secretary of State, and he'd be far around.

He'd be run by Henry.

He's awesome.

Basically, hey, I told John that it must have been just a mistake.

I'm going to sue him.

I'm going to make sure he dies.

It's correct.

I'm sure he will get some praise.

I feel sorry for him.

I'm worried about him.

I don't know.

I feel afraid of falling on him.

We're level in this.

We've been helping.

We know what the problem is.

It's always Anderson's business.

No way to get out of it properly.

Well, he didn't know that.

He didn't know that.

As he has known, at least, the variance from what Andrew told us today is more than anything.

And he had talked to him a few times.

Well, he didn't know that before today.

And I said, all right, better come home and call him.

So he's down probably a few miles.

And I said, are there potentials for you to do this?

He says, I think all you can do is just let him go.

Something over there.

I think that's what he just simply said.

And so this guy's...

He's got nothing to do with any of that stuff.

He's never had it.

Whatever he does, you know, you don't know about it.

You don't know about it.

They're harsh on the privacy of the public in the town.

So we've done that .

It's got to be very, very clear .

.

There's more essentially from him that I've known that I simply cannot have.

That I've got to get away from.

And that's a tough damn thing.

I can't be told about his cause.

That's the only way you can get away from him.

There's nothing to be told.

He's got to understand that's the way it's going to be.

I'll tell you, I did the little tape for the teleprompter.

There again, it's a little better the other way, but it doesn't make that much difference on any one of those.

Absolutely.

Those you should always do with the teleprompter.

Just go over, read them right off the prompt,

Because they, you know, for that kind of purpose, and if it's short, I didn't see, what I was going to do with Graham, when he went to use the teleprompter for his speech, is that, by the time he go five minutes on the teleprompter, he got mesmerized by it.

Just like, yeah, everybody, yeah, maybe Graham, but Graham, I mean, I'm not so sure he could put in, I think even he may, except for his disciples.

You know what I mean?

You're just looking right at it.

That's it.

And what you can tell, it's a different kind of feeling.

But for a great one-minute clip, a little book like that, I don't think people are going to realize it.

By the time that starts going on, you're off.

You're off.

I'm not going to go over a full-on ending show.

I hope lots of people think I should, but I'm just not going to do it.

Because that's basically what I'm going to do.

I'm going to do a whole lot of speeches, and I'm going to try to make a whole lot of the possibility of any reference.

And you said after Canada, it would be a very good idea.

If I did not, it would have been desirable to do it in a way before Canada would be in front of Florida, but they're exactly in past meetings, and we'll be gone until I can do it.

I told, uh, I've never talked to her a little bit more about fussing.

So I suggested we go down on the plank and stay in Florida.

And that's better.

You said Schultz and you were talking about going through the same thing, you know.

Well, that's kind of getting me down.

I don't know what you're talking about.

Oh, oh, that period, yeah.

And I remember, I want to try to call the family of the house, not the big house, but my house.

Oh, I think a little more coffee.

I don't think there's any problem with doing that.

I think it is for the spokesman.

If you've got a problem with somebody like Henry or Ron,

We can't back off of what we say.

I mean, it's very easy to back off of what I say if they want to.

Well, my question is for Ron.

What do you do then if you undercut the quality of it by Scott, for instance, stuck strongly up on my defense today?

Yeah.

Mansfield kicked me for saying I was abridging Senator Drake's degree speech.

And Scott jumped out and said there's been a lot of strong language used in attacking the president, so those people have had a special strong language used in the other Senate.

And some of the CR people that are fighting the fight, I think it's a mistake to undercut them.

I agree that that may be, and Ron Wofford, which I think is the right way to do it.

What he said after all, we're not trying to control free speech, and that actually far outweighs

That very clearly made the difference, and it's clear in the action plan that after the President's plan was laid out, with knowledge of the evidence,

And, of course, they tried to tie it into Muskie, which doesn't tie it at all, as was stated on the interview.

My interview was taped before Muskie's piece of land, before I said that.

Muskie was on our side.

Muskie had said it, but I can't hear him on the studio.

Is that correct?

Oh, it may have not been.

I don't know.

Hello?

Oh, hi.

Well, look, it's all right.

I'm very happy to be on that thing, because I was one of the people that saw the show.

Yeah.

I got an awfully good thing, you know, picking up from your cabinet, on the point that, you know, as we face this whole idealistic and accomplishing thing, that we may be great,

People were just trying to get a job done.

But we are people, you said to us, people who believe very deeply, that they believe in the, not in the talk of idealism, but in the action.

I'm sure it's out there.

Oh, I've got a good pitch in on that, which people who saw the man on TV will do.

It's overshadowed by the other.

Today I did the interview with the state, and he was pushing me.

He was going on the attack.

He was going to do more and more with the state.

And I had to go about it.

Not today.

Oh, I know.

He was going on the attack.

I was going to tell you what to do.

This is a one-shot story.

It's dead and gone.

The World Report's got two more days.

Well, they may.

I don't know.

Although, I must say, he's...

Since we were using the auditorium for a briefing, and it was not a big firm briefing, and I sent that to him.

I wish we had another auditorium.

The second part is that, though that Bob Henry is...

We've got to remember.

Well, it's not too much of a lot.

Just for God's sake.

This wasn't an official thing.

The other thing was, well, I'm going to the Rockies tomorrow.

That's fine.

Henry will not be there.

But I was going to say that Henry was much, much too quick to see

nothing but perfection that he does, and to pick up the slightest, you know, deviations in everything.

Agon, you know, he didn't, I must say, he's, I mean, I know he's a very good driver and so forth and so on, but, but, I don't know, I don't think he's very good in a party.

But, you know,

Or is it?

Well, it's been...

The light doesn't control what's going on, but it does give us all that.

But what I did is that it's not a very good thing to do.

But a thing like this, goddammit, angry with us.

So I used to rally around.

Goddammit, that's what I did.

I don't believe in this goddamned business of, you know, protecting the rest.

Scott was being...

Now they come out there consciously.

That's basically what I did.

Actually, I picked it up almost verbatim.

And I didn't specify a Senate candidate.

And I said, pretty much, I'll just give you a survey.

And that's when I partied around for about a little while.

And then I just figured it out.

And that's how I did it.

You'll get a play in the likes of The Times and The Post and that sort of thing.

You've got to figure that and you'll relearn it.

The point is that if you go to work the end of the week, whether you have to override it or not, it's not so hard to play.

It's not so hard to play.

.

I think that was good.

I think that was the muskie of any piece.

I think that was the muskie of weakness.

And the editorial, I don't, don't at all buy this kind of piece of stuff.

I just want to go muskie up.

You just can't let a guy have a free ride of being constantly pumped.

That's right.

And they couldn't have let this piece of stuff make it a free ride.

Maybe not.

Maybe it was not too hard.

Well, it's not always a question of judging the call through.

Sure.

And so we made a play that was just right.

You know, you don't know what's going to bounce or what's going to bounce.

Ron moved out on it that first day and didn't really get anything.

He didn't get anything on it at all.

But we did it pretty hard.

The Rodgers thing was quite hyper.

Rodgers had a lot of interest in it.

and crime is the other one, but crime you can't do anything about.

It's kind of like that.

But dope is somewhat the same.

Yeah, but we can do more about dope than we can about crime.

You just get some arrests.

You know, I think the arrests are pushers.

That's what I mean.

You know, the Jaffee office is fine, but that's compassion.

That's taking care of eggs.

What the people really want, they want to have.

That's what they want.

It's kind of interesting, you know, that this

movie, which is one of the big movies of the year, French Connection, is about, you know, shipping a load of heroin, and this cop who tracks it all down, and then can't get the wrap on it, and then it's better because there are a bunch of laws, and the way they handle it, and it gets people very upset about the laws, and then there's the other big movie now, it's Dirty Harry, and

which is also about a very tough cop.

And he plays this role very airy.

It's a movie you ought to see.

It's pretty good.

It's got a lot of rough lines.

But it's a good movie because it's about a tough cop who

In this case, it's a sniper in San Francisco who goes up on rooftops and kills people with a gun.

And then extorting the city, demanding $200,000 from the mayor to stop killing these people.

Well, this cop goes out and finally traps the guy.

It's a very difficult case to find the guy.

Finally catches the guy.

And then the DA calls the cop in and just raises hell with him.

He says, you should have trapped that guy.

You went into his, you busted open his apartment.

It's not without a search warrant.

Well, the audience all goes, boo.

In other words, it's inciting people on exactly the other side.

And then the DA says, oh, I can't take the case.

There's nothing we can do.

Haven't you ever heard of Escobedo?

Haven't you ever heard of Browns?

I don't know.

Two cases.

And goes through that whole thing.

And the audience just is very emotionally stirred up.

They're very upset.

So then the cop gets pissed off when he goes out and tracks the guy down first when he kills him.

And then takes his police badge off and throws it in the river.

But at least he saved the city from the murder of the people of Jeer.

It's like an old bell in town.

I've got to see it.

I think you should.

It's David.

You'll be able to see it.

David, of course, was one of the police.

He was the second one.

He saw everything bad in that area.

I saw it too.

Very nervous.

We'll get you.

I decided I was just going to read something to you tonight.

Well, frankly, you know, the time I get through, I'm going to tell you about it.

I'm going to tell you about it.

Of course, I'm doing other things, which are important, too, in my region.

I don't go in there with total insensitivity to Chinese history and all the rest.

I don't mean the history of China, but the country of China.

made that point without giving a name to the books.

They'll give it a name.

You got a problem with that one.

Well, then they'll find one of them.

It's a conference.

That's right.

Most of them are.

So why don't you read that?

I read them all through the books, too.

I said, you can come up with additional questions that you want to state at the MSC.

I hope you do something on those guys.

I want all of them to take special treatment on Russia.

Right.

Because he has an internal problem.

But we talked to him.

The papers, Nicole's papers are totally satisfied with Wilson's bail.

But it's quite a case, you know, personally, because he's had a long time running for bail.

Well, what the hell?

Didn't Nicole's papers select him?

No.

You can't find one more spot for Clark?

It's too bad, there's just... Oh, Clark.

2000 requests down to, I know, 60 people here.

You're going to have some unhappy people.

Clark is going to find him in the Russian prison.

Hold on, hold on, hold on.

I remember I did raise the question.

I said it doesn't make any difference.

Yeah.

I know.

I was lying all the rest of the time.

What the hell were you saying?

Oh, I was asking them.

I said, I was asking one of my cousins.

I said, obviously, I discussed the criteria.

I came out of it, but I said, you know, the decision was made.

It's worth having to work on this stuff.

I wouldn't have selected half of them.

The Washington Post, the New York Times, and the Los Angeles Times.

We have, frankly, our enemies that run our ears.

Boston Globe, who's not on the rest of these days.

Thank God.

Well, they've never worked it out in consideration, but they're going to be in trouble.

Those two.

Why are they going to be in trouble?

Well, New State falls into the hands of the president.

Well, we'll rationalize it that way.

If they do, after all, they do have a time service on it.

I see why you're trying to do that.

If that's it.

How about the little Rebecca?

What's her name?

Has she been in?

Oh, sure.

Well, Sarah McClellan.

The Boston Globe.

I say, no, you couldn't take all the criteria.

But see, we picked some.

On the other hand, I think this is where you bought something by putting on a craft and putting on the

And they asked me how would you make a name on it.

I said, well, we wanted to select us, so I wanted to select them.

They're all segments.

They're broadcast commentators, but they're also very common.

They have two columns.

And in order to cover all segments, we had to have two columns.

Now, how did we pick them?

We picked them based upon their number, based on their cover, and also on their viewpoint.

Everyone knows that there's only one sense in certain employment areas.

Well, it's a substantial increase.

Well, you did select them, Ron.

You remember you brought in the list and I struck off the Washington Post and put them back on.

I didn't even have a goddamn thing to do with anything.

The point I made was that I simply discussed

You need to get the exercise, you're vetoed.

I don't fight it.

You're vetoed for over and over.

How did they come up with the date and before that session?

I don't know.

I didn't see their placement, so I don't want to, or the editorial board.

The Times and the Post were in their hands, and I said, I don't know, this is McCarthyism.

That's what they're called, McCarthyism.

I'd just like to see one of them, who spoke up well, and the girl who cried out to me the other night,

the president actually quit murdering children.

Did anybody indicate any of the liberal columns concerned about that sort of thing?

Not a lot.

Not a lot did.

Well, I'm not complaining about it, except for stating it's a fact of life.

I'm aware of an arrest.

And how did Henry

... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

No.

I think Henry could have... No, actually, I was telling Bob earlier... You've got to round it around.

I don't mean Henry should have said, well, it depends on all of us, but he should have said, now look here, and let us all understand the positive side.

The positive side is that any peace proposal, the chances of it succeeding is greatly increased to the extent that it has support from

If there's division, we've got to make that trade and wait and see if the chances are greatly reduced.

That's the next question.

I'm not sure you want Henry to do that debate.

All you do, what they do, I think he's better off to have done it.

Because if he had played it, they would have said, Kissinger joins attack on Muskegon.

I'm a storage owner.

Is that what they say?

Yeah.

Well, you made that point, though, didn't you, Ron?

Sure.

Did that carry the story?

No.

No?

No, the fact that you said it wouldn't call me.

They ignored that.

But they didn't tell me.

I don't know.

They can't, they don't.

Well, they can.

I think they wouldn't.

Actually, the story's quite right, because it's about the number of structures formed in the U.S. in the present, and then you think of the line, which is all right, and then the part where you emphasize, and it's really a little bit more of an emphasis on the other lines.

Well, they picked up your stuff very well.

Which is a better story than a review.

Yeah.

Well, you can prepare, if you will, a little line for me for Thursday.

My idea was to do it Thursday at 4 o'clock and walk out at, I'll say, about 5 to 10 minutes, or 5 to 8 minutes, perhaps, and state where we're going.

I didn't know the gas or how far.

You're going to do it in the local office?

Okay, yes.

You said walk out?

Walk out.

Yeah.

Walk out of the local office.

And I'll say, now, we'll just take your questions and answer them.

And then we'll have a press conference.

All right.

Let it run.

All right, let it run.

30.

Let it run.

30, a little over 30 minutes.

Let it run.

35.

Limited to the.

But you think that's a good idea.

And I'll give extended answers this time.

That's very good.

I'm terribly sorry about it.

You might give him a call after you leave here, so it's better to be disappointed in him than not calling him.

He said that he wanted something to be done, and this would satisfy him.

The president said he used to be on the president's

in the pool, I'm selected.

He's not to say it.

I mean, he can't be trusted.

I can't be caught.

The president said he would be on that pool.

And there's going to be some real substance here.

And it's as much as good.

And it's, you know, life deserves to go on everything.

So we just couldn't, couldn't justify it.

Do you want to ask Ron something?

No.

Oh, good.

Go ahead.

You can put that out at any time of the day and day.

It's not important, but it's here.

You give yourself a run for your money.

Yes, sir.

Okay.

We got an answer from the Russians today about, you know, we sent them a copy of your speech.

Which one?

On Vietnam.

Oh, Vietnam?

Yes.

Oh, no, it was a very, much gentler than the Chinese reply, you know, they're going,

Very gentle reply.

They don't state any of you at all.

They just say, you and me think there's something wrong with us.

And very, very mild reply.

And at the end of the day, that's what they're showing you to continue to believe.

The conflict in Vietnam can and must be solved by a peaceful way on the basis of respect for the lawful rights of its people.

We are ready to facilitate overcoming the difficulties that arise on the way.

On this way.

And this doesn't mean anything by itself.

But then we went into a long discussion asking very many specific questions to bring answers to.

Which we've never done before.

To bring a difference?

Yeah.

I have understood all of it.

On our proposal, let us do the barricade and then get a barrel.

I think they have a real problem of, you know, left people because of people.

I think they've got a real problem.

You think he did?

He wrote his plan.

I don't know what impressed him.

He wrote his plan, and he agreed with her.

I trust that you're getting the word through the brief.

No, no, he told me again that they have decided you're going to win the election.

And for the first time, he said that the North Vietnamese are worried what will happen after your election, that the North Vietnamese said that you're going to win the election.

And they said they're making an agreement that you're going to win.

How do they know you're going to keep it after the election?

I said, let me put it this way, you don't make an agreement now.

You asked him what he's going to do after the election, because a violent response is not unnatural to the president.

He said, I like the way you put it.

I would say it's natural.

So beginning to percolate, this thing has really put the cat among the tips.

They're dancing all over the place.

And see, McGovern, come out today, what was it about?

Total withdrawal.

And two months.

And overthrowing Jews.

Oh, yeah.

Yes.

What the hell is that?

It's surrender.

Well, it is.

It's worse than surrender.

It's not only...

It isn't enough for us to surrender.

We've got to make these power allies surrender, too.

Good point.

Still, I don't think it's common in today's day.

Yeah.

Was that what he did?

He did his thing on Muskie.

Oh, he carved Muskie in the middle.

What did he say?

He told him that Muskie's thing was a, he chopped him up completely on his proposal.

Well, first he chopped his proposal to pieces, but then what's even more shocking is he printed a conversation he had with Muskie.

which makes it obvious that Muskie didn't know your proposal was our proposal.

Well, that's right.

He reported that Muskie, he said, well, let me read to you what the Precursor said, and he read it, and said that it was obvious Muskie didn't even know what the proposal was.

He said, let me read to the Precursor, just read it.

And he said, but that's my position.

Why are they knocking me?

That's my position.

And Alcom said he's right, except for one significant difference.

But...

Well, not a political thing.

He had a political thing.

Oh, he didn't know we had a May 31st plan.

He didn't know they were deceased.

He didn't understand anything.

I'll tell you this.

I'm trying to get through this.

I must admit, I haven't read that degree of baseball yet, but I'm sure it may fit a very good memorandum in your memorandum.

It's a fascinating bit of history.

I hope you handle this trip well.

and all the rest, I mean, his old, all this crap, much better than the rest.

Oh, you've got the actual exchange that I gave up with this year?

It's May 7th.

That's right, February 7th.

I was wondering which one it was, the February 7th, the one I sent you today.

I haven't been, see, I'm not going to read your, I'm going to say the,

interminable conversations of war.

I just wanted you to get a flavor of what he does when he attacks.

This is, I thought, at his speed, and how I counterattacked.

But I think what you handled was extremely well.

But I was, you know, with all of his brigades, some of his stories went out to you.

I like them.

Oh, yes.

Now, it would not be my intention to carry them out.

I mean, to take them off because they're acceptable.

In the last eight years, those pioneers in the war were the British at that time.

They had a great empire.

The sun never set in the British flag.

At that time, the British empire was most proud of believing in itself in the Victorian age.

That was about 25 years before Queen Victoria became queen.

Fifty years before she became queen.

No, she became queen.

No, no, I'm sorry.

You're right, 50 years.

But the Victorian age, I think that might be Victorian.

It may be the way the Chinese were having this.

They mean Victorian in the sense of victory age, rather than Victorian.

But I just made a mistake.

And he goes on to say, at that time, there was only one country, France, not even the whole country, France, but only the part of Lafayette, what the United States is, that's pure bullshit.

Lafayette was a symbol, but the French fleet, rather than the French troops, made possible war towns, you all know that.

So, I mean, these are little things, but I'll take, if I have to take the Chinese history, I'll know all this.

And he said, the Americans were the first to employ guerrilla war and be victorious.

This is a very good lesson for the people of the world.

Utterly untrue.

The battles in the Revolutionary War were set in pieces.

Almost all of them set in pieces battles.

In fact, they would have been better had they been guerrillas.

But he was wrong about that.

Well, I was listening.

We believe that people should be allowed to win liberation through their own efforts.

I just put it up here without any outside help.

For instance, as I mentioned, in China, the United States forces and the other forces are powerful in China.

They're not going to grow completely.

We will, of course, support the leaders in China.

Pursue them in their orders, you know, and the result of that will be new tensions.

Here again, we get out.

They stay in.

You know, it's a double standard deal.

Oh, yeah.

But he sure sticks to silver.

The Soviet Union would agree to such terms, but not put it into effect.

But on our side, if we agree to do something, we will truly do it.

He hasn't got a chance.

But the Prime Minister is under no illusion that we will tolerate any discussion of our domestic security community, no matter what he thinks of it.

And then, Joe, but I don't think we should not oppose the general administration.

But I don't think we should not oppose the general administration.

Mr. President, I would like to see your draft.

Mr. President, Mr. President.

And then he said, it's obvious that on many important points, Kennedy said, we have a different world out there, as I told you on the first one, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the first, on the

and we should support the national liberation of all peoples and not interfere with other countries, big or small.

Of course, that's a total contradiction.

He says, on the one hand, with regard to all countries, we should not agree to be American suppliers, but we should support the national liberation of all peoples and not interfere.

Totally.

That's the conscience deal.

Liberation, we support.

$800 million for this, $800 million for that.

They have their problems, too.

Mr. President, I'm getting together for you a book on the actual conduct of Canadians.

And I wanted to ask you about it.

I'm making it a little longer than usual.

Usually, I only give you two pages.

But this time, I'm giving you three or four pages of how the Chinese think of this problem.

What I will almost certainly say

So when I finally come down to it, you know, I'm going to have to, really after I finish this, determine the background, which is not really deep.

I mean, in one sense, you don't need it at all.

But in another sense, it's totally dispensing.

I think you might consider reading the, not the verbatim accounts of the meetings, because I can pick out the key elements of those for you, but the memos I wrote, which are an essential, and then

by briefing papers this time.

The State Department briefing papers are almost useless.

They're very useless.

You're not a man.

You have a deadly contagion for the whole trip.

They're so dead.

I told you to go to bed.

Today you're going to stay less than that.

And he wouldn't help you because you've seen him.

Why are they presented?

They don't have authority.

They must have horses.

They're not in good shape.

at any rate that's what they've done they really are I mean to think that you have to sit through sessions which show each of which goes on six hours with just eight points in front of you for each session it's impossible at any rate you can read things easily I don't disagree with them they're not wrong in fact they're right but what we've done is

But if you think it's too long, I'll cut it down.

Oh, it'll be fine.

We're giving you a... That is coming, however.

You'll have it tonight, tomorrow morning.

Or tomorrow afternoon.

Well, I don't see it tomorrow morning.

I have to...

I have a chance.

I've got to give my mother a chance tomorrow.

But then you'll have it for the rest of the morning.

Now that we have... Well, you can read the first thing.

Well, let me say you have it by three o'clock tomorrow.

What I would recommend is what you might consider really good.

It's not the transcripts, but the memos of the media that I've had.

Because they'll give you a flavor of it.

I try to write them to the atmosphere.

The memorandum.

The memorandum, yeah.

That's in the big, great big case.

I don't look for it.

That's what I'll send to Florida.

Yes, but I sent two separate things.

I sent two books of transcripts of media.

I don't think I want to read.

Those you don't want to read yet, or you better own.

And one book which has all the memos, I don't know if you've read any after.

Those I want to read.

Those you might want to read first, because they'll give you the history in a narrative form.

After that, and I will have for you by tomorrow afternoon, some of the key positions.

But each of them is about eight pages long.

There isn't too much.

No.

But what it has is how do the Chinese look at it?

What will they say?

What do we recommend you should say?

And then what is the communique language that's already agreed to on that subject?

How do we give this?

How do we colorize it?

I'll take all this stuff out of that and give him the rest of it.

Well, just wait a little while.

Let's just do it.

As we get, let's do it as we, when we start out, I think we've got lots of time, and I'm working on the dam stuff, and we're all busy.

When we start working on the plane, I don't, I don't, I think it's vitally important not to have any leaks before, before we begin.

Before it's all dated.

On the way to China.

Yeah.

Sure.

It takes four days to get to China.

What you can say then is at this time, if you're taking the state stuff, you're taking your stuff, and I told you to get it down to the farms, and we can all understand something, you understand the problem, the same papers, and then we're going to have a, you know, that'll, you know, you can get it.

at that time.

What I have in there is also what I've already told them.

You should make sure that, unless you physically, that in each category where I have told them something, that you read it further.

Because that will make it very serious.

I will.

I don't know what we said.

I mean, we haven't had final work, you know, with that one.

The final words of the poem.

On what?

Reception.

You're going to have the braveness of its love all over the place.

Well, as far as the Chinese are concerned.

So, is it quite exactly cool or a warm reception?

Oh, it would be very...

It would certainly be fairly warm.

I thought that they had picked out some of the...

And as a matter of fact, I don't think it makes a hell of a lot of difference.

I mean, if they don't have big crowds, it's because it's controlled.

Oh, yeah.

They do.

It's business controlled also.

That's right.

Of course.

My view about it is that the most important picture about it, the two, the most important one would be more than anything else.

as far more important than anything else as the run for the play around where the second most important position will of course be running on

Those are the tools.

Now, beyond that, going to the wall, with the planner in session, the bandwidth, and all the rest will be very interesting.

It's very, very exciting.

I was at a panel at a very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very,

How's she going?

Pretty good coverage.

No, no, no, no, no.

I mean, nobody can complain about it.

Some of them just had 48 hours to try to get the beat to be drunk.

Well, were they able to sell the idea?

After you talk with Porter, we don't have much time.

What I'm getting at, though, is you see the validity of it.

And you told him I wanted to think of other things like this, something that is magic and something that is different.

It's a disgrace, you know, once I told them.

It is just that I have to tell them that they all recognize that it was a good idea.

And they're really going to hit.

They'll have enough targets.

Every plane that flies into that area for 48 hours against every...

They must know that they have a can of guns.

Well, and also we couldn't get lucky.

I mean, after all... You might get a division.

If they get a division, people are...

They may knock their whole bloody thing into a... Well, here it is.

What if his wife insists about a good, lucky son where they can't miss everything all the time?

The other thing you have to remember, too, is that...

It's in a sense, Henry, I know that there's as well as anybody that these are not set in these battles.

I know that there's guerrilla warfare and arrest and so forth and so on.

But on the other hand, they're lining up here for a massive assault with a hell of a lot of people.

It is going to be more like a 17th battle, correct?

That's right.

Now, if that is the case, what we should then do is, what I am really talking about is the equivalent of an artillery barrage, which should come before they hit and knock the shit out of them.

Why not?

We have to know approximately where they have to go.

And even if we don't hit them, it must be moralized.

I thought they would attack before that.

They look more, they're very federated.

I think so.

Yes, because we can hit them after March 1st.

We can't hit them before we go to China.

We get an attack in the north.

I think we've got the liberals completely confused now.

Brayton has written two favourable comments on Europe.

He said to me, he's now rooting for us because we don't have a very...

He said he won't... What did he say about that?

Brayton saw that, though.

Do you remember, we said, I'll give you another thing.

Henry, you, was he hit correctly?

I'm glad that you told me that.

No, we invited him to the challenge.

But nevertheless, that won't apply.

But my point is, one of these things that we have to bear in mind is that this is one thing that bears off totally what we have said in our briefings.

And bears out, too, exactly what I said in that Danville speech about three different times.

I said they all insisted on overthrowing the government of South Vietnam.

And they did.

Mr. President, you didn't say in your speech that on August 16th we made another military proposal.

What you said was on August 16th we gave them a precise deadline, which is true.

But we made that part of a general proposal.

But that makes it even better because it implies to these two crypto-carnivores that had we been willing to play with them about the election, they would have settled.

But that isn't true because we were willing to publish a set of principles during the summer which we thought would affect the election, which we hoped it would affect the election.

He said if we would have set a deadline during the summer, that would have affected the election.

We offered them a deadline three times during the summer.

They're getting it deeper and deeper, and our opponents are just totally freaked out.

And I think... Well, I think they're...

I think our opponents are going to be forced now to... To go to the McGoverns.

Exactly.

That is the only possible position.

Yeah, and I wonder if the American people, I wonder if some people...

I don't know.

They may say, well, President, we'll lend the war kickers to, you know, who the hell cares?

Who the hell cares?

We want to support South Vietnam.

We've carried this long enough.

I don't think you can make much of a case, even though we say we can't overthrow our ally and settle it with one thing, surrender is enough, another.

You see what I mean?

I think whoever said that, let me say, we'll never do it.

But I think we have to realize that these bad people are so...

so close to being more amoral.

And they're just not getting close.

And in terms of American support, you really ought to agree with how most people say that.

But anyway, I don't know any senior journalists who've not said that.

Well, it may be that some of the journalists will say that you can't do that.

They've got to say it.

It's so wrong.

Well, that's what I think the assessment is, isn't it?

except for the, you know, there's that same 25, 30 percent.

Oh, yeah, that's 25.

Nevertheless, one thing, Bob, that you have to do, I saw a UPI story that said all the field evidence-wise were kind of controlled, just

So a very disturbing story that picked up three people.

But my point is, I had Markman do something earlier last week sometime after Henry had gone over there.

I said, now, get out the news with regard to the attitudes.

Was that done?

Yes.

Three or four very good stories.

Forget it.

I didn't want to say it.

I didn't say it.

Those don't make, apparently don't make our news.

There was one over the weekend, there was one during.

Yeah.

You see, Hughes wrote me a memorandum, which I looked at yesterday, which bore out this point.

Then I picked up the other Sunday, and it was UPI's story, and I know that.

It gives to Skell, the Hughes memorandum.

And he knows the rest of it.

And he works with Stuart, his attendant.

Yeah.

I'm probably the guy who wrote the story.

I don't want to get the impression around that we have at least turned some of the lives in our direction.

We haven't.

Well, it's about meaning we had all the ones that were dead.

Now, this is what the FBI does.

If you read the story, they cover themselves very well.

They say President Nixon failed in one of the major things of his presidency.

in that he did not win back the dissident BOWI's.

Well, he didn't.

There's a group of politicized BOWI's that you know.

It's like saying he didn't win back that Veterans of Vietnam, you know, against the war guy that John Kerry was, and he didn't win him back either.

Or win McCloskey back.

That's an idiotic kind of a story.

What they're saying is that the people who were against you are still against you.

Well, those people who were adamant against you are still against you.

That's the political side of the O.W.

I see that represent, as Don pointed out, maybe several hundred, but only several dozen.

It's a bad story.

It ought to be corrected.

No question.

I think the only story that's written that way, I mean, it's intentionally written in this league.

I don't know who did it.

I don't know, it would be interesting to find out.

Because if it's the guy that's going to China with us, I'd be knowing hard.

It's factually correct, but it's very misleading.

See, because we do not want, we don't want a guy that's going to China with us to get away with anything that is factually wrong, because we're going to have to keep it factually right there.

Right, Henry?

Absolutely.

Nail the facts.

If we actually put the announcement through,

That was the most, if I ever thought, if I ever thought that life did not further my desire to survive, that was, I saw that happen.

There was Griffith.

Griffith came to the West Coast and then wrote an article for which he wouldn't have had to move out of his office.

He could have picked up in any coffee house in New York.

You know, it must have been a little package, you know.

He used that pan to heat it up.

Yeah.

He was dead honest.

He probably had to do it again.

He did.

I think every time these bloody Democrats...

I think they've weakened themselves.

It's such a critical performance.

At least all the knowledgeable people.

I don't know any vegan journalists in town right now.

with the Confederates.

Well, it's terrible.

They're struggling over each other now, trying to sell out the... Well, who's going to sell out?

Well, they're struggling over each other to sell out America, sell out our allies, sell out 17 million South Vietnamese.

Right, it's blood bad.

Let alone... You know, in fact, quite a rhetorical...

I remember that last paragraph.

I forgot who said it, but the boy said it.

And that'll be the end of all...

The honor of this nation.

And they want to destroy it.

And we could have done that in this country as well.

Could somebody worry about it?

I was infusing the word by honor.

Let's do it, Altaf, who's, you know, who's presented.

I don't think he wants to.

We had several men on the way.

It was good, you know.

The Chinese did?

We did.

Yeah, the Chinese.

I appreciate that.

It must have been a good day.

What do you mean?

Not to O'Connor?

Not to O'Connor.

Huh?

Not to O'Connor.

He should have canceled his speaking engagements.

Oh, I was trying to say.

He could have doubled his fee on every speaking engagement by saying, I can't come now because I've looked at China with President Nixon.

I'd be glad to reschedule a month later.

You realize, Henry, that everyone can turn off the seat.

commentators who do it from China.

From there on, you can pick audiences all over the country and get $500 to $1,000.

$250 to $500 and some up to $1,000 are cracked.

That's what they pay on earnings.

It's like the National's going to do it.

And they'll all do it.

See, they can do it.

They all make their fee.

Don't worry about yourself.

Well, I tell you, they're lucky to go.

And the Chinese surprised me that they took so many.

Well, we expected 20.

We got them up to 85.

And we got up to 85 and a ground station.

I'll let you go.

Can I do it?

Apparently the Chinese are putting one in in Shanghai.

All the way through is, of course, I can see why they would be the hang child.

It's almost like the mechanism.

must be a city where all Chinese were there.

And it kept them in trouble for a while.

One thing, too, all this is used to talk about headlines.

If it's not next week, no one will hear the next one.

So I heard you're focused on that.

Oh, I think the China story for the version three days ago, probably not like that, but I would drag it through the days.

No, I don't think so.

The Canto, and then the Connecticut.

Look, you've got the Walter Cronkites, and the Bernal Walters, and the John Chancellors, and all those captains over there who are obsessed with getting themselves on.

They're going to build mysteries.

John Cronkite attached AFL one-hour special every night.

And it's going to get enormous attention every day you're there.

Always.

We haven't got anything to give.

Doesn't matter.

They'll get out and fire them.

Well, sure.

And they'll go through all kinds of stuff.

You know, there'll be a big rumor.

There'll be all kinds of stuff going on that they'll grumble about.

We shouldn't give them anything because...

Nothing.

So I'm going to tell them Thursday on this.

Well, not Thursday, but in Hawaii.

Well, there's not going to be any background trouble here.

We're not going to do anything.

And because what is most important is the success of this trip.

The success of this talk is

the way the press is gonna realize once they're there, and the way we regret it, and the way that we cannot do this, and the way that we appreciate it, and we honor that, and the world might jeopardize us, but they, let them feel that they're working for America.

I think they will, too.

Let me tell you an interesting thing.

When I went to Russia in 59,

The Russians, you know, discussed the capitalization resolution in the past.

It just happened, you know, in the past seven years.

We did it deliberately.

We didn't plan it for this time.

And so every place we went, they had hecklers.

We would come up and I was the second president.

I'm just a woman.

I'm a minor.

I never forget because it's in the bottom of my goddamn mind.

And it's almost delirious.

I'm not looking around in my mind wearing my hair home and all the rest and so forth.

Sure enough, that's part of it.

What else do you want to hear?

Mr. Vice President, I want to ask you about the Captain's Nation presentation.

Well, anyway, the net result of it is that

press, the American press, by the end of that trip, were on my side, our side, so to speak.

And they tend to do that when you go abroad.

Even though they know it may have, because you know what I mean.

You've got to remember that deep down these people are basically, they're not anti-American.

And they're going to get awful sick of communism when they see it.

It's a miserable son of a bitch.

That's the Chinese.

The Chinese will handle themselves better, but what I meant is, I don't believe that you're going to find him taking a hand-pied Nixon.

But that doesn't look as bad and as miserable as Russia does.

Well, yeah, but not as much as in Russia.

In Russia, it just acts all over you.

Sure does.

In the Chinese, it's not much more helpful, not much more vital to people.

But I must say, I think that you're going to find the press wanting to be, some of them are, sorry to say.

But the press, in any event, they're going to see all these things, and they're going to, and there's enough spectacle, I mean, after all, they have these meetings to report, and towards the end, they'll have to communicate, and there'll be a consensus, and that's fine.

And people are fascinated by the kind of stuff that they do on the boat, where if there isn't anything happening there, if they're on for an hour, an hour, an hour, you'd see them on the little television things.

I've heard it all.

They just sit there.

Of course, the boat much more.

The boat, they have one little camera just sitting there for hours.

They'll show people.

They'll show the buildings and the things around the city.

Get out into the countryside.

You can go to the meeting and come back.

I don't know if you have pictures of me or motion pictures.

I'm sure there's one.

Someone cranked up a little bit and she's been killed.

She's been kidnapped.

I'm a little upset about that.

The locations have broken or something.

But I've got a cold.

You've got a cold.

You've been poisoned.

Bless her.

Healthy stuff on there.

There's also an interesting other one.

part of it.

I'm sure Henry Lefort had been escaped when he read this post.

The Chinese, despite the fact that they had problems with families and the rest of the military, were very interested in preserving their religion as they got older.

There is something, a Korean thing called .

And that sells for two dollars and a half for .

And it compels us about how it's supposed to be .

And there must be something to it, because they've been using it that way for 2,000 years.

So it makes it very psychological.

I'm not interested.

Oh, yeah.

But it's fascinating.

I don't think they have any stories.

But they're doing what they want to do in each country, far and wide.

It's like Russia, where they sell this and this.

In Russia, you do have, I don't know, they don't have this in China.

The Russian trip would be fascinating in another way, because while you do not have stores in Russia, you've got the big, long story that was called the Great Park story, where you could go in and buy a certain showroom.

But you do have the big Russian markets, which were the farmers still coming into places.

And it's fascinating to walk through those markets, you know, five or four years from there, and see the folks.

It's a tough-a-do thing.

Let's be sure that we don't get rid of it.

I don't want coffee and agitators

I haven't done anything.

What I meant is, I mean, I would just reassure him on it, because, you know, I mean, we know what, I think Arthur Burns is very close to this idea that we'll go back and put it on, and he would remember the big argument about it.

And we've got to agree to it.

It's not about the children.

That is the issue.

What he has raised is related to it in a sense.

That is, that we agree to maintain

that with the dollar, without the dollar.

But on the other hand, you might say that the original

the president knows exactly what the problem is here, you know.

You know, Eno's problem, and she would help us to grab him for a flight.

You know, Conley, you know, they'd be pushing the Canadians really again, you know, to retreat and whatever.

Everybody I know is just, you know, if he keeps going like this, you know, you're done.

You go if that's what you want.

But, uh, but

Trudeau cannot politically do the things we ask of him.

I stayed out of it, but it is building into a confrontation.

Well, I get the flag everywhere.

It's an election.

and what we may be able to do is to get rid of those trees and try to have to be able to do it again.

Well, we told the miners that we're going to have to put the trees in.

We're going to have to put the trees in.

They haven't given it their seat in Henry.

They're staying out of the whole monetary thing.

They're closing.

They're not playing any second.

I'm afraid they haven't won one inch on anything.

In any event, Mr. President, I don't disagree with you.

It sucks.

But Connolly doesn't have the sensitivity for others.

Yeah, as I say, tomorrow morning I'll continue to finish a few little things.

What is the date today?

The Monday Big Post has given you the only one that can be truly divisible in this.

The memos that actually describe

What's that?

I know, I know.

The memoranda that you prepared.

I'll do it.

In the current issue of Fortune, the story is told of three men on a desert island who spotted a tidal wave headed their way.

The first man decided that he was the time remaining on wine, women, and song.

The second man chose to get down on his knees and pray.

And the third man, perhaps he was an emergent businessman, got busy trying to figure out how to breathe underwater.

As we look ahead to the industrial world of the future in this White House conference,

You'd well remember that there is something to be said for enjoying life, and the power of prayer is important.

But as we face the future, we must also get ready to live in it.

In the course of this conference, you will be exploring the exciting prospects that lie ahead for the working man and the businessman.

You will be examining the new social responsibilities of business, the challenges of the new technologies so vital and better for the lives of our people and the future of our economy.

a hard searching look ahead has been more essential.

We cannot really plan for the adapter we're ahead without considering the total picture of the world of the future.

We have to ask ourselves which way the world is headed.

What we as a nation must do to influence the course of history toward more freedom and generational peace.

What kind of people will we have?

What kind of people?

we will have to be to make a difference in our children's lives and the world of tomorrow.

These are profound questions, and the kind that all too many people consider themselves too busy to deal with.

But the American dream is too important to be left to the dreamers.

Practical men have to examine their ideals and shape the future with their images and their hopes.

The people of the United States of America make up 6% of the population of the world.

What does that figure mean?

First, it means that we have a great deal to be proud of.

When six percent of the world produce one fifth of the world's steel, one third of its electric power, one third of its automobiles, then even our most severe critics will have to admit that the American economic system must be doing something right.

The fact that we number only six out of every hundred people in the world means something else that must give us pause.

It means that we, who believe in majority rule, are a minority group in the world.

If we are to lead, we cannot lead by force of arms or weight of numbers.

We can lead only by the force of our example and the quality of our mission.

What is it that has brought this 6%, this minority of the world that calls itself America, the highest standard of living and the highest expression of human freedom?

What is it that will propel this nation forward in the coming generation to lead mankind in its search for a better life and a world of peace?

I am convinced that the answer lies in the real and tangible quality called the American spirit.

In today's world, that spirit is being tested in America.

We've got to learn once again to compete in the world.

And the only way we can compete is on the basis of our own productivity.

In the past, America has been able to pay the highest wages in the world, enjoy the highest standard of living in the world, and still compete in the world's markets because we have the best technology and the highest productivity.

While other nations have been modernizing, while others have been spurting ahead of productivity, in America, we have let productivity slip.

We have neglected capital investment.

We have fallen behind other nations in the attention and support we give to applied science and to advancement in knowledge.

We can be proud of our record of generosity and foresight in the years since World War II.

With your help, old enemies as well as old friends have gotten back on their feet, and new nations have been started on the long road

prosperity.

This help has been good for other nations, good for the world, and in the long run, I believe it's good for America.

We see that during the decade of the 60s, exports of American manufactured goods increased by 10%.

But we see also that during the same decade, exports of German manufactured goods rose by 200%.

Canada's increased by 285%.

Japan's

Now, the second largest producer in the non-communist world increased her exports of manufactured goods by 400%.

This is one major reason why last year America suffered its first trade deficit since 1888.

Nations never stand still.

They go forward or they fall back.

Other nations in the world, they are going forward, rapidly forward.

And America has to exert herself the other best if we are to remain competitive in the world.

In business and in life, there's a time when tough decisions have to be made.

In the administration, we make some tough decisions in order to help get this economy back on its feet, on a stable basis, with full employment, moving forward in a sustainable way.

The best economy for America is a free-mining economy.

But faced with the choice of wage and price controls and continued inflation,

I chose temporary controls to curb inflation.

I believe in balanced budgets, but based on the choice between budget deficits and unemployment, I chose deficits to create more jobs.

In the long run, our goal is to remove the controls and get rid of the deficits once we have brought about price stability in the whole market.

In the short run, there's going to be a lot of inflation, and I'm prepared to take the heat because I know I put first things first.

Full employment without inflation in a period of peace comes first for all Americans.

Now you, the leaders of the American industry, are going to have to make some hard decisions.

Are you going to crawl into a shell and demand protection from world competition?

Or are you going to roll up your sleeves and increase productivity?

Are you going to expand your industries with planning about control?

Or are you going to adopt wage and price policies that will remove the pressure of inflation and the need for control?

I am convinced I made the right decision.

I am convinced you will make the right decision as well.

Fight for yourself and fight for your country.

There are still some people around who are uncertain about whether we will cut the rate of inflation.

There are two answers to these doubts.

First, there is a record of what has been done so far.

Consumer prices rose 3.4% in 1971 compared to 5.5% the year before.

That's the right direction for inflation, down.

That shows that it can be done.

Second, this administration is determined to keep pushing down the wage inflation.

We have made a commitment.

We have proved the legs we prepared to go to keep our commitment.

And we will see that this fight against rising prices through is still on.

Justice controls are going to work this inflation.

Our policies decree our jobs.

You all know that in the past six months, the wage unemployment has increased by over a million jobs.

Yet that surge is not made nearly enough with debt and the unacquired wages.

In the most recent quarter, real output rose at a rate double that of the preceding two quarters.

That's the basis for real confidence, the confidence that should generate further expansion and more jobs.

Nobody says the road to full employment is quick and easy, but we are on the road.

If we ask what it is that enables each worker to get more out of his work, each investor to get more out of his investment, and the nation to get more out of its economy, the answer is productivity.

For a long time,

we took productivity increases for granted.

We imagined a sort of technological carnival that promised increasing abundance every year without any real effort on our part, and this made us complain.

We tended to imagine that more was our duty, whether we did anything for it or not.

But now the new situation of the world has changed all that.

Even if we were content just to fight with one another for a bigger slice of the same old pie, instead of making the pie bigger, this would no longer be enough.

Our markets would disappear, and not only would we no longer sell abroad, but we could no longer afford to buy from abroad in America or Spain.

We are not going to Spain.

We still have the American spirit.

Having the spirit is not enough.

We have to reach it.

We are to maintain our leadership in the world of the future.

It will not be by force of arms.

It will be by the strength of our spirit, backed by the vigor of our economy.

And if we slip as an economic power, then we will slip also as a moral force in the world.

For it will have been because we ceased to try, because we ceased to compete, because we gave up on ourselves and the world.

I do not believe America will come.

Nor do I believe we will try to build a wall

If we were ever to permit this nation to turn isolationist in foreign policy, we would be inviting another war.

If we were to let this nation turn protectionist in its economic policy, we would be inviting a trade war.

And like the other kind of war, every nation is a plant in the roots.

We're not going to let either of these things happen.

We're not about to forget the secret of the world's highest standard of living, a competitive spirit that results in rising productivity.

After years of lagging productivity, we made a comeback last year, back to a 3.6% rise.

Now we have a limit, and we must never again forget the secret of American success.

For too long, too many businessmen and working men thought of the American economy as a kind of a giant turtle, fat and lazy with a protective shell that seemed impregnable.

Let me point out to you,

The only way he can move forward is to stick his neck out.

The time has come for that turtle to stick its neck out and get moving.

As it does, it will show that America's competitive spirit is alive and healthy, ready to lead the world into the new prosperity.