Conversation 325-010

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We're going to be here, and then go through to Seattle, and Chicago, rather than come down here and go to the ships.

Not much, really, not very much.

We should have to buy a new tanker.

His idea is to form a consortium for the long haul insurers to pay on time for sale.

I never did understand why he would apply.

His deal here, the argument, the deal here would be the Canadians in third America, the government of third America, and so on.

It is through a guarantee of Canadians on third of the capacity, as I have known for a year,

So they start moving some through there as well.

They can tap into the line.

The line comes out of here, they can tap down.

So they don't have very far to go, and that's when they're tapping into the mess.

And they immediately start getting rough.

How do they shoot them?

They've got lights.

They've got lights all the way out of there.

Yeah.

All right.

You know, on the busing thing, I wondered what your situation is with regard to the legislature side.

Is that being followed up by somebody?

I mean, I assume it is.

My first reading in the staff meeting this morning was that because of Sellers' announcement of opposition, our best chance is to get it through the conference.

And they're going ahead.

They're proceeding vigorously.

Alcui and Javits.

Now, they may try and amend it slightly.

And we don't know how.

But we're resisting that, and we're working with it.

And we're going to see them with McGregor.

And we're keeping right on top of that.

Obviously, we will not get it through this House of District because the sellers block anything.

blocking it, although McCulloch still remains optimistic.

He thinks that some of them can be either brought around or run over.

So we're working it.

Both pieces of legislation have been offered.

We've got good sponsorship.

And so you're in as far as having a formal conference.

How about the most important thing you say about the conference?

I'd say it's strong.

There are going to be problems like some, but broadly it's strong.

Are we working that hard?

Yes, sir.

We have a team up there in the city that we are working with.

It's the editorial that we have a trial of us.

They're working the south now.

They're going to work the south and the west.

And the border states, the middle states, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Michigan, and Ohio.

What about it?

What about interventions?

I had a meeting yesterday, a preliminary meeting, of just Morgan and Clanky's, where I said, very well, I have a meeting today of Morgan Clanky's and Clanky's people.

So by the end of the business today, we will have a list to show you.

I will not tell what they are tomorrow, correct?

You're not going to tell them?

That's right.

That's going forward.

Yes, sir.

How are you going to handle that?

One at a time.

We have a story today, so to speak.

It won't be every day.

I'm sure you got it.

It was wasted.

I was here at Michigan one day.

I went to Tennessee one day.

It wasn't so long.

With regard to getting capital, I understand that's what they did wrong.

I know you had a meeting.

That's all.

Yes, there are Q&As.

There's a packet.

And it's not going to the cabinet.

It's going to the department.

Don't make it too thick.

It's not going to be just something too thick.

It's your statement.

It's your long statement.

It's your short statement.

It's too thick.

What I meant is, actually, if you give them just a...

You know, a couple of pages about this whole situation about, you know, the sort of thing that they have the administration constantly on the offensive on crack.

A couple of pages that the average person has in a crackhead leader to say five minutes in a speech or answer three questions in a talk show.

Let's assume that, so they'll never read them all, take them to church, take them, certainly not the long ones, possibly not the short ones.

I've heard that.

You know what I mean?

I understand.

And if you could just give them, and not too much of that, you know, all that.

There is a pretty good two-page double-spaced fact sheet.

Yes, they had that.

That was the one we were looking at that day.

How many dollars for that?

It's a sale.

Very small.

I'm not surprised both of the editorial comments, but I was intimidated from some areas.

It may be in another department, but not creating a mechanism.

And on the ground, which would be a...

He's building that out of the period of time that the decision was made.

The president was working on the busing decision and they had a meeting and they were talking on the phone.

Well, that's, sorry, she doesn't understand.

It's a damn tough comment.

She might be hung up on this issue.

But I was going to say, gentlemen, some of the editorial comments might be, plus I'm just a monitor, so I'm pretty precise.

The Miami Herald would indicate either lack of understanding or lack of understanding.

You can't tell, I can't tell.

It's a matter of fact, both of them, you know, the Los Angeles Times, the credit people, the management people, they all have two-ish vets in their editorial, in their editorial, yeah, family board, so you might be getting attention from that.

But on the, on the, on the, on the, what was your reaction generally to the editorial comment?

I don't know.

On balance, it was all right.

That's what you told me the other day.

I thought that was my feeling, too.

Except when I read the news summary, I thought it was you.

They tend to pick out the ones that are, you know, they try to give a balance, but they don't do it.

When you, I think your average newspaper editor or writer likes to be a little bit out of step with the mass.

He hates to think that he's following.

Correct.

And to say what the hell the matter is with this thing.

Also, they don't like the Wallace thing.

That's right.

I think we're going to be, well, they're taking up the line.

Well, I mean, you're not exercising moral leadership against moral leadership.

We'll get two of those four papers next week.

The very pre-pressing elements on the moral leadership is certainly going to be one of these papers.

I've said it several times, there's nothing that creates race hatred more than the buses.

We've got to remove this.

It created between blacks and whites, and among blacks, and so forth and so on.

And we had moral leadership expressly in the press conference over here the next day.

Yeah, they did pick it up.

Yeah, they did, as a matter of fact.

Well, they did.

Well, I was thinking we had a part of that.

No, that's true.

But I mean, the news columns did take our line on moral leadership.

over this and so on.

Are you guys going to talk about that to the speakers?

This is a great moral leadership person.

Please pick me up.

It's a very difficult issue and easy to run with the extremists on either side.

Avoid the extremists on either side.

That sort of thing.

When you're in the cell phones, either side is allowed.

Thank you.

Because I think, if anything, in terms of the public interest, we took too much of the Negroes.

Provided plenty for them.

There was a lot of them there.

I don't know.

I was just struggling in favor of that.

What's that?

Dr. Chief sent you a letter.

I saw that.

I was going to say, though, what I meant, John, is that in terms of

of what we would suppose would be our normal support committee.

I think that it's there that we have not done very well.

And of course, we've got to remember, too, some people like Thurman don't like to, they want to, they probably don't want to be for whatever anybody else is for.

They want to be out there eating a jar and we're kicking these people.

You see what I'm getting at?

That's what it means.

In other words, frankly, they're brokering the issue.

Well, you solve the problem.

Dermot loses his best issue.

So you're 20 points to the right of center.

They're 90 points.

They're, you know, 40 points to the right of center.

Yeah, yeah.

Well, I guess you've got it all.

But the constitutional thing, of course, for these editorial writers around about that thing.

We are getting together a constitutional brief, and Bork is going to do a special article, which the American Enterprise Institute is going to finance, which will be widely disseminated on the issue of constitutional rights.

The Justice Department is doing one for the Congressmen, as they're calling for it.

And Bork is a part-time part of the Justice Department.

to get this pretty soon.

Yes, get it to the companies they work out now.

And we'll send it, not only to the Congress, but to 15,000 of the papers and so on.

Yeah, for us.

Yes, not just us.

Yes.

Ways they are considering, basically.

Whether they're making a point of rejecting a deal, that would be normal.

There is one scheduled thing that you might want to consider.

I don't know if you discussed this in the Supreme Court.

I haven't retraced it at this time.

Well, it seems to me that as a symbol of honor, you have your traditional annual rhythm of the program.

Because it is traditional.

We've never had one.

Yes, you have.

It was one the first year of the war.

There was a retirement dinner.

No, no, there was a routine.

Is there not?

No, there's one for the speaker, there's one for the vice president, one for the president.

We don't do all the series.

I think if you reach your way out, you might find some other way to do it.

What do you mean?

I think, you know, a little symbolism here that indicates that you're, without saying so, that you're not flouting the court, you're not flouting the Constitution.

That you do recognize the amenities, so to speak, is not all bad.

...on a slight tilt, and it would be a nuance.

Your toast, if you gave one, should be a very artful and profound discussion of some fairly esoteric aspect of the executive's relation to the court.

It would be read for its metaphysical overtones.

a restatement of the fundamentals.

And there will be no references to any current issue of the day or anything of that kind.

And guys like Fred Graham and others who might otherwise

influencing the press and media to charge you with trying to tip over the court or something?

I don't think the dinner is the best way to do it.

I would want to do an article.

You know, you want to write, you want to have a metaphysical article for the ABA Journal or something like that, or whatever, or something like that.

A Harvard Law Review or some dang thing?

Duke?

Duke Law Review.

The dinners, the dinners, John, everybody around here overestimates and they're totally in the ass.

And they get very, very, very little fun.

I'm not thinking of first day play at all.

No.

We've tried to peddle toast.

We've peddled toast.

We've peddled everything we've found.

And we have found that somewhere other than the street, it's a social function.

If we get any place bigger in the collection, we'll make some toast.

in the last three years is one of the most hell of a sets of .

Supposedly, when you're in California, Stanford Law School gives a dinner honoring Rehnquist, and you come to the .

I think rather, I think the address is what I think.

I think that if you're going to reach these reading, thinking people, you can reach them just as more effectively through an article.

As a matter of fact, you could have, why not write for U.S. News?

You've just done that well.

You've just started out.

I mean, drop it.

Maybe do a series of articles for U.S. News.

to do one on the court.

What I'm getting at is, an article would get an enormous ploy, and if you give it to a magazine like this, they will broker the damn thing.

So, another thing you could do, I guess, is to do it as one of the two or three radio talks in the series.

Well, that's right.

For that series of radios, obviously, you put this in as one of those, and that would get a place.

The president dressing the nation on radio today, he said, makes news as well as thoughtful podcasts.

Well, Price would do something there.

Well, the traditional, the balance of power is basically the traditional fights between the states and the differences between the executives and the courts.

I like the president's opinion.

You can couch it, as a matter of fact, in a discussion of the war powers and the manner of controversy with the Congress.

Well, we've traded beyond that.

I think the radio talk series, the radio talk, certainly, the war power thing, of course, we have to do with that.

I think if you want to hit your problem, the thing to do is hit the court directly with it.

and all the discussion about the coordinate state, what it is, why it's black, why we black people, you know, the law of the land, basically.

That fits the tenor of these radio addresses we just heard from the president.

The law of the land, why we abide by it, and so forth and so on now with regard to the coordinate state.

once the Court is spoken, must carry it out, and so forth, unless we change it.

But on the other hand, the Constitution provides for the powers and the people of the Court.

That's the point to be made here.

But the thing is, John, the thing is that these editorial records, I mean, it shows you that, of course, there's a lawyer among them.

Well, there might be, but...

They write as if when the Supreme Court is voted, that becomes wholly red.

The Supreme Court only interprets what the Constitution is at the moment.

And once the Constitution is changed, it isn't wholly red.

Also, if the Congress has a right to legislate on the remedies, and the Supreme Court cannot object to that.

I think the whole thing

I don't know whether you could get that in price.

It might take you three months to get it sold.

Put it to a garment producer.

Who the hell has the rights on it?

I don't know.

Do you have a lawyer?

No, he has a constitutional lawyer.

But they might have somebody who lives.

McDonald might be able to write that.

Oh, no.

This young guy who doesn't work here.

No, McCall.

The Injustice Department.

Well, the Injustice Department.

I'm thinking of pulling, as a matter of fact, a stone from the Injustice Department.

I bet we're going to have houses drawn around that.

You can look at your brightest person.

I thought you wanted to do that call.

Why don't we do it at 4 o'clock today?

That'll kill it for the press office.

Are we going to do the press at 4?

The press is one minute.

So I walk down there.

I think that's the best thing.

Yeah.

No, I'm good.

Well, I think that this radio thing gets at it better.

I mean, I like your idea of the dinner.

Look, we invite burglars and justices to dinners.

I mean, they kiss their ass all that way.

So what does it mean?

The dinner is not nearly the most overrated thing we do here.

They're overrated.

The only people that like them are the wives and the people.

People are totally over it.

It was very little good.

We have labor leaders, we have social leaders, we have people for practice, we have people for cocktails, we do this and that.

And they go out and say, it wasn't that great.

And it doesn't have one goddamn bit of ripple effect now.

I'm overestimating them.

What do you think?

I don't go out and say it wasn't that great.

That's the problem.

They say to themselves, well, there is this great ending.

I'm not going to say it wasn't great.

We have done more social events than anybody that's been in this place.

And we've done evenings in the White House.

We've done the goddamn church services.

We have done everything, John.

And people just love it.

Isn't it wonderful to be around?

And we've shown them the upstairs.

Nobody's ever shown them the upstairs before.

We've shown them the goddamn Rose Garden.

And we've come in and they've walked through the president's office.

Nobody ever opened the president's office up before.

When I powered here, that office was never open to anybody.

And it doesn't mean one tinkered goddamn thing.

Well, that's the one thing that I think we've done.

Or this sort of thing, a social event for the birds.

Things that we just said.

Put it out.

Don't socialize with people that are your enemies.

Don't listen.

Let me disagree with you on the first part of that.

The Betty Beale syndication and these others who cover these social groups are avidly following out in the hinterlands.

And generally, if we get done with too many asses, Betty Beale's all right.

She's okay.

And she writes political stuff.

She doesn't write just, you know, through-through.

And it has intensive readership.

I bet you can go through every penny deal of every other column that's covered.

There's always the chit-chat.

Not one of them has ever said anything about the eloquence, about the tears running down people's faces, about the fantastic historical grasp or philosophical grasp.

Right.

Those are always done without notice.

Yeah.

And either way, and we've tried to get those on the stage, those guys to get up there and talk about it like they already did.

The great world statesmen, we've observed what we've been doing- Not one word of government.

Not a single word of government.

Our problem is that the press and government are all managed the least way, and there's no-

Political, there's no political in over there.

It's kind of like, we let the nurses sit down there and they're the bad asses and they're down there and about to whip the ass away and they lose and we give them booze and everything.

Sure do, but it's all those old gals from the other side.

Yeah, could be right.

In other words, we created this as a social event.

Yeah.

What I'd love to see.

Oh, he puts them in the racks.

Pointing out the emotional responses and all that kind of thing.

He's not a westerly fool.

Well, he should have stayed here in any way.

They don't like to go to the house.

They'll see a fine door there once in a while.

Well, coming back to this, how's the radio thing?

That's fine.

I think we want to just get on the record somehow.

And the radio thing has the additional advantage of reaching two or three million folks as well as getting on the record.

Well, it's... First, we want to be picked up on credit.

We already got U.S. News.

How many records?

Yeah.

It forces the... Second.

Yeah.

Second, it can be rigged and circulated.

But you see, it has an enormous advantage over .

I swear to God, if we think of the ripple effect of dinner, we'll see what happens.

So I hope you're here.

I've been a total waste of my time.

Come in.

Sir, I just want to say a little bit.

We're here to proceed with the plan, sir.

Yeah, sit down, sit down.

I don't know what the plan is, but I was, as left last night, we reviewed it in some detail this morning, looking at whether it actually ought to be changed and came back to the global world.

Is it wrong?

It's going to save a lot of them.

They're going to want to change.

Well, or war.

Well, whatever you want.

I think I'll do this.

Fine.

I don't think you should.

I think it centers on a very fine announcement.

If it's just going to be an announcement, I think it's better for you.

Don't say my wife.

I don't want to overreact to it.

The president last night called the leading president of the House today at 3.

at three o'clock.

has called a meeting at 3 o'clock and we'll have an announcement regarding the decision on the wage part immediately after that meeting.

And when did the county, when did he say, did he say, is the colony too important across the county?

I mean, it's a decision, it's a decision, the farming, the farming, not overtaking, taking what we decided, but it's a party across the county council.

It is a decision regarding the future, you know,

The composition of the future composition of an operation of the pay board.

Yeah.

That's very good.

And that he will affirm that and he will, yeah.

Well, I'll be surprised if you come out and just say, and announce it.

Yeah.

That decision will be announced after the meeting.

Yeah, that decision will be announced after the meeting.

Now, I've been thinking of that.

I wanted to raise it with Ron.

I don't think that money is going out there and reading that.

I think that who knows the most about it?

George may know more about it than Connelly.

Yeah, he's got a very delicate problem there.

But anyway, the point is, if we get Connelly, are we going to be able to get him on the morning show?

Yes, he's on at 8 o'clock.

You see, that's better than partying with these people.

Well, Ron raised an interesting point, which gets back to the press conference, and maybe it's worth reopening that for a second.

If you want, if you regard the press conference as a positive thing that's going to do us some good, then your decision to move it to tomorrow and let it ride free is a good idea.

If, on the other hand, press conference is a necessary equal to get some of these things swept out of the way into a habit, maybe it's better to have it today.

Get it.

Submerged by the, this news will overrun.

And do it on the basis of, which is a little funny, but who the hell cares?

Have the press conference first, and then go out afterwards and make your statement for Canada.

Or like Canada did, I can say.

Or do.

Well, I can't, I'm not going to be able to prepare a statement at the press conference.

I could go out and do a discovery, do a play, I don't have that time.

Okay, I was saying that the answer to the question you were raising here, too, is for more than just your statement.

I don't think you have, but I think you do need more than just your statement.

See, there's a written statement that isn't more detailed, which takes the place of a brief, yeah.

Maybe here, if you announce it this way, I think you're in good shape.

What I meant is if you announce it in this way, then I'll just go out and say, no, we've just concluded, and I have an announcement to make, and that's it.

And then we have a statement here, which is very great, and just walk out that way, and they have their story to write.

I think that's best.

No, I don't think we ought to try to...

I see them out there.

They've got all their things out.

Tomorrow they won't expect anything.

It's better to have those words when they're quiet.

Well, they'll give you another shot at this tomorrow.

Well, you say positive and so forth and so on.

I've been in person several positive things I want to get from the president.

I want to say, well, I want to crack marijuana.

I want to crack abortion.

I want to hit some things like that.

I know all my liberals around here don't want me to hit those things.

But by God, I'm going to get out on record.

I'm going to do something awful with this crap.

I'm going to legalize marijuana.

I'm going to beat for abortion and all the rest.

This will give me a chance to hit that.

I'd rather have that beat Friday night than this goddamn table.

This has got to pick me a winner.

All right.

Yes, sir.

Bye.

And all we'll do it for is walk out and just have the cameras.

You don't have to tell them a great thing in advance of the cameras.

No, no, no.

Don't be here expecting new announcements.

Yeah, I'm happy with new announcements.

I think you'll just turn in the cameras and I'll go and read the announcements.

Or will you tell them before I come out that we'll have an announcement and a written statement, any other written statement you want me to talk to?

And they say, of course, we have a...

Don't give it to the written statement.

You don't make an announcement.

And we have an extended written statement.

We have a longer written statement for the press, which will be announced by .

No, I think we're sometimes a press conference in the broadest sense.

The good thing they have, the bad thing they have.

First, we've got to make the press conferences many stories, not one story.

And some of them are going to be negative, some of them are going to be positive.

But the point is, the negative ones are going to ride anyway.

They're going to ride because of the media, and they're riding because of the show they already got that day.

So we may as well get in a few punches on our side.

You see what I mean?

They were frustrated by that marijuana story yesterday.

Yeah.

It was all over every network for 15 minutes.

I know, but that's not what you're saying.

Well, he didn't go to me.

He was worried about my position.

Oh, yeah.

And every one of the stories was tagged.

The president maintains his strong opposition to liberalizing marijuana.

So you're loud and clear on that.

And they're criticized.

Their position doesn't come out great.

All right.

It's a terribly screwed up thing when you say we want to keep it illegal, but we want to make it eliminate the penalties for using it.

It's to be half illegal.

Don't be half safe.

It's an important thing.

It's part of the office of this country, the United States, as far as the pageantry and all that goes.

Well, the problem is that they're .

It's true of the local society, people in every city.

It's just the aberration rather than the positive.

Yeah, that's right.

The idea that Christina Bord's poopy bounced out of her dress.

That was the main link, was that she did lose her breast.

Or that the Australian Prime Minister's wife's dress was split up to her chest.

Or, you know, that somebody... Yeah, when you have... Like you, when you have a really flawless performance, like during her...

They do make no debate about that she was good.

But that's all.

That's all.

But probably in terms of just sheer... sheer first quality...

presence in the restaurant.

He was as good or better as his money.

What do they want?

They want these people that Lenzo would put in, these goddamn black dancers, these bags and shit.

Really, it's awful.

It is a problem.

It is terrible.

No, no, Dorothy Kirshen is a great star, a great star, and a fantastic performer, and so forth.

Because she isn't fashionable.

She isn't.

I guess she isn't.

She's just too benefited.

Like Beverly Sills, because her dress was cut down and her blouse just came out again.

And she's not as good as Beverly Sills, can't even try on her shoes.

But Beverly Sills has the benefit of being Jewish.

And both sides.

Oh shit, she's Jewish.

God damn it, 80% of these guys are Jewish.

You don't realize, you don't realize what the hell the point is.

I do realize that there's been many...

Kicking, kicking, a little bit of a piece of stuff.

But Beverly Sills, I mean, she's crude, she's vulgar, you know what I mean?

She just looks, she acts as like she is.

I mean, she doesn't have... Dorothy Kirsten may have come from a poor family too, but by God, she acts like a queen out there.

I mean, her grace, style, presence, and her voice is perfect.

So Beverly Sills comes out, you know, and...

I feel very startled.

I don't mind all of these stuff, but I'd like to at least, when something is good there, I'll pay attention to it.

If we could, the other thing I was going to mention, Bob, I've asked about the story.

Sure.

I'm pretty sensitive about one point that is, after all,

and he's in charge of something, he wanted to run it.

He wanted to preside.

Now, all people here have gotten to realize that whenever there's something in his field, he's sure.

Now, he didn't say anything yesterday, but I was rather surprised that George took the, you know, the chairmanship rather than the comment.

In here?

Yes, sir.

And Tom was sitting there sort of as a, I had to break him in, you know, and ask him questions and so forth and so on.

Now with, generally with your White House staffers, your cabinet officers are so incompetent that a White House staff man should be a good man.

But, and I realize that George, we have to do a problem with him too, but I'll see him a little bit.

But I just, I don't know, I feel that in this field, Connolly considers himself to be the boss.

You know, God damn, he's the chief economic advisor.

And I fucking fear he's been in charge.

I think that was not worth it.

See, Connolly hasn't taken the initiative and doesn't.

George did because it was a problem he dealt with.

And the earlier meetings, they had a meeting, you know, before they came here.

George had been putting all that together, and they could have got this with a natural outgrowth of that.

I doubt that there was much thought about letting anybody... You don't say they're not going to have any problem on this one?

I don't know.

I don't have a feeling that he did.

And there was this meeting this morning.

George resided, and I don't think he's on it yet.

There are two ways to do that meeting this morning.

One was to do it as we did it.

The other is to call Colin and say, we'd like to come over and see you.

I was surprised when Mr. Jordan saw that.

I'm amazed at that.

Although it shouldn't have all been us who said that.

It's over many people.

Yeah, I got that.

It's a five-minute walk.

If you call on Mr. Jordan's office, it's not the right thing to do.

I was thinking that as we sat there.

It was very crazy.

And I particularly want to be surprised at that.

and has been, and he does step up and make these stand-ins.

I'll talk to George a little about that.

George is considerably concerned because the family's so busy and he's so badly staffed that a lot of these things slip between cracks.

And so George is beginning to move again.

He laid off for a long time.

It was very hard for him to do because he saw so many things that weren't getting done.

Now he's beginning to move again.

And I'll talk with him.

But he's very sensitive to the problem that he will get.

The thing for him to do is for all his sake.

I mean, it's very easy because it's very crucial.

But today, if John Cooper should make a reference, I don't know what their comments are.

Second, I would say no.

the problem I'd like to report to you about what we had done and said this and that.

What are you going to turn anything in?

And then let Conway ask the questions about what we should do.

See, I don't know.

I may be saying God was under the bed, but I know God was sensitive.

I hear you.

Thank you.

As a matter of principle, you're absolutely right.

As a matter of specific, on yesterday, I didn't sense any problem.

I don't think it was, but it's still, this morning, .

But on the other hand, .

This is good.

Well, I'm deliberately hard on the foot rubs.

There's ash coming up the other door.

That's the shelf stuff.

It doesn't stop.

It's better.

It looks a little better.

It looks very hard.

Well, George is not going to show up here.

Well, because he believes strongly in the position to take Georgia.

So you've got a basic problem.

Well, George doesn't think he's going to want to get later.

How about that?

George wants to get rid of control.

He's worried about it.

He's a little more and more in the position of your board of control.

All right, let me ask you something.

Have you seen any polls that yet indicate that less than 65% of the American people are foreign controlled?

They are.

They're foreign controlled.

They're wrong.

And that was pointed out this morning.

They're absolutely wrong.

I think they're wrong.

I agree with George.

But George is making some purists.

That's right.

He doesn't make them.

George has an honest purist, though.

He says, I know I'm biased.

I know I'm tracking from...

I want to do security.

I'd like to sink those goddamn controls tomorrow.

I think we should never have done it in the first place.

That's my vote.

I think that our interference...

A few others pushed us into it, and I realize everybody says it's just a lot of good.

I don't agree.

Nevertheless, done.

I will not see him.

All right.

You could be absolutely hard-line.

Now, that son of a bitch has gone too far.

Gone too far.

He lives over there.

He needs to report to the Secretary of the Treasury.

What else can you tell me?

I'm not going to see him.

He has it all the way.

That's right.

I'm tied up this week on other matters.

I'm sorry.

God damn it, after what he did when we were in Hawaii.

Does anybody else have any suggestions?

I've heard a beating of Arthur Burns.

Do you, John?

No, sir.

I do not think you should say.

Well, then.

Well, I know Schultz, so there was no question.

Mullen was always giving in on it.

No, he said this time.

Another one from our group.

I think so.

About why Sam Hill said what he did the other day without cracking a comment.

What does it say?

Well, basically it says that he was importuned by the State Department people abroad, and the government had taken a position.

Now, God damn it, I told you to take Samuels on.

Now, look, if you said that it was not his fault, what is the situation?

After this column, he's to get, somebody's to get a call.

This column will come on Samuels?

Yeah.

This isn't, I see Arthur's hand in it.

Bob, Bob, Bob, it's the Jewish truth.

Connolly says it all the time, George can't believe it because he doesn't have an anti-Semitic role in his body.

John Connolly is anti-Semitic.

I could be, and Sam Harden, I'm going to be.

But my point is, my point is, that's what it is.

There is a Jewish group to get together.

We've always got to keep Stein away from that, you know.

Got to keep pushing him home.

He's been taken in by the Rowlands and the rest.

Let me tell you what our problem is with this.

Let me tell you what our problem is with this administration.

It's also where there's, I'm sure, a comment.

I was not keen on Stein taking the job.

He likes Stein very much, but he wasn't keen on it for his time.

Thank you, George.

Look at the people around me.

I have Arthur Burns, the head of the Federal Reserve, a Jew.

Stein, the chief economic advisor, a Jew.

Kissinger, the chief foreign policy advisor, a Jew.

Now, I suggest you drop that much.

They say about this Negro pictures, you know, for being anti-Semitic, for not having a Jew in the cabinet.

What in the name of God do you want?

You know, understand I'm not very proud of them.

We don't have them because they're Jewish, but you can go beyond that.

Chief speechwriter on economic and international issues.

Well, sure, sure, that's good to do.

Your chief advisor on cultural and civil rights matters.

Len Garment, Len Garment, Bill Sanpire, Ha, and White House people, and they're Jewish.

No exchange.

We have them because they are common.

That's our argument.

As I told you, though, for that matter.

that much job instead of giving a lot of answers.

Why?

Because if you move more snakes, move non-snakes, what are you going to give to our black people if they're in motion?

They're in motion.

The black man's a idiot.

The black, the only black who is moving correctly now.

They're well-known than the other ones, but they've asked them.

I'll turn it down.

Could I respectfully suggest that you get that story out so that we don't get dreamed by one again?

Put it out before the announcement so that you don't downgrade that.

It was offered to Holland.

How did the past state put it out?

Tell Rogers to get it out.

We offered it to Holland and Holland preferred to stay as ambassadors, that's what it was.

and therefore we are offering it to Morse.

Tell Morse we're doing it.

Tell Bill that we've got to do that.

We're going to take heat for replacing, for not filling a black slot with a black.

I know, well that's what they thought.

I mean, they may think, but why not put the story out?

I know we think of the, we all talk about the black, we've got to get Brimmer in the job.

I mean, the job would mean a damn thing to us.

Be sure to, now let Rogers put that story out, but then back to Daniel, how can we handle that?

We can't really get away with this thing, Sean.

I'm not so sure this article is his fault.

I think it's somebody else that's inspired him.

Well, so, and I think it's our fault, but I don't know.

I think we ought to, we ought to, well, first of all, re-read it.

The first thing, when I heard you say that, that I, uh,

And I am not going to see him now.

I oppose.

I don't think I should do both.

I don't think I should tell you I'm going to see him tomorrow.

Because if I do the other, then he will put out the story.

That's right.

I'm keeping you from seeing him because he's putting out the story.

Well, what are you going to say on the other?

Are you just going to say it can't work it out?

No.

I'm trying to sit at the vest and report to Connolly.

Well, I report to Connolly this time that I am completely involved with the vessel.

And you could say that he's to report to John that I've decided that Connolly's had it.

And then Connolly will determine.

But he is actually the son of a bitch.

Damn, I'm sorry I didn't catch you from that church, you know.

He shows up and they're not that automatic.

Yeah.

Hello.

Rose there.

What is this for?

We've got a pipeline problem.

Because I think you can see Rob Morton.

It has to do with the Canadians and relocation of this pipeline.

We had a long meeting yesterday about it.

And it's one of those problems that's mixed, domestic and foreign.

So that Hayden and I will have to work together and work together for it.

But

It could be something that comes out of this meeting with the Canadians that it would be a pretty good thing.

It could.

And if the consortium of the two governments and the pipeline people and build this pipeline across Canada, we're going to catch a merry hell, of course, on this value use pipeline.

The way the evidence turns out now, we may not ever get any evidence.

The environment, we're in for a couple years of losses.

They don't have any evidence.

But get somebody to work it out before Mark is in the scene.

Oh, sure.

Absolutely.

I'm perfectly willing to take whatever you're talking about.

Well, Flanagan and Quisher have been working on it.

Get Alex to it.

I'm sure that Bill and Reed never represented any company in any way involved in any one of the pipelines.

Probably represented all of them.

That's the problem.

And the last of the bombs besides.

That's what I'm talking about.

So probably represented...

How the hell do you get an expert unless you know something about it?

I'll have it, incidentally, I'll have that plank in Q&A over to you today.

I've got it in the background.

The other thing that you might put in the Q&A is just maybe Sigler just handled it.

Because that's another good way for me to handle it.

First of all, Sigler covered that in the brief, and I have not referred to that.

Did he?

No, he has, well, not that I know of, I'll find out.

You see, if Ziegler, you might call Ziegler and say, look, Ron, did they ask you about planning it?

He's asked for guidance on that.

He and I have discussed it in the past.

And I'm pretty sure he's, I want to say, I want to say hardly nothing.

I mean, if it's at least possible, then that's why I'm going through what you can, right?

Exactly.

As a matter of fact, they were, the price was very good.

I think the, you know, the very basic things involved in all of this.

This is all right.

The Department of Justice has got a great big long explanation of that case.

It's very vindicated.

Eastland's judgment is that we're not holding on releasing any long explanation of that case until after the Diva beard hearings are closed.

He says, hell, don't throw any more gasoline on that fire, boy.

And this pole danced, I see.

He says, if you don't release that, one, don't release anything I haven't approved.

But two, don't release it unless you absolutely have to.

As he says, Tommy, you'll be in here.

He's already in here.

The man will expand.

Expand the hearing.

Yeah, yeah.

In the fourth place is where he wants to expand the hearing.

Find out about the show that's here.

We're trying to, we're trying to acquaint ourselves with the facts that the Justice Department think that they're not releasing.

He's going to be very wrong.

But this is one way or the other.

They're going to get an emotional backlash.

They're going to be a weird thing and just kind of sneak everything out of the way for four hours.

There's no chance to do that.

They're going to work right into the long term.

But the long chance is better than nothing.

Our marijuana, this report, was some two years in preparation.

We intended to do a thorough study, and I think it was snapped up one more hour.

That's sacred because he's representing the president.

We amended that this morning.

I think he should interact on it.

I know what the answer is.

They did do it the best they can.

Stuck around on that one.

Well, getting back to Mr. Samuel, I've got a jewelry dealer who made me bother.

You did start the bill and you said there was nothing to it.

I said there was nothing to it.

I went to Connolly and called him later on and he said that Connolly was overreacting.

Connolly said he was overreacting.

I called Bill and told him to fire Samuels.

And then I told that dear Chuck and told Connolly what I had done to Connolly and said, you know, you owe me a lot.

Except that the dealings are larger if you hold the clerk with you.

Now, John, I have tried the sugar and cream deal.

I have kissed him on the ass.

I mean, I brought it in and I haven't seen him in months.

And it hasn't worked.

Now, I don't know if the other will work or not, but I think without having us open, taking the wrong deal, which I think would be bad for the election afterwards,

We've got to do that because he's got to be brought out sharp, kicked hard, agreed or not.

Yes, I think we can do a lot in that direction by making appointments.

And don't worry, we're never going to get an appointment online.

I am not sure that Mal understands what our objectives are.

Well, maybe he doesn't.

I think he wants them to check that out.

Because they were interviewing a fellow from Seattle who came in to talk to me about that job.

So I kind of got to do it from that standpoint, and I did have a talk with this guy.

And I wasn't persuaded, but they really understood what your goals are here.

in terms of... You want a guy who will stand up to you.

No, no.

He was just an occasion for me to get into the subject.

He was not appropriate for the job.

But...

Well, make sure Malik understands.

He doesn't.

I mean, Malik has the impression that it's got to be cleared with Arthur.

It does.

See, Malik, you've got Malik in a very difficult position.

Which is that there is a commitment to Arthur by the president that no appointment will be made to the board that Arthur doesn't concur.

No, no, no, no, no, no, no.

No.

Yes, sir.

They're not concurred.

Consolidate.

No.

Consolidate.

No.

It's not as concurred.

It's got to be concurred by both Arthur and Cunningham.

The point is, Arthur can't make the appointment.

But Arthur is not going to have court hoisted on him an appointment with which he disagrees.

And so balance- Oh, but Bob, who has got the- I didn't try to take- I put the word by.

Some place in that thing you see the word veto, where I say nobody can have a veto on the right of the president to make an appointment, including the Chief Justice of the United States.

So that's just going to be .

I cannot say that the chairman of the Federal Reserve Board is a veto on the appointment.

I don't say that to Berger.

I remember we had a hassle with Berger on that.

Otherwise, that means he'll make the appointment.

Well, that's what comes down.

That's what surprised me.

See, when this guy came in to see me, he said, well, I'm going to go over and see the chairman.

And then I talked to...

I was trying to appoint the guy and have the chairman do that.

But then afterward, I talked to Malik's guy, because this fellow was making inquiries on me, and he said, no, this fellow is not acceptable to the chairman.

And so we'll just keep looking for somebody else.

And I said, well, is that your criteria?

And he said, yes, that's got to be.

Well, that's our first criteria.

That's not the first.

Well, that's what he said.

The first criteria should be whether he's acceptable to come or not.

And then we go into our group.

This is the President's choice, and, uh, our group has the Green Barrett now, that's all.

And we can't give him a veto.

If you give him a veto, you'll never get anybody.

The way they've done it, which is rather good, is that they've gotten into a group, a group for consideration, and then they pick the one who doesn't want out of the group.

Well, anyway, we'll avoid the direct frontal thing, but just be sure you don't see the champion first.

That's the main thing.

We should have our man return.

But coming down to our career, I'm asking a more fundamental question, Your Honor.

Don't you agree with me that the tender loving care is not the way to handle our situation?

I don't know what is the way, because we've tried the other way.

And when he was here, that doesn't work any better.

So?

Well, I think he's just, he's smart.

Equality, peace, tough, and you just have to keep fighting every day.

And there isn't any path forming with our hands about it.

Let's talk about that.

That's the way you all have to do it.

Yeah.

As far as I'm concerned, though, I cannot use this office to get down.

So you'll end up running.

You'll end up running.

Connolly or Stein or anybody else.

To get to me.

To get to you, if you would.

Oh, yeah, yeah, fine.

Oh, Rose, just to be sure, I wanted to make sure you were on this.

And, you know, I want to be sure that we don't get any other invitations because we know the election is going to be over and through at this point.

We have no problem with that.

I know I'm a church, but for example, I want to be sure that it's not the Jordanian or anything.

And I don't care what it is, it's not...

That's at least one thing that is very important to our community.

Yes, they're small, but we have many left.

They are very big.

It's a way of putting screws down.

You know, the curious thing is, although they're very different types of person, they're almost indispensable to him.

It's pathological about the body.

I suppose it doesn't make sense.

I think it's a question of your approval.

It's a, you know...

I know.

You know, a gesture or an issue of...

It's on the budget.

It's one of those difficult problems where we do...

or we had to take the poison out of it.

We have substantially, I think, moved in that direction.

Otherwise, we'd be having a direct confrontation, and we'd be for the Constitutional Amendment, and we'd be against it.

And everybody would polarize on that.

And this polarizing, to an extent, that would have been much more.

What we needed to do was to close up the issues as well.

And you're now riding very high on it.

When you dissect that, then you've got some for and some against, and the local papers will be carrying all of the against.

But you're still riding high around the country on being against busing, on being against busing, which was the whole idea of the television.

The other thing that we want to remember in this whole appeal, if you look back at the Civil War period, the label was very clever.

using the issue, not making the issue an abolition.

And of course, got the violent opposition on the part of the laborers who were being arrested for not being strong enough.

He made the issue through himself, which got him sort of the best of both worlds.

Because he was assassinated, and only because he was assassinated, it left the impression that he'd always fought for Negro rights, which he had not yet.

But on the other hand, fighting the war among the Union for the Union thing enabled him to keep his sentence.

And we're in a situation here where the problem of race is going to be with us, John, and it's going to be with us a hundred years from now.

You know, just take a ball like Rodgers, who is basically heavily oriented toward the eastern liberals, because he's lived with them and worked with them and arrested them.

He was mentioned in the church the other day.

He said that he had a problem with those.

There is no society, as we know, in at least half of the District of Columbia.

No family society.

How do they work?

Well, it's a lot of informal families in the sense that a kid lives with a man and a woman, or lives with a woman.

They may or may not, one of them may or may not be his parents, but they almost always have some connection with his parents.

Either it's an aunt or an uncle or a grandmother, or it is the man before his mother was living, before his mother left, and now he's living with a different woman, so it's sort of step-parents kind of thing.

So it's a very mixed up deal.

And by the time these little girls get to be 14 to 16, most of them are impregnated.

Because their mothers work, they don't know any different.

Well, and that's what goes on around the place.

Some man comes in screwing his mother.

It's just the way things are going out there.

And there is not any family structure as such.

Of course, that's the whole thrust of the Moynihan Report, is to relax the people.

The Moynihan Report, ahead of its time, was a terrible right-winger event.

But Moynihan did cut through to the heart of it.

You know, on this obfuscatingly issued business, putting that Equal Educational Opportunity proposal in there has had a very interesting result.

Because NBC now is running a three-part series to prove that it doesn't work.

And at the same time, Perkins is calling for twice as much money.

So that what it's done is to split the opposition into two absolutely opposite arguments.

Let's say it doesn't work, let's say it can't, let's say it doesn't work.

What about the argument of all we're doing is spending money?

There is no society, as we know, in at least half of the District of Columbia.

No family society.

How do they work?

Well, it's a lot of informal families in the sense that a kid lives with a man and a woman, or lives with a woman.

They may or may not, one of them may or may not be his parents, but they almost always have some connection with his parents.

Either it's an aunt or an uncle or a grandmother or it is the man before his mother was living, before his mother left.

And now he's living with a different woman, so it's sort of a step-parent kind of thing.

So it's a very mixed-up deal.

And by the time these little girls get to be 14 to 16, most of them are impregnated.

Because their mothers work, they don't know any different.

Well, and that's what goes on around the place.

Some man comes in screwing his mother.

Well, it's just the way things are going out there.

And there is not any family structure as such.

Of course, that's the whole thrust of the Moynihan Report, which is the last of its people.

The Moynihan Report, ahead of its time, was a terrible right-winger event.

But Moynihan did cut through to the heart of it.

You know, on this obfuscatingly issued business, putting that Equal Educational Opportunity proposal in there has had a very interesting result.

because NBC now is running a three-part series to prove that it doesn't work, and it was no good at the time.

At the same time, Perkins is calling for twice as much money, so that what it's done is to split the opposition into two absolutely opposite arguments.

So to say it doesn't work once is because it can't do it, it's just because it won't do it.

Exactly.

What about the argument that while we're doing this kind of perception of the equal, here we are?

I would deny that for a minute.

Well, I do.

If I'm asked, does the President stand for separate but equal?

I would duck the question and go back and say, let's look at what this is all about.

It's about transportation.

And the President here is asking for a moratorium on

a diminution of transportation.

He is not asking for any reduction of desegregation.

He's not asking for any reduction of the effort to eliminate the dual school system.

All we're talking about here is one remedy, transportation.

Let's not obfuscate this by a lot of slogans.

Now the reason I do that is that if you flatly say, I am not for separate but equal,

you're going to lose a lot of support in the South because fellas are going around nudging each other and winking and saying, hey, this is separate, but equal.

And that's good.

And I don't think you want to make a flat denial of that.

So I'd back off of it and attack it from a different angle.

In other words, it's about one remedy for desegregation.

Which is divisive.

It does not contribute to education.

It has very little to be said for it and great people to be said against it.

It doesn't change our goals.

It doesn't change our principles.

It doesn't change our standards.

It simply says that busing isn't the way to get to this point.

So they come up and say there's no other way.

Ah, see that's the bankruptcy of a liberal position.

to say that the only possible way to do this is by question.

That's the easy way out, is to haul little kids an hour across town instead of doing all the other things that our statute points out as more preferable revenues to arrive at the same goals.

And all you have to do is look at the statute.

They're all spelled out right there.

Anybody who tells you that we can't achieve those goals in this country except by busing little kids hasn't really thought about the problem.

What about the argument that the Supreme Court has directed the trustee to be used in the remedy?

Well, that's what this issue is all about.

They've said in the Swan case, it is one of a number of tools that might be used.

Nowhere do you find the Supreme Court saying it must be used in every case or in particular kinds of cases.

And here we're saying to the Congress, is that public policy for this country?

That's the question before the Congress here.

Should that be?

It does not say.

The Supreme Court says it's one of a number of remedies.

Right.

It doesn't say it must be.

It must be.

Now, we say, all right, let's leave it in our arsenal of remedies.

But let's put it at the bottom of the list.

Because of its destructive, divisive, counterproductive aspects.

And only if there is, in fact, in a given case, no other possible remedy should we turn to this one, which has proved so difficult for the majority of American people.

We still say, okay, plus, when you can't do anything else.

Not very often, but not too often.

And not for grade school kids.

Plus.

Yeah.

And as far as business, if I'm busting for racial balance is concerned, I can say, well, I have an answer for you.

I'll wait until you say, well, Mr. Martin, remember to pay me.

Save us more than cover the press conference, but since then, I've had the Department of HEW run out on their computers all of the cases in which that's been the result.

And gentlemen, my notes show me, the HEW report shows me there's 176, or whatever the number is, and I'll have that for you on Saturday night, where the court actually did, got to that result of racial violence.

Got to that result.

Yeah, that's what they did.

Yeah, but they never said... See, they're very cute about it.

Because he... Incidentally, it doesn't...

It didn't murder in his memorandum.

First, did he say... Did he tackle racial violence?

Yes.

Racial violence is not required.

Yes.

Did he not also tackle busing?

Not in that memorandum.

Now, that's coming over to you.

I signed it off this morning, and I have a little quote right on the cover.

It's all you need to read.

And it goes to the question of racial balance.

He sends his opinion in another case around the whole list of judges.

He says, any district court that thinks they have to achieve racial balance misreads our opinion in this one case.

I get it for a hundred and seventy percent.

Well, yeah.

That's my imaginary number.

I don't know.

Oh, no, maybe they're five.

That's what I'll need.

Morgan, we're at five on the end of the day.

My point is that I'm just going to have to be sure there's regular or any cases, you know, and we're going to have to do a little bit more.

Of course, there is.

I think those are the lips, if there are any honest lips.

Must be going through the purchase of heroin, trying to figure out what they are for and what they must be for.

I think they must be.

How the hell can they be for it?

They're all over the place, you know.

They're all pregnant.

They're all scattered.

And for everyone that says it's the only way to get it, you've got to want a lot of cheek, who comes forward and says, you're right.

Okay, Your Honor.

That's an interesting news item.

On the way to court meeting broke up early today, the three-letter members issued the following statement which had been prepared before the board session last night began.

We have tonight withdrawn from the board in protest against an attempt to do great injustice to all Americans who work for wages and salaries.

As their representatives, we cannot give our approval or be a part of the unfair and unworthful part of the tactics by the industry and public members of this board.

Cyrus changed it out of the board and said, I regret very much the labor members retiring, because I'm firmly convinced the tri-partite system is the only sound and democratic way to do this job.

Clark Kerr, also a public member, made this comment, proposing this as a fair and equitable policy.

February 16, 1951.

He didn't have to have a .

Let me tell you.

John, don't let everybody get their bowels on a whore about this.

Bussing.

Or the wage board.

These things come, these go, and they're going to continue.

Case after case, but you've got to fight every battle.

Fought well.

Okay.

This is Sapphire's short spot.

Your statement.

Any words for the 60 word cut line?

Do you think this is too cute?

And Robin and I made a plan to fight inflation to everybody's job.

I don't think so at all.

I think that's good.

I don't think so at all.

I think it is.

We went round and round on this with the economy.

Bill had quite a few more.

He had a bunch of them that were safe.

And he had more.

He kicked me around some more.

He kicked him around for a whole day before he got into it.

He had some pretty good stuff, but this is what it's all about, isn't it?

He kicked me around a bunch more.

It won't help.

That sure sets up the picture, though.

Well, it gives you a correct name.

The executive committee is going to meet until 3 o'clock today, and the assumption is that he's looking to see what you do.

At this point, they probably know who you are.

Yeah.

to recognize that there's at least a possibility of meaning he made the wrong move.

I don't think he made the wrong move.

We'll go forward with that one.

Marshal Graham.

Yeah.

Let me make one comment with regard to the grief and the difference in tenderness and age.

I'm sorry, I don't know how they're going to get through.

This church occurred to me as a result of thereby missing an opportunity.

or green to go out and say that they need to make a port kind of trip.

Every zero-gain only on whether it's going to be about time or not.

If I hit that, we'd have the point test running, and hey, since you're doing this, you'll have that opportunity for us to make as much or more of this area as we want.

Hey, that's cool.

That's cool.

I had a program with the board that said we would have some money to get up each day.

We've been in sessions so many days.

We've done that.

Get a report from me on that.

Get out on that broad day.

Can we get a list from anybody?

So, well, I guess you can.

God damn it, they've got a lot of some horrible cases, you know, in the local factories.

Unfortunately, some of them as well.

Some of our clients, the ones on that, some of them are definitely unbelievable.

I had one, just one dinner, and there's a class dinner.

You see Commerce retired, or whatever that's called.

Bill Commerce.

Yeah.

And Smith is retired.

I'll go to him and ask him if he's...

And Johnny Hurt, I don't want to do it for all those that are retired, but have a greater check to see who are the problem.

John Cooper would be one instead of any senator.

I don't care a thing about the round tables for the senator.

Congress can retire in countless instances.

Talk to McGregor.

I want no White House or Cabinet people present except for McGregor, Donald Trump.

You know, this is the community for them.

Second point, I think that it would be, it would be before, I don't think it would be before the rest of the country.

Third, it should be, the question is whether

It's fag.

It's fag, or they're wise.

It's fag.

Of course, you do get prices by the people, it's true.

That may be a problem.

It may be better to have fewer.

Well, what do you do?

How do you decide who you have other than the retirees?

The retirees, we just decide.

We pick their friends.

You don't have to have others.

You can't pick them all.

And senior people can go across the board.

You see, the moment you take the leadership, which you have to do, you have no problem on whether you did or did not include people down the line, but there you pick a few friends who are a little more than our friends.

The real question is why.

In terms of the men, it makes a hell of a lot to have their wives there.

You're talking about this, this question, whether you want to have this or you're hungry.

That's wise because I think it's easier to have less people.

Yeah, and it means one hell of a lot to the law.

And it's going to mean anything to the other guests to be there, particularly if it's the retirees.

And they'll know a lot through the third.

And they'll know what the others will all know.

Now, let's stop and think, though.

It's a way to get a lot of accomplishment out there.

And a walkway at the White House, you know.

I was using a round table, which was for 120 people.

That's 60.

That's the list.

That's a part of it.

If I give a task, I'm very long-winded.

But I had Don Schumer's book around me.

He's in that room.

On this incident, I do want to include one thing I do want to include.

I want to include all of the chartered marches.

Not the previous ones, you know, the ones with the tournament and the marches.

Well, include them.

I thought it was a better way to just shoot for the...

Forget the lies.

It doesn't make sense.

Shoot for a greater number of Congressmen.

What do you think?

What do you gain from it?

A bag of 700 men.

And, you know, you reach some guys that feel pretty good.

Have a little bit lean, a little bit tilted to the Republican side.

And you can tilt it to the fact that there are more Republicans than Democrats in the League of the City.

You see, it's a point we were just talking about, about how much it means to people to attend dinner.

I know Tom likes to get away, he likes to do things, but...

This one you're doing just for the people over there.

Get in.

Sapphire.

You might call in and see if you can get in.

I think we ought to sing.

Hey, hey.

That, uh...

Many object to the fact that the Lord did not approve a 20% wage increase for the long term.

Millions of Americans, after they've had 100 to 100 days strike, put out there, from millions of Americans, are limited to 5% wages.

That's a lot of money, but it's not the one statement that was wrong.

See, but even if I slide a man in there, now he doesn't, it's just, he does object to it.

He objects to the fact that I'm trying to see if he can get a brief paragraph sent down to me on that point.

Is that very good?

Oh, yeah, yes.

You have the spoken word.

Oh, yes.

I'll cut something out of that.

Uh, President Nassif, you could put a paragraph thing in the, uh, put one under the, uh, spoken statement, the TV statement, making a point that, uh, saying he, I mean, a point that he objects to the fact that the board wouldn't approve a 20% increase to the long term.

And while billions of Americans are limited to 5% to a lot of 20% to one specific group, too long.

On the point that he was, he walked out because of one special interest group did get an exorbitant pay grade.

Now he says he would cut something else down.

Thank you.

He says, I mean, there's a little more room in the thing.

I said, no, he's going to cut something else out of it.

They always jump it that way.

Well, they can't blame him, you know.

He can't blame them.

If they don't cut it, then the network will.

You're right about that.

That's what we've all got to sit down and do now.

Well, getting back to the students and beginners, maybe I am wrong.

Well, I don't think so.

John Campbell, his line about that, he was aptly read around the country.

Well, it's true.

It doesn't help to write it.

He's read all over the country, too.

But if she doesn't say what we once said, if they don't write about the things we've already written about, then what the hell's the difference?

Eddie Neal writes about Martha Mitchell and this.

That's right.

And there was gossip about the effect of this and that.

and the White House is, I think, less, and it was more interesting than others.

Not just social security.

She writes politics, too.

But the point is that the politics she writes is that, you know, there was a strange combination of the dinner and so-and-so rather than somebody else.

That's right.

It was interesting to see him talking.

You were so right.

The toast bin sunk without a crisp.

Not only what, if you say what I say, which may not be so minimal, but whenever they say anything good about me, which never they say, it's about them as much as you could give or so on.

That's right.

And we haven't tried to get about that.

Sure we have.

And we've tried it quite a bit in the news, with the West Wing news guys, and probably the report that a lot of people are degrading themselves by just wandering around with their notepads.

And that's what the reporters do.

They run around with their notepads and try to get somebody to say, you know, that it was terrible.

And the IT&T have tried to buy out their part of the- That's right.

They want harder evidence.

They aren't something, they aren't, they aren't viewed by the reporters and or by the people as being something worthy of a notice.

Except for one time.

Well, yeah.

That's why they got, that was because it was on live television.

My point is, though, that people saw there how gnarly it was.

They paid great, great attention to that.

Right.

Yeah.

It's interesting to us, just to get all of, I get the rating great down on TV, it's fascinating.

Joe's toast was seen live by only three, just slightly over three million households.

Your toast in response, just because it was a few minutes later, was seen by nearly seven million households.

More than twice as many.

It's purely a moment of what time you are, nothing else.

His came first and yours came later.

Not that first time.

And yours got an infinitely bigger audience because it hit after 8 o'clock on the morning of the show.

Yeah.

His hit before 8 o'clock.

I raised this point about the comment of Shultz and John was here.

I don't know where, of course, he was.

I don't know where he was sent to.

You can call other White House, you can call other Academy officers over to the White House, you know, and come meet me in my office.

We've got that, but John Connor is concerned.

I don't think we should get off their ass and walk over to that crazy apartment.

Correct.

In fairness, Georgia may have done what he has to do to come over, and John may have said, I'll come over there, because they do do that.

Georgia can't do anything in fairness, but I just know there's nothing...

On Scully, could I suggest that you have a greater schedule of Scully for several of the Republican congressional groups?

Second point is that maybe Scully is really, he has not been a good candidate for the sub-cabinet sometimes.

The third thing is

It might tell the government that the person made a very good call.

And if the talking points that you do in response, or maybe you had somebody that you paid the quick tax, that they could be gotten together and done to Congress and Senators before they go on to the 26th.

What I'm getting at, Bob, is that I am thinking that it's

We may force, like with all our people, we may not just put the words in the mouth and say, this is John, you know, this is John, you know,

We have probably been, if I can just say something, I think we have been making, with the best intention of major error in this field, we have been betting almost solely on Henry.

And Henry is not good on substance.

He's not good on reality.

He just gives us a basic view.

So you sent him down.

He doesn't feel the pressure.

It doesn't mean that he doesn't cry, but it's just not his way.

It's the basic way.

It's talking about what he did and what is an issue involved and so on.

Do you agree or not?

It rambled off on philosophical discussions and so forth and so on.

He knows about what I've been told is going to be something we've got to get on the next couple of days with some of your schedulers.

But in regard to getting Henry and Chicago and two or three other places sorted, it's a little bit of a status quo.

Otherwise, it's going to be a real hit.

So if he doesn't do it, we'll see.

Yes.

I mean, several points.

One, that it isn't what we thought it was going to be, because they're talking about going on a half hour of late night Sunday night on Easter Sunday, which

that is worthy of the subject matter.

Secondly, that their interest is clearly not to explore China, which is very much our interest to talk about, but rather to look into the future business of more policy development, the three schools, three-legged school, and all this sort of stuff, which

would be, at this point, to our disinterest.

And therefore, we should hold on one thing, at least go after the Soviet term, and then re-evaluate whether it does us any good to do it.

And maybe at that time, we'd have the opportunity to go on and talk about solitary.

The president's not going to solitary in the two countries.

That's right.

Rather than getting into the... And that we can start building up that thing now.

But in the meantime, we want it to go into other markets now.

I have suggested this memorandum on it, that when it goes, it might be functional.

See what I mean?

The continent will be interested more in personal things.

When he goes to L.A., he might do a...

I don't know.

They must have a show of that sort.

I don't know what they have now.

They may just have newsmakers and so forth.

But in any event, Ben Henry is satisfied with that.

The...

We've been able to get West Point to get over and write a story about her and about her and about her.

I don't think we'll get a final story.

The final thing we're going to get is on the travel, for the traveling display.

But we're going to make the traveling display out of the photographic display that we're going to have at the museum.

What about it?

It's better to point out the gifts themselves.

Would they be able to run some of those?

Why not a little publicity?

Why not?

Why not send the gifts to the Julliard Chapel case and run something for Jacksonville Historical Society and everything like that?

Why not loan them for a week to the New York Museum, the Los Angeles Museum, the Chicago Museum?

and put them in there.

After, we don't have to leave this up here for the White House jackasses.

I leave it up here a month.

You leave it up long enough to build a little interest.

That's it, because of the enormous public interest that I've been asked to put it on the road.

Let me suggest, you've got, let's leave it for a month.

About a month.

And then...

And then why don't you, why don't you consider putting it on the road if you don't think so much?

Yeah, I'd do it while you're on the road.

I'd like to get it out by the middle of that road.

Put it on the road for a while before you go to rush it.

All right, thank you.

Thank you very much.

Thank you.

I don't think it needs a month here.

I think that's pretty long.

Well, of course, you didn't have a super-tourist season.

Well, right after the tourist season is over, you know, after the Easter holidays is over, that would be a very good time, you know, to say that there's a demand and so forth to take some other darn thing down.

You can do that because the tourist season really is still that tourist.

We should give the law in this place.

We should only give them a couple of days and then they might line up to see Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago, Cleveland, Texas.

Good use of Dallas, Fort Worth.

Well, you can't do tremendous cities.

I've got New York and Philadelphia.

They've just about gotten any gun damage.

You know, you have one hell of a thing there.

And what made this, and what the recent security before you said about taking the pandas on sort of a gallop, sort of a word, sort of a telepathy.

On the other hand, I mean, it looked like, well, what people would look like is the old Roman in the back prison with some chains around their necks or something.

This doesn't sound right.

No, except if it builds up around the country, we want a chance to see the pandas.

I'm not sure.

We've got to look into it.

No, I don't know.

But this one is...

But if this is a good enough exhibit, I'd send it around.

I just got ready to work and tell him how much we appreciate it.

But it was a new call to my attention.

Why not stay out more than a year later when the time is right?

You see, Kissinger, let him bubble around the rallies, you know, on the bumper.

Taiwan, communicate along.

Basically, Henry's whole thing gets involved in the substance.

He can't help but do that.

The way to do that, we do it with the White House staff.

Pop a lot of elastosine by movies.

What I can do is cut that down to a short reel and then have Scali do the talking about a crack.

Rather than me, I don't want to show my movies and give offense to the black Jonathan.

That would be a device, because the movies aren't ready yet.

Why would we wait until now to do it?

We're trying to do something out of that.

Those movies are, Jesus, I've got all of them.

We're all trying to get them to go off and all of them.

Well, I think if you did that, it would raise holy hell with people that didn't get to go, you know.

I don't want to do it.

I don't think it's a good idea.

You can't go off.

But I think the Navy, what you send that crew around, did they get good stuff?

Yeah.

Well, sure, they got much better stuff than I do.

But I've got some stuff that they didn't get.

They couldn't get.

I've given them up to them.

Well, then let them use your stuff as theirs.

That would be all right.

But I think if you ever have a situation where a network said, well, all of them got it, we didn't, we have all of them in.

I think, but on the other hand, if our own crew got it, what do we call this crew?

The documentary crew.

I think there's the one.

And they're making stuff available.

Anybody who wants it.

Well, that makes it available to them.

And it's got to be a damn good idea.

But then to use the scouting and anyone can also do the, do the, do the sub-cabinet people.

I won't do it in the State Department, I won't target the folks.

Where the hell can't you do it if you don't know?

Is this clear?

Why not see it?

Or where you're going after?

I don't know.

They still love to come over and take a look at the display.

If they do it in the evening, they love to bring their wives.

Bring their wives, see the display, and have John Scali do a little... You understand?

Yeah.

I think, would you not agree with me that while most of us would prefer to hear Henry, it's got a little bit more of a, or am I wrong?

I think, I'm not so sure even they prefer to hear Henry, because you make the point that there's been so much interest in sort of the behind the scenes, how is it done, and not the substance, but the...

These are the things that you haven't seen in the papers.

Yeah, that's right.

And then you didn't see on television.

The stuff you don't know about China.

And mainly not about China, but about Nixon in general.

I think we're all part of the official family.

They want to know.

So, how did he do?

Yeah, that's right.

You can't do it without any film.

I agree.

And the film rated for that on the TV.

I would have, I suppose, to try to relate it to whether or not

in the space of a month, whatever we were able to do about the presidential image of China and totally disappear.

I don't think there's anything you can do about it.

In Alaska, I think, even in the Stryker report that you sent to Rio de Janeiro, that's going to stop.

Yeah, it's fascinating.

Absolutely fascinating.

The first place in the South, the big drop, is a return to normal.

In January, the SOP was 53 approved.

Then in early March, it went up to 66.

Then it went down to 53.

So what it is, is it erased the 66 to jump.

That's true of the nation as a whole.

It was 54, went up to 59, went down to 54.

It just took a bigger swing than SOP.

So it's actually going up that far.

No place else went up that far.

I don't.

The others went up.

I don't see where I've hit.

I just saw SOP went up 13.

Oh, yeah.

Okay.

Now, looking at the... We're done.

We're done.

That one's set up very soon.

And Bob, it's a good time to do it.

It's almost the end of the night.

I'm sure you've leaned a very tough bow on the side, and I don't do this just because we're trying to be nice to their lives.

What's in it for us?

Let me say this.

I just have a strong feeling that what's in it for us, what's in it for us to vote for,

Well, in the first place, the retiring guys don't mean anything.

There's nothing in it for us on the retiring side.

The fact that you're giving a dinner for them at all is all you need to do for them.

I mean, their wives, they're assured they would like that, but so what?

Their wives probably.

Their wives probably have been in the White House.

Every one of them has been in the White House.

A caller's wife's adoration of you is not going to do you any good.

Right.

So let's make it a stag.

Let's not put a greater end to that position.

I mean, make it a stag for about 120 people and have the Army core up and go ahead now.

So if you look at it from January to early March to late March,

As you know, nationally, we went 54 up to 59, back to 54.

In the East, we went from 53 up to 56 and stayed at 56.

No drop.

In the Midwest, we went from 56 to 56, you stayed there, and then stayed at 56.

You know the difference?

Not affected the East at all.

The Midwest.

It affected the East.

The East went up three points and then stayed there.

Yeah.

The Midwest didn't move at all.

Alright, the south went up 13 points from 53 to 66, and then back to 53.

And the west went from 52 up to 55, and then dropped to 48.

And the west, you're now behind 44 to land work.

The west ends up being a drop.

The east ends up being a rise from January.

The south ends up being a draw.

The midwest ends up being a draw.

Now we look at busing.

The south is very much the highest in favoring your busing home.

In favoring busing.

This is not your thing.

That's a question we asked before we asked about the next event.

We said, do you believe in busing?

All right.

Do you favor or oppose the busing of students on a compulsory basis in all parts of the country?

The South fakers it, higher than any other region.

And it's the lowest in a .

Why is that?

Well, I think maybe because we said in all parts of the country.

What the South said is, we got it here, so screw the rest of it.

That's it.

Now, it is the big number only.

In the country, only 17% paper.

In the South, 20% paper.

So it's not a big difference, but it is different.

The South and the West,

are the highest in favoring the Constitutional Amendment?

In other words, the next question you ask is, is it currently a Constitutional Amendment being proposed in Congress to be in favor of both South and South Amendments?

The South is 51 in favor of Constitutional Amendment.

Nationally, it's 49, but in the East, it's 45.

In the Midwest, 47.

South and the West, it's 51.

Yeah.

What's the negative?

Well, the negative is 37 nationally opposed to Constitutional Amendment.

The East is 45.

Yeah, yeah, yeah.

The Midwest is 40.

Right.

The South is 33.

I'm sure your people have got pretty good sense, doesn't it?

The South is 33.

You know, those people don't go off wild about these amendments.

They've already got pretty damn good sense.

That's right.

But then we asked about the Nixon speech.

Did you see it?

Now, the South was by far the highest, or substantially the highest, on having seen your speech on television.

In other words, did you see the President's speech on TV?

Nationally, it was 38 who saw TV.

In the East, it was 38.

The Midwest, 35.

The South, 42.

The West, 37.

I'm surprised the West was that high, because it was... Well, no, you were late at night, so we did the West at 37.

That's why the West was 37.

But then, when he said... Is that a pretty low rate?

37, 38.

Uh, Ed Decker's 38, no?

No.

I guess not.

Everybody has something to tell us.

We've gone, we've gone.

Now the TV rating on it was high.

Yeah.

People who said it, yeah.

Uh, then when we added the other, did you, have you seen or read about it since then?

Yeah, yeah, right.

You got the total awareness.

Yeah.

Uh, the South was the lowest.

No.

No, they were all equal.

Right, right.

They were all equal.

64, 64, 64, 64.

West was a little bit lower.

Then we, on the favorable, what was your reaction to it?

There, the total favorable was 65.

That's combining very favorable and somewhat favorable.

65 favorable.

But in the east it was 73.

the Midwest 67, and the South 56, the West 65.

Our problem in our drought in the South was an unfavorable reaction, not unfavorable, 56 was favorable.

I know, but we didn't get the...

But not as much favorable.

Very good point.

The South was lowest on our favorable, and they were highest on the unfavorable.

The unfavorable in the nation was 27, and the South was 32.

Now, that's not a big difference, but it is something.

The conclusion is that the drop in the south was due to the busing.

The drop in the west was not due to the busing.

They say even it was due to IT&T.

Now, the interesting thing there is the west is way minus on awareness on IT&T.

And the South was the lowest.

You had two major factors involved.

One was ITT and the other was the bus.

The South, it lost because of busing.

The West, it lost because of ITT.

And now, I looked at the trial heats.

And we didn't do a trial heat after China.

We only did it in January.

And remember that there,

on the overall basis approval was 54 54. all right

That sapphire is perfect.

Yep.

Let me just see what it came up with.

Got a handle for him.

He's smart as hell.

He gets it done.

That's just perfect.

We've got it screened up.

Sapphire.

Get the figure as to what the

Of the 80 million American wage earners, the percentage of them are .

Of the 80 million American wage earners, what percent of them are .

You know that?

And, uh, call them back when, uh, it doesn't seem to get on their mind.

And I'm gonna say, hey, whatever, it's right.

And you're checking.

They'll say, I respect your offer, but it's past my permission to change.

There's no reason to do that.

You can't.

I'm not going to do that.

I'm not going to put that in.

That's the last of it.

Huh?

I don't think I like it.

Nobody hurt me very strongly here.

Well, I wouldn't do that.

And I was just thinking, where could I respond to that?

that they're bound to be something that other people can find and take the other side on.

I suppose we're looking all the time at the audience diversity and everybody's target.

I hear a tape started swinging on me.

I'm sorry if I can hear you too, sir.

I can hear you.

Question in the air.

Six hour and a half sessions.

Two a day, an hour and a half.

Two, one and a half hour sessions each day for three days.

Second half.

Really good discussion.

I'd like her to get on solidly unharmed in the first hour.

And be unshakable for the second half hour.

And have her come back for the afternoon session and have her start faking and have her die right in front of their very eyes.

A little bit.

Don't break down.

Fall apart.

Better roll.

Better have it in there somewhere.

Hold on.

Pressure on.

Nice and easy.

Work every shot.

You know, I look back on our own experience in the history of the fighters and the people who played in the media.

Well, they played the stories, or did they keep us up to the mark with regard to the secrets?

We've gotten stuff on that.

The Times editorial.

I was.

And then Toledano dropped in some stuff on it.

Yeah.

Playing back on it.

Did he?

And Chuck Scott.

The devil's anger, right?

I feel recollection of the Washington poster, too.

Yes.

I guess not to brag about it, but there are all kinds of things that we're doing.

This guy pulled out a new chart, and it's worse now because we didn't have dollars.

They pulled it off, and it's much more good now.

Well, God, you know, the talk should have been invited, and that's something that's not going to be shared.

I'm going to go on my second day and I'm going to pick up the journey.

After all, we've got to sign up.

It doesn't look like we're going to be able to write it.

This is natural for us to do the payboard today.

That's another reason not to do it.

We're doing the payboard today.

We're also going to have to agree on the grades.

for the intentions we have been making.

A very fundamental error in relying on Henry is the selling of the, selling, basically the selling of the President as a foreign policy maker.

And she's been a vital figure, and it's not really true.

Because it can't do it.

It won't.

The President has just made sure to the degree that it can be done, that's for sure.

It, it should, it will never get closed.

The other one, the other one, of course, does rock you.

Rock you to death and good.

It just does, you know, makes it harder, you know, to make it better.

How many of you have been in this, you know, the work of Jewish groups and others who are doing exercise that shows themselves off well?

And that doesn't hurt us, understand, because we have a good, strong management.

But that's not a story that's going to help us.

It overlooks a huge opportunity we have to now investigate.

I do not hear, I do not hear, for example, I heard out in Los Angeles that point being made, it shows you the greater performance, correct?

You've got my memorandum of points that you might make if you rewrote it.

I just said some of the things we've been talking about.

I wrote it all off and I've given it a discount also.

Well, there's nothing critical about making things in some better, easier way.

That thing came up recently where I wrote?

Yeah.

Oh, the last thing.

What about this thing that Tomlin constantly gets back to you about the leadership and all this?

Are we going to go over that?

He really hasn't had any opportunity every day.

I think he would.

He would, wouldn't he?

He'd feel strongly, shouldn't he?

But maybe he's right.

Do you think there's this feeling?

Now, you remember that as we were returning from China, you said, no, that's not me out there so much.

You know what I mean?

You don't destroy the image of someone of a distance and so forth and so on, have you?

You notice how he brought it in here.

Sure, we're going on this issue.

We're going out for drugs.

But what about the general propositions?

that people think that it's a vacuum of leadership.

I would probably be out there saying more often.

There's something that I suppose Clark was saying this morning that Johnny Burns, Jerry Boyd, and a couple others hit him yesterday with the point that if the president can take prime time to talk about busing, which is a big issue, but a concern really only to certain people, that he sure as hell ought to take prime time and talk about meaning more than off the paper.

That's not a fair comparison, but it indicates a feeling on their part of the same kind of thing, in a sense, that they always look good, you know, and you have the presence to go on TV.

And you'll be on TV, on the news, and I think that's what you should do.

This one, I think you'd make a mistake if you were in front of the camera.

So we, you know, even if we hadn't done busing and they could go on, on prime time and escalate this to this point, uh, we're not leaving.

It's exciting.

It isn't something you...

The busing thing was a different kind of thing.

We had to do that to get your very, very deep emotional distribution.

This one isn't.

It's important, indeed.

But it's not as personally important.

We all started out, we just haven't got much morale down there in the conference room, you know, pitching and all.

No, they weren't pitching.

They were very positive.

They think you know something.

They were.

And all our group, to me, is one of the things you've got to have is them going for you.

Yeah.

What I meant is positive in terms of...

what we are doing today.

They appreciate what we do on the drug thing, for example, and all this other crap.

Yeah, but they're not terrible.

Most of those guys don't know how much work you have to do.

Getting back to the cognizant part of that.

Drugs.

Drugs, dry coils.

Two nights in a row, right?

They were on.