Conversation 329-032

TapeTape 329StartThursday, April 13, 1972 at 2:00 PMEndThursday, April 13, 1972 at 4:00 PMTape start time01:54:31Tape end time03:42:52ParticipantsNixon, Richard M. (President);  Haldeman, H. R. ("Bob");  Woods, Rose Mary;  Kissinger, Henry A.;  White House operator;  Eisenhower, Julie Nixon;  Sanchez, Manolo;  [Unknown person(s)]Recording deviceOld Executive Office Building

On April 13, 1972, President Richard M. Nixon, H. R. ("Bob") Haldeman, Rose Mary Woods, Henry A. Kissinger, White House operator, Julie Nixon Eisenhower, Manolo Sanchez, and unknown person(s) met in the President's office in the Old Executive Office Building at an unknown time between 2:00 pm and 4:00 pm. The Old Executive Office Building taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 329-032 of the White House Tapes.

Conversation No. 329-32
Date: April 13, 1972
Time: 2:00 pm - unknown before 4:00 pm
Location: Executive Office Building

The President met with H. R. (“Bob”) Haldeman.

     Weather

     The President's schedule
          -Organization of American States [OAS] Dinner
               -Statement
                      -Copies
               -Speech
                      -The President's delivery
               -Toast
                      -Statement to press
          -Speech to Canadian Parliament
               -Press embargo
                      -Time

     Canadian visit
         -Arrival statement
         -Toast
         -Dinner statement
         -Speech to Parliament
         -Ceremony speech
               -Brevity
         -Speeches
               -British custom
                     -Toasts
                     -Governor General
               -The President's 1953 trip
                     -Toasts
                           -Audience

     Unknown presentation ceremony
         -Certificate
         -Letter from the President
         -Richard Wilson
         -Thelma C. (“Pat”) Nixon
         -Ronald L. Ziegler
         -[Forename unknown] Ottoburger [sp?]
         -William L. Safire
         -Ziegler
               -Check with Rose Mary Woods
                     -Organizations
                           -Order of the Hound's Tooth
          -Previous events
               -1958 and 1960
               -Background
          -Helen Thomas
          -Photos

The President talked with Rose Mary Woods at an unknown time between 2:00 and 2:16 pm.

     [Conversation No. 329-32A]

     Trip to Canada in 1957
           -Paul Miller
                 -Harry F. Byrd
                 -Call from Woods
                       -Name of town visited
                            -Toast
                            -Mayor
                                 -Gifts to the President

[End of telephone conversation]

     The President's stopover in Austria
          -Accommodations
                -Compared to Ireland
          -A meeting
          -A luncheon
                -Size
                -Degree of formality
                -Length
          -Carl Gruber
                -Invitation to accompany the President
                      -Salzburg
          -Canadian ambassador
                -Accompanying the President
          -Gruber
                -Schedule
                -Invitation

     Charles W. Colson
          -Report on conversation with Albert E. Sindlinger
               -The President's meeting with John B. Connally
               -Return to Colson
               -Food prices

     The President's Canadian visit
          -Meeting with unknown man
               -Coaching the President in French
               -Unknown man's proficiency in French and English
     Vernon A. Walters
          -Proficiency in French
          -Unknown woman
                -Proficiency in French
          -Walters
          -Unknown woman
                -Translation

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[Previous PRMPA Personal Returnable (G) withdrawal reviewed under deed of gift 10/18/2019.
Segment cleared for release.]
[Personal Returnable]
[329-032-w005]
[Duration: 53s]

       The President's schedule
              -Camp David
                      -Exercise
                             -Pool
                      -Travel time
                             -Helicopter
                      -The President’s routine

*****************************************************************

     International Telephone and Telegraph [ITT] case
           -John N. Mitchell
           -Convention
           -Colson's report

     Vietnam
          -Critics of administration policy
                -White House response
                      -Henry A. Kissinger's views
                      -Edward M. Kennedy
                      -Hubert H. Humphrey
                      -Edmund S. Muskie
          -Kissinger's trip to Paris
          -Kissinger's trip to Moscow
                -William P. Rogers's reaction

Kissinger entered at 2:16 pm.

           -Kissinger's meeting with Anatoliy F. Dobrynin
                -Message from Moscow
                      -Kissinger's trip
                      -Kissinger's response
           -Vietnamese delegation
                -Visit to Moscow
           -Kissinger's schedule

     The President's trip to Canada
          -Speech
               -Rhetoric
               -Substance
               -Revisions
               -The President's reading of the speech for Kissinger
               -Copy to Kissinger

The President rehearsed a speech at an unknown time between 2:16 and 2:50 pm.

[A transcript of this speech, with slight variations, appears in PPP 1972, pp. 537-541]

     The President's speech
          -Kissinger’s revisions

     Vietnam
          -The President's conversation with Haldeman
          -Attacks
                -US response
                -News summaries
                     -Networks
                     -Muskie
                     -Interviews with soldiers
                            -Troops’ resistance
                                  -Alexander M. Haig, Jr.
                                  -Unknown commander's response
                                        -Commendation
          -Press reports
          -Foreign policy aspects
                -Domestic dissent
          -Expenditures
                -Democrats’ letter
          -North Vietnamese conditions
                -Message from Dobrynin
                -Plenary sessions
                -Bombing halt
          -Kissinger’s trip to Moscow
                -Message from Dobrynin
                     -Soviet interests
                            -W. Averell Harriman's view
                     -US position
                            -Kissinger’s statement to Dobrynin
                                  -Military operations
                                  -Negotiations
                                        -Truce
                                  -Hanoi’s position
                                        -Soviet guarantee
                     -US naval fleet
                            -Size
                            -Haig
                        -Deployment
            -Soviet position
                  -Compromise settlement
                        -Cessation of North Vietnamese military operations
                              -Effect in North Vietnam
                  -Allies’ agreement to terms
                        -People’s Republic of China [PRC] position
                  -Changes
                  -Kissinger’s trip to Moscow
                  -Coalition government
                  -Soviet intentions
                        -Cessation of fighting
                              -Compared with Cuban missile crisis
                                    -American losses
-Possible Hanoi proposal
      -Compromise
      -Bombing halt
-Air strike plans
      -Truck parks
      -Petroleum, oil and lubricants [POL] dumps
      -Kissinger’s recommendation
      -Truck parks
      -US fleet
            -The President's conversation with Haig
-Peace talks
      -Possible reasons for Hanoi’s involvement
      -Battles in South Vietnam
            -Soviet response
                  -US blockade
            -US responses
                  -PRC response
                  -Kissinger’s message to Dobrynin
                  -Laos and Cambodia
                        -Past operations
                              -Camp David strategy meeting with Kissinger
                  -Abrams
                        -Haig’s view
                              -Local commander
                              -Instructions from the president
                                    -Psychology
      -The President's message to John S. McCain, Jr.
            -Haig’s trip
      -Air strike
            -Effectiveness
                  -Soviets
                  -Hanoi
-Kissinger’s schedule
-April 24th meeting
      -Secrecy
      -Rogers’s knowledge
-Congressional pressure
      -Laird
                  -Conversation with Rogers
                  -B-52 strikes
                        -President’s meeting with Rogers and Laird
                              -Strategy
                              -Kissinger’s presence
            -Rogers
                  -Testimony before congress
                        -Reluctance
                  -John N. Irwin, II’s testimony
                  -Canada
                  -United Nations [UN]
                  -Meeting with the President at Camp David
                  -UN
                  -Knowledge of B-52 strikes
            -Laird
                  -Meeting with the President
                        -B-52 strikes
                  -Testimony before congress
      -Air strikes
            -Congressional response
            -Laird
                  -Strategy
            -Soviet position
            -Avoidance of October offensive
            -Rogers
                  -Diplomatic strategy
                  -The President's decision
                        -October offensive
                  -Testimony before congress

Polish visit
     -Public announcement

The president's trip to Soviet Union
     -Stopover in Austria
           -Luncheon
                  -Size
                  -Gruber
     -Kissinger’s meeting with Dobrynin
           -Stopover in Poland
                  -Connections with Catholic Church
                        -Unknown cardinal
                        -John Cardinal Krol
                             -Views
           -Vietnam

PRC
      -Visit by Hugh Scott and Michael J. Mansfield
            -The president's letter to Chou En-lai
            -Kissinger’s conversation with Ambassador Chien Yi
            -Meeting with Mao Tse-tung
            -Rogers
           -Letter to Chou
                 -Delivery
                 -Kissinger’s conversation with unknown person

Vietnam
     -Bombing

Kissinger's trip to Moscow
     -Itinerary
           -Arrival
     -Back-up plane
     -Advance party
           -Leaks
     -Dobrynin
           -Possible accompaniment
     -News leaks
     -Rogers’s knowledge
           -Secrecy
           -Purpose of trip
                  -Vietnam
                  -Advance of the President's trip
           -Kissinger’s Paris trip
     -Importance
           -The President's conversation with Ehrlichman
     -Impact on Vietnam negotiations

Vietnam
     -Negotiations
          -Humphrey, Muskie and Kennedy
                -Possible handling of negotiations
          -US strategy
                -Middle East
                -Mrs. Nixon
                -The President's conversation with Dobrynin
          -Rogers
                -Speech in Chicago
                -Speech at UN
                     -Forthcoming conversation with Kissinger
                     -Middle East

Kissinger's trip to Moscow
     -Forthcoming press event
           -The President's possible attendance
     -Announcement
     -April 24th meeting

Unknown reception
    -Length

Vietnam
     -Air strikes
           -Public opinion
                 -POL dumps
                      -Haiphong
                 -Hanoi
                      -B-5’s
           -7th fleet
                 -Impact on negotiations
                      -Message from US

Kissinger left at 2:50 pm.

     Richard G. Kleindienst

     The president's Canadian trip
          -Publicity
                -Compared with a theoretical trip to France
                -American television coverage

     The President's schedule
          -Publicity
                -Haldeman
                -Ziegler
                -Camp David
                -Florida
                -California
                -Rose Mary Woods
                      -Possible appearance on TV
                            -The President's trips
                                 -Staff
                                 -Florida
                                 -Julie Nixon Eisenhower and Tricia Nixon Cox
                                 -Florida
                                       -The President's work during good weather
                -Camp David
                      -The President's amount of work
          -Nellie L. Yates
          -Woods
          -Unknown secretary [Beverly J. Kaye?]
          -Moscow trip
                -Yates
                      -Dwight L. Chapin
                -Woods
                -Marjorie P. Acker
                -Unknown secretary [Kaye?]
                -Amount of work
                      -Yates
                      -Woods
                      -Unknown secretary [Kaye?]

The White House operator talked with H. R. (“Bob”) Haldeman at 2:56 pm.

[Conversation No. 329-32B]
[See Conversation No. 22-122]

Haldeman conferred with the President.

     Call from Julie Nixon Eisenhower

Julie Eisenhower talked with the President between 2:56 and 2:57 pm; one item has been
withdrawn from the conversation.

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[Previous PRMPA Personal Returnable (G) withdrawal reviewed under deed of gift 10/18/2019.
Segment cleared for release.]
[Personal Returnable]
[329-032-w010]
[Duration: 36s]

[See Conversation No. 022-122]

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[End of telephone conversation]

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[Previous PRMPA Personal Returnable (G) withdrawal reviewed under deed of gift 10/18/2019.
Segment cleared for release.]
[Personal Returnable]
[329-032-w011]
[Duration: 14s]

       Julie Nixon Eisenhower’s telephone call
               -Promotion of the President
                      -Ladies Home Journal cover
                             -Eye on Nixon

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     Public relations assignment

     ITT
           -Peter M. Flanigan's issue
                 -John [Surname unknown]
                 -Administration position
                 -Congressional committee vote
                      -Scott's absence
                      -Possible loss of vote
                      -Clark MacGregor
                           -Call from Haldeman

Manolo Sanchez entered at an unknown time after 2:57 pm.

     Food order

Sanchez left at an unknown time before 4:00 pm.

     Unknown person
         -Withdrawal from presidential race

     Connally
         -Conflicts with White House
              -Focus
              -Reasons
         -Cancellation of meeting
         -Dinner party
              -Ehrlichman
              -Connally's demeanor
              -Zsa Zsa Gabor
              -Idanell B. (“Nellie”) Connally
              -Guests

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[Previous PRMPA Privacy (D) reviewed under deed of gift 10/22/2019. Segment cleared for
release.]
[Privacy]
[329-032-w012]
[Duration: 3s]

       John B. Connally
              -Dinner party
                     -Zsa Zsa Gabor
                            -Possible extramarital affair
                            -The President’s opinion

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     John B. Connally
          -Calls to George P. Shultz and Ehrlichman
                -Johnnie M. Walters
                     -Meeting with the President
                     -Press event
                     -Misunderstanding
                           -Message to Connally
                           -Briefing
                           -Meeting with Connally
          -Haldeman's call to Connally
                -Value
                -The President's trip to Canada
          -Meeting
                -Possible cancellation
                -Non-attendance
          -Briefing of the President on misunderstanding
                -Timing
                -Walters
          -Conflict with White House staff
                -Kissinger
                      -National Security Council meeting
                            -Agenda
                                 -Chile
                -Walters issue
                -National Security Council meeting
                      -Washington Special Action Group [WSAG] meeting
          -Compared with Lyndon B. Johnson
          -Conflicts with White House staff
                -Herbert Stein
                      -Mid-year economic report
                            -Conversation with Shultz
                      -Consultation with the President
                      -Troika meeting
                            -Connally's attendance
                -Unknown person's assessment of conflicts
                      -Duration
                -Ehrlichman
                -Shultz
          -Meeting with the President
                -Connally's cancellation
                      -Reason
                      -Health
                            -Dr. Walter R. Tkach
                            -Johnson's health
                            -Appearance
          -The President's Canadian trip
                -Connally’s attendance
                      -Media coverage
                      -Major concerns
                -Pierre E. Trudeau
                      -Forthcoming conversation with the President
          -Defense of administration
          -Possible departure from administration
                -Reasons

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[Previous PRMPA Personal Returnable (G) withdrawal reviewed under deed of gift 10/18/2019.
Segment cleared for release.]
[Personal Returnable]
[329-032-w017]
[Duration: 7s]
      John B. Connally
             -Possible departure from administration
                    -Possible alternatives
                            -Work on the President’s reelection in Texas

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     John B. Connally
          -Possible departure from administration
               -Effect
          -The President's instructions to Alexander P. Butterfield
               -Butterfield's calls to Connally
               -Camp David
                     -Haldeman's calls to Idanell B. (“Nellie”) Connally

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[Previous PRMPA Personal Returnable (G) withdrawal reviewed under deed of gift 10/18/2019.
Segment cleared for release.]
[Personal Returnable]
[329-032-w018]
[Duration: 21s]

      John B. Connally
             -Role in 1972 election
                    -Support
                    -Work in Texas
             -Support for 1972 Democratic candidates
                     -The President’s opinion

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     John B. Connally
          -Conversations with Haldeman
          -Meeting with Kissinger
          -Walters issue
          -Economic meeting
               -Conversation with Ehrlichman
               -Scheduling
                     -Conversation with Haldeman
                     -Conversation with Shultz
                     -David N. Parker
               -Council of Economic Advisors meeting with the
                 President
                     -Attendees
          -Relationship with the President and Haldeman
          -Conflicts with White House staff
               -Kissinger
          -Dinner with the President
          -Connally dinner parties
               -Haldeman's attendance at one
               -Ehrlichman's attendance, April 12, 1972
                     -Nellie Connally

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[Previous PRMPA Privacy (D) reviewed under deed of gift 10/22/2019. Segment cleared for
release.]
[Privacy]
[329-032-w019]
[Duration: 11s]

       John B. Connally
              -John B. Connally dinner parties
                     -John D. Ehrlichman’s attendance, April 12, 1972
                            -Zsa Zsa Gabor

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     John B. Connally
          -Conversations with the President
                -Role in administration
                      -Conversation with Haldeman
                      -Value
          -The President's orders concerning conflicts with White House staff
                -Kissinger
                -Ehrlichman
                -Shultz
                -Haldeman's role
          -Haldeman's mediation
          -Staff

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BEGIN WITHDRAWN ITEM NO. 20
[Previous PRMPA Personal Returnable (G) withdrawal reviewed under deed of gift 10/24/2019.
15s segment cleared for release. 21s remain closed as 329-032-w020.]
[Personal Returnable]
[329-032-w020]
[Duration: 21s]

END WITHDRAWN ITEM NO. 20

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[Personal Returnable]
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[Duration: 15s]

[This portion of the tape is mostly room noise with some muffled background conversation.]

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     John B. Connally
          -Possible briefing by Kissinger
                -Moscow trip
          -Walters issue
                -Reaction
          -Internal Revenue Service [IRS] event
                -Ehrlichman
          -Government Accounting Office [GAO] official
                -Testimony before Congress
                      -Lockheed case
                            -White House denial of involvement
                            -A plot
          -Role in administration
          -Conflicts with White House staff
          -Rogers
                -Possible removal from office
                      -Feasibility
                -Compared with Kissinger

     ITT case
          -Damage to administration

     Vietnam
          -Current situation
               -Press coverage

     Kissinger's trip to Moscow
          -Rogers
                -Explanation of trip
                       -Haldeman
                       -Hangchow
                       -Paris
                             -Message regarding negotiations
                       -Timing
          -Schedule
          -Rogers
                -Press coverage of trip
                -Kissinger’s explanation of trip to Rogers
                       -Meeting with North Vietnamese
                       -Timing
                       -Paris
                    -Moscow
                    -Call to the president
                    -Leonid I. Brezhnev's message to the president
                          -Vietnam
                          -Summit
                    -Full disclosure
                    -Haldeman’s presence
               -Meeting with the president
          -Secrecy
               -Soviet guarantee
                    -Reasons
               -The President's schedule
                    -Meeting with editors
                    -Camp David
                    -Florida
                          -Kissinger’s absence
                                -Diversion from news about trip
               -Rogers
                    -Appeal to Haig
                    -Explanation of trip
               -Kissinger
                    -Florida cover story

     The President's Canadian trip
          -Connally
          -Meeting with Trudeau
               -Talking points
                      -Connally’s handling of economic matter

     Connally
         -Disenchantment with Democrats
         -Commitment to the President

Manolo Sanchez entered at an unknown time after 2:57 pm.

     Food order

Sanchez left at an unknown time before 4:00 pm.

     Connally
         -Position as Secretary of State

     Ehrlichman
           -Position as Attorney General
                 -Qualifications
                 -Appointment
                      -Timing
           -Statements
                 -Timing
                 -Length
                 -Topics
The President talked with an unknown person at an unknown time between 2:57 and 4:00 pm.

[Conversation No. 329-32C]

     Republican Senators' activities
         -News summary report
         -White House knowledge

     Crime
         -Administration reports
              -Record
         -Rehabilitation
         -Minimum wage for prisoners
              -MacGregor's work

     Administration statements
         -Frequency
         -Topics
               -Food prices
         -Value

     Busing
          -Rev. Theodore S. Hesburg
               -Position
          -Ohio situation
          -Media problem
          -Constitutional amendment

[End of telephone conversation]

     Domestic affairs
         -Coordination between Colson, Ehrlichman and MacGregor
               -The President's attention to other issues
         -Major issues
               -Focus
               -Ehrlichman
                      -Delegation of authority
                           -Kenneth R. Cole, Jr.
                           -Shultz
               -Kleindienst issue
               -Vietnam

     Connally
         -Realization of responsibility
         -Conflicts
         -Johnson
         -Resignation
         -Call from Haldeman
               -William E. Simon

     Foreign policy
          -Canadians and Europeans
                -Kissinger

     The President's schedule
          -Trip
                -Rose Mary Woods's presence

     Connally
         -Handling by White House
              -Compared with Kissinger
         -Meeting with the President
              -Frequency
              -Vietnam
                   -Briefing by the President
                         -North Vietnamese
                         -B-52S

     The President's schedule
          -Easter vacation
          -Florida trip
          -Soviet trip
                -Church attendance
                      -William F. (“Billy”) Graham's comments
                      -Kissinger’s conversation with Dobrynin
                      -Baptist church in Moscow
                           -Interdenominationality
                                 -Unknown Catholic priest
                           -Number of services
                           -Format of service

Sanchez entered at an unknown time after 2:57 pm.

     Request for razor

     Unknown person
         -Letters [?]

Haldeman and Sanchez left at an unknown time before 4:00 pm.

This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.

Fusilet.
10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10
Ok, det har bytt av sted.
Det har bytt av sted.
Det ser ut som om det er kvar.
Er det stående?
Ja, det er stående.
Amen.
Amen.
Be around this evening if you'd like to give me a comment.
I will.
I will.
You do intend to go and do it?
Well, they were never set.
I see.
Let's reflect, sir, on your comments, plus some more.
Thank you, sir.
Thank you, sir.
Hello?
Ja.
Wonder if you have any report on the weather?
Easy.
Easy, easy, easy.
Easy.
Well, that'll be for when we've got some problems at all.
But, uh...
Otherwise, no further reports.
It's night out right now.
Oh yeah, today, of course, it's stormy.
I love the, uh, ground that we've got.
It's a lot of stormy.
No, no projections, I'm sure.
They don't think it's going to break any time now.
You never know.
It starts to clear.
But it does.
All hell breaks loose for it every time you do it once.
You can't blame your lover.
Unless you've done everything right.
The main thing is that I want you to go forward and go on that high path and recruit me every time.
I agree, I agree, but if we're going to be stuck in there too long, we can't be stuck in the mud all the time.
... ... ... ... ...
... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Well, we can expect them to fly.
They may hit some spaces, but it's the equipment, not for them.
These are brave men.
They're willing to do anything.
And on the other hand, well, how about concentrating on the meat trio?
That's over, isn't it?
Could we, could we just draw more of two of the factories close in to give a massive stride to the D3 area for the next 24 hours?
Can you do that?
Can you power that, please?
And stop this for a second, please.
Fifty trees should be in the center.
Now, what about the fifty trees above?
But, I know, the 52s.
Tell me about the 52s.
Yeah, I know them.
They use the 52s the other place, too.
You give them authority to use it above the DMC, don't you?
All right.
All right.
All right.
Right.
And, uh, but they haven't talked to them yet.
Oh, yeah, they haven't.
That's the question.
That's the question.
Well...
They've got all the authority they need.
And, uh, more, I don't know, depends on that story.
They are.
Okay.
Just pray for the, pray for the goddamn, the weatherman.
Okay.
Boa!
Boa!
Boa!
Teksting av Nicolai Winther
Who can take charge of that sort of thing?
I have an idea.
No, no.
I'll just eat some of that.
I'll just try to think of what to do with it.
What do you guys think about it?
There's a party going on.
Thank you very much.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you very much.
... ... ... ... ...
Ha ha ha!
... ... ... ... ...
Well, the naval shells, in a sense, but are they hitting it far enough north?
What areas were they hitting?
They were north of Don Hoi, sir.
The naval shells?
The naval shells, and they were bombing the area of Don Hoi.
What did they do?
Earlier we were thinking that the initial strikes were more of the same size.
One hit in other ways, but it was such many ways.
Right.
I want to be able to do strikes in that area.
Is that clear?
Yes.
They're stuck around starting to be 52.
Anywhere up in that belt, you just assume as you get the sands, the sands compress.
I thought maybe I was supposed to have done extra money, but even two have not yet been able to, because they haven't had a chance to go out to the sands.
We have got to get B-52s into that area, because that's the most significant thing that we can do in terms of dropping something like a high bomb and the rest of the B-52 over there.
That's what I meant.
One thing that John told me this morning, three things that...
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
And you will go out for what purpose now?
Will you be in charge of the Air Force?
I'll take over the 7th Air Force, and I'll be General Andrews' air deputy.
All right.
Now, the thing that I want to tell you is this, is that, you know, I hope you clearly understand, the performance of the Air Force out there has not been enough in my view, actually.
The reason it's not been adequate is not because of the very, very different people.
And I know there's a great number of those guys in the U.S. because they're so damn brave.
But the reason it's not been adequate is it's been routine, it's been by the numbers, there's been no maintenance, and so forth.
Now, this is probably the last time that Air Force is going to have a top-end plane.
It will very well be.
The story is made right then.
If the Air Force, at this point, doesn't do an adequate job at this time, and screws it up as it screwed up in before, because of lack of imagination, lack of what it does to take risks, it is going to be a very nice case which invents the history of a very fine outfit, involving many, a lot of many fine men.
The thing I really want from you is to kick everybody in the ass out there, and to say, I don't care.
We're not looking for safe targets.
We're not looking for, you know, let's go out, you know, drop the load of the secondary target out in the blue docks, in the mountains, or something like that.
But we have got to go in here and win this operation.
It cannot be won without taking some risks.
It's got to be done.
Now, in that connection,
For example, the weather has been bad for the last week.
I could not understand why, as I see now with the step-up in the E3 area, we didn't have a massive strike.
I know you had to deal with a huge amount of meltdowns in the E3 area, but nothing that gave me the hell of a joke.
What I'm getting at is this, quickly.
that the whole operation out there, and there are a variety of reasons, but I understand why.
They realize it's going to be something that they're planning for, and so forth and so on.
But I try to back up the military in everything they've done, everything from Sanfei to...
Cambodia, to Laos, to the riots, and everything else.
And now, the main point is that people will be back totally if you do something now, but there is not going to be any, there are not going to be any, there will be plenty of medals, but there will be no day of glory for failing out there.
The meadows is the part people are in this for.
We have got to get the aircraft.
I want you to get the Navy commanders in.
I want you to get the Air Force in there, the Naval Air and all the rest.
And don't listen to those old bachelors out there, or the young bachelors.
They just want to do it for the numbers.
Let's get some imaginations, some drives, some risk-taking answers.
The day after you get there, the day after you get there,
Now, I'm going to watch it every morning and every night, and if we see that same routine stuff coming in here, I'll put you to bed and jump.
And we've really got to do this now.
This thing is, oh, I've heard all the arguments.
I've talked to more and more of them.
I've written things that we haven't done everything for.
Including the mess on the mobs.
And that's what the job of the top commander is.
But it's not your job.
If you're going out there in the rescue operation, that's what you're going for.
If you go out there, I want you to know that you'll be backed in the hilt.
You'll have to take some casualties, I know that.
Some guys are going to have to take some runs and things.
For me, they have already suppressed the sands.
But the main thing is to win it.
And this, we cannot afford to lose this.
Now, for example, we've got plans ready for operation around Hyde Park.
This is well worked out.
Now, for example, in this area now, now that the window opens, what are we suppressing sand?
So that going in today is 200...
187.
Actually, yesterday they made a massive strike.
They had to equip a few orders to the D3 area.
They had about 25 D52s and D23s.
That'll be 9 D52s we have out there.
We shorted out 51 soldiers, but the other 20 are in now.
And kept some away.
So what's today?
22 with the D3 area.
They're going to have 42 in this.
In this combat area today, something like this, that just passed us, and we came out with gold.
They were hit, yeah.
Yeah, they were hit by 20 yesterday.
Right, but the bombers had not beaten the Jews in a hurry, because they had never been made.
No, they had not.
They should have beaten the Jews now.
No, no, there were 20 people who struck south of the DNC in the combat zone.
They're bombing with a sky spy system.
It's a radar control system.
The man on the ground tells us the target he wants to hit.
This is from the ground radar station, which controls the bombers right from the base point.
That's what's going on.
I think the bombers are out there.
So all we have over supplies is weather.
The problem, sir, has been the SAMs.
I mean, we have to have these escort aeroplanes, either the SAMs pressing aeroplanes with their anti-air radiation missiles or something, or the F-105s, Iron Man and so on.
They have to have adequate sealers operating there to protect the bombers.
When the sand signal comes on, they fire these missiles at them.
That suppresses them.
Now, the problem has been the last few days, the weather has been so bad that we can't operate those bombs, those anti-radiation missiles in that area.
But it improved quite drastically yesterday.
It went to scattered conditions, and we doubled the surrogacy in the first six weeks.
It looks like it's considered an all-nighter.
It should be good from about 10 in the morning Saigon time right out to about 7.30 in the evening.
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
They are moving in that position, that's what I read on this morning.
They are moving the big guns.
They are moving some 130mm guns south and west of the palm trees.
I think they are wanting to take that highway and perhaps bring it under fire.
... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Well, the main thing is this.
You know, I'm totally familiar with the rules.
Man is God and all that sort of thing.
I can't call it that.
We will be cautious.
We will be cautious.
We will be not amazed.
Now the thing about you is that you have guts throughout this time.
I know what you've done.
I know that you've been behind a lot of this.
It's not that tight.
But you did the right thing.
Now, you, I think, are the best officers we can send out there, who you feel like.
But believe me, I want you to go out there and tell all of us what you thought, and let me know where you can't leave out April.
He was a splendid man, a magnificent driver through the war.
He's got a body record in Vietnam.
He was loved by his soldiers.
He's been here too long.
He's tired.
He's unimaginable.
He's off from Taiwan, Armenia, Bangkok.
Things start happening.
So these things I understand.
Respect him.
Remember that he's the commander in the rest.
I want to hear from you.
You understand?
I want you to know that what is going to determine this is not what Abrams decides.
Because he's got to take the risk at this point.
That's what you decide.
And I want you to get the name and the Air Force, the young folks and the rest of them, and say, all right, fellas, let us read some of this, and maybe get some ideas out.
Let me tell you, I mean, in North Vietnam, I don't mean to just resume what they did in the Johnson administration.
We've got something new that has sparkle and interest, and we'll do it.
But we've got to have recommendations, we've got to have some ideas to sort things out from it.
What about him?
What about him?
Yeah, not the usual thing.
Well, we'll have 400 sorties.
We've got that much of a sortie.
What the hell with that?
Put the 400 in one place so that at least you get something knocked out.
Could you try that a few times?
You remember, generally, you break military history far more than I have.
Yeah.
Well, it's true.
I suppose Napoleon was the best man to use artillery and modern warfare.
It's the only way that he was able to beat a high security forces.
He had not only had mobility, but the fracture artillery was damn good.
I mean, that amount of use of it.
You also know that World War II, World War I particularly, was an absolutely horrible ground war.
I know this is very different from any World War II, but the primary canon for it is to concentrate on the artillery bombardment, and try to bust through a certain area, and then go through, rather than just spreading it all out.
He who concentrates his forces wins the battle.
He who spreads his forces out gets the hell kicked out.
And here we've got two.
He's got more men than they've got.
He's got them spread all over the hell.
But he has an air force.
The only thing we've got going for us is the air force.
The air force has got to not play in the routine way of...
Scattering our coupons all over the place.
We've got to come up with some ideas.
We've joked these guys very, very hard.
And you may be satisfied with the way this is going.
I'm not.
As I see it, I don't see it.
I'm not imagining it.
We've got enough power.
We've got any more you need.
We've got any more.
If you do this out there, you don't have any airfields for it, man.
You do have a parking lot.
But what do you have?
What do you have?
Don't.
Not out there.
You've got four carriers, or will have.
Will that carrier get there in the next three months?
No, are they going to get there or not?
No, it will be on stage.
It will be on stage in the first six months.
That makes four.
Is that correct?
No.
Where is it?
Get it out there.
All right, let's get the fifth one over.
So you can just know that we've got everybody around here with a great deal of confidence in you.
But we really want you to run and argue with Abrams and
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
I believe that, sir.
I believe that, sir.
You get a settlement out of this at this point.
You saw your friend Kennedy was reaching out this morning.
Did you see what he said or did he say something?
Well, he puts the, says that the whole reason all this happened is because we broke off the negotiations in Paris, the place you settled this war in, and then we came back to Margaret and told her that we know we've eliminated the chances of retaliation, we've eliminated the chance of retaliation.
Yeah, yeah, but we have to do it, you know, the main thing is that...
You're the guy, right?
You're the guy we're counting on.
Not just, and let me say, not just for this, but for the whole thing out there.
Just, if you could take it straight from the horse's mouth, you could tell them how I feel about it.
I feel very strongly about this.
I get it.
Nice to talk to you.
Okay.
All right.
Al, we're in the process of coming up with a reorganization.
It would be very useful for me if we could expedite that.
They had planned in May to eliminate one of the Army four-starters and make the Air Force, 70th Air Force Commander Peter Chukudevich, instead of just as Air Dev.
Yeah.
This would be extremely helpful to do that.
Work it out.
Because right now is the moment.
The point is, the reason it should be worked out is not the personality, the reason it should be worked out is all the goddamn thing is about now is air.
Right, Henry?
This change being made now is the time to do it.
What is your, one thing before you leave, what is your analysis of all the stories that we heard this morning?
They're claiming that there's a move from the thousands.
Our judgment is that this is a diversionary move designed to tie down the reserves.
They have moved in some additional measurements, and it is somewhat worrisome.
But they don't have the artillery down there.
They don't have the tanks.
And they should not have the supplies for a better sustained operation.
So...
Isn't that true, Judge?
But it's about to scare Q off.
I think Q has behaved rather calmly.
The three divisions he's got there can't be moved anyway, because he moved up most of his strategic reserve into first and second floor.
He's got a small strategic reserve left in the Saigon area, and I think I should keep it there.
But what about the concern that a big battle is going to come?
I like what you're saying, that they're going to have a fight in three quarters.
A big battle is going to come in three quarters.
There may be a battle in three quarters.
But the logistic system is oriented towards first and second.
At this point.
Not free for, I meant to say, the B3 front.
The B3 front.
Well, at the B3 front, we have the situation, Professor, that it partly, as a result of those massive strikes, it is just possible that they will never get it all.
But you have one more person to get out there.
Just one more massive strike to the B3.
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
It's back to operations that are getting shorter and getting shorter and shorter.
So it may be, maybe they'll get off and attack, but on the basis of...
Listen, my point is this.
If the normality of the means, and we're all counting the means that are given, are able to launch an attack on all these fronts, they've got a hell of a lot more to be able to realize than the rest of the world.
I don't believe they can.
I think we just got to assume that.
I think Kissel has got to recognize that he's got to take the risk.
This has to be his last guess.
I just don't see...
If you say 1,000, then we counted 330 this week.
If you take me from it, one sector alone, people actually counted, we picked up 180 weapons, which is a pretty good indication.
That's like 10,000 Americans actually.
I know.
And they've been taking that out year after year.
I know that.
If we had tried, though, another place to give them one big job, you see, the concentration department, you understand, got that concentrated someplace.
We find places to do it.
Our...
We may not be able to wait that long on that track.
I'm just feeling the psychological work, too.
And I'd like to make the point that we may not be able to wait.
The thing is that there's got to be some feeling.
There's got to be some feeling on the part of the...
... ... ... ... ... ...
That will be a signal.
That will be a hell of a shot across the bottom.
See my point?
I have just one point.
If I don't beat them, I'm going to knock the shit out of them.
You know that?
We'll buy some targets, too, sure.
Fine.
Okay.
Good luck.
You'll do it.
You'll do it.
We'll back you up.
I got that.
You tell those guys you're going to lose.
About what he just said.
You should have seen the general, Mr. President, when he was assuming that out of the peace, because he's presented not very clear.
Look, there's so much writing on this, the whole future of American foreign policy, and I want that to...
I got the feeling today that, Henry, I just told Bob, I didn't know when we were talking to Bill, I said, but...
There's some ways some of our people are backing off this thing for fear it will affect our presence, you know, too much, too risky and so forth and so on.
Now that kind of a line is not to be put out, goddammit.
It should be put out just the other way.
Who's putting out that line?
Okay.
Okay.
That's great.
Wow.
You guys got any balls at all on that again?
So, I kind of see it.
I kind of see the whole future of the...
They're trying to get more of what they've done.
The Air Force.
The Air Force.
They said, what do you call us?
We went all these goddamn metals, but if you look at this floor, I'm sure you wouldn't do anything about it.
It was just, you know, we get a great link to it when that happens.
It's maybe the last battle the Air Force ever done.
That's right.
That's right.
Probably will be.
Next one will be like that.
We need more battles like this.
I mean, if you have a war someplace, maybe, I doubt it, some little country, maybe they'll attack Cuba or maybe Argentina.
Jesus Christ.
I just don't think so.
I have a strong feeling about it.
It's all over now.
These guys don't realize it.
It's sad.
It's like the old admirals all cried when they lost their battleships.
They're gone now.
War has changed.
And maybe it's gone.
But Jesus Christ did it.
He's smart enough that he, I'm sure, registers all that.
He can go out and use what we've got this morning.
I was saying, that would be a hell of a thing for a three-star to go out and deal with that, with that kind of a charge from the commander-in-chief.
I've wanted to do this since then.
He's got a guy volunteering for the assignment because he knows it's fucked up out there.
He knows it's fucked up.
That's why he volunteered.
He volunteered?
Yes.
Then he came to Henry and said, I'll give up my fourth star.
He's supposed to move this new assignment.
He said, I'll give up my fourth star.
He'll let me go out to Vietnam.
He saw what they were doing wrong.
The guy, instead of worrying about his own badass and the bad guys, is interested in getting out and trying to win the goddamn war.
And then you get in the way you did.
He knows he's got backing.
He knows, he told it pretty clearly, that he's not to listen to his commander.
He doesn't know how to pull this off.
He doesn't know how to land it.
I don't give a shit if you're going to jump.
I'm not going to park around with all this.
Abrams is through.
I'm not going to put Abrams up in that.
That fucking layer isn't going to get his way at once.
He pulls this off.
He's got a movement.
He's turned to jump.
Jesus Christ.
Yes, sir.
That's what he's also got the brains to do.
I've also got to eat a little German cheese, because I'm not satisfied with the way the German cheese thing is done.
Well, compare him, for example, with much as I love with Cushman.
Cushman is a fine do-it-for-the-book officer, but he has as much imagination without that cup of coffee.
Are you a commander?
Unfair?
I don't know if I was a battle commander.
That's true.
Battle wars are on a personal basis a splendid battle command.
I would guess a fisherman would be a hell of a guy if they had a...
It's a splendid battle command.
Good God, he's made the cross, purple, whatever, he's a commander.
How many battle commanders do you know that were a great strategic commander?
About ten or two.
And I can't mention about that many.
No, you have to re-ask about many or so many things.
He's loyal, he'll do it, he's bold.
He's loyal, he'll do it, he's bold.
I like that.
This guy, he's not made it.
You're a preacher, and you should have one and only guy after him.
Why won't you?
Oh, I like his voice.
He was taking his neck out.
But he also ran out of a certain ring, that piece of pipe thing.
Well, that's a stupid thing to do, but that's too bad.
He was making a point, you know, that he was fighting.
Well, I appreciated his fight.
But all the other briefings, you know, he overlooked all the others.
He didn't just superimpose the briefings.
He only wanted to do it.
And Cambodia, all the ministers, the governors, and all that crap.
And all that stuff going on.
... ... ... ...
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
If it's in answer to an aggression, an invasion from the north, don't you agree?
As you know, yeah.
They've got to continue to hit this, though.
The property tax manager raised this morning is relevant, mainly in terms of what we do.
We lay a nice thing out there and then drop it.
The only thing that we can get away with in that kind of tactic is the China crime.
The reasons that are so fundamental that all of us understand.
Because it hasn't been affecting the public consciousness.
And I always identify with that.
So we need to be hammering that too.
I know, but I'm not telling the doctors.
We need to hammer the visuals on that.
I told them, I told Rogers, that if we're able to get ABC in time, then we're going to have to do what we need to do.
I will do it, I know what to do.
Let me tell you, anything that will help that program, I will really know what I need.
Build it up, it's a very good thing to do.
Build it up, it's a good way, it's the visual chance for me, and that's what you need.
After that, for weeks, I said, God damn it, there's no tools out there.
... ... ... ... ... ... ...
I knew Ray was the wrong one for the editor, but he put him in.
You know, we wondered, you know, if he was going to be able to do it, if he was going to be able to do it, if he was going to be able to do it, if he was going to be able to do it, if he was going to be able to do it, if he was going to be able to do it,
... ... ... ... ... ...
Very nice.
And if you can get it to a way of worrying about moving the case, a president doesn't have to move the case.
All the institutions make the law.
That's what it's busting.
I know that I cut out a lot of stuff.
I know.
But I had to give it to us.
A few emotional points.
He got criticized by the press for it.
What the hell was he saying?
Like Tex McCreary came up with a thing to me that you guys fire people to properly do that.
He said, I will guarantee you that you people don't do this, because I can tell by looking at you.
And it's a simple, basic government that you should do everything you do, every public thing you do.
And it's a discipline that if you put yourself to it, you will solve about 80% of your problems.
Sit down and write in the headline that you want to come out of it.
of whatever it is you're doing.
And then, take a sketch and draw the picture that you want to go with that headline.
And forget about the rest of the story.
And force yourself.
Like right now, we're going over to Philadelphia.
What's the headline we want out of that?
And what's the picture we want out of it?
I don't know.
I do know.
Maybe not the general press headline, but the headline we want out of it is Nixon facts.
And the picture you want out of it is Nixon and Cardinal Crow shaking hands with Frank Rizzo standing in the background smiling.
or something like that, with the cars and the roads.
But, I mean, it's that.
Okay.
His point is, before you even decide to do an event, before anybody sits down to write the speech, or decide whether you enter from the back of the hall or the front, or whether the van plays head of the chief, or anything else, or whether you drive or helicopter, sit down and write the headline and draw a picture, and then plan everything.
You list that headline and that picture, and don't worry about anything else.
Now that's the same discipline that Scali's talking about, which is a little old-fashioned looking at it, but he's right.
And that translates to theory, when McCurry's taking almost exclusively the TV and the print.
Scali must always say, can you take the 30 seconds?
Scali's point is, write the 30-second story and show the 30 seconds of film.
In the term of war, there is a second film that we want.
Who the hell does that?
Christ never thinks that.
Never.
But we are getting our revenge.
God is doing that.
Shaper, partner.
The cigarette?
The cigarette?
The cigarette?
That is doing very good.
That's right.
Now we've got to move that thinking over here.
And I'm going to start doing it by refusing now to accept anything until the headline in the picture shows it.
Or the 30-second script and the 30-second, you know, storyboard.
Right.
We'll stage the event around that.
If we start doing that, I think we can make that hell of a lot more effective.
You know something?
Just looking at Kennedy's stuff, I think he does it every time.
There's no question.
Kennedy's stuff always gets the mark.
Now he's vicious, but he hits the mark.
And it's really, to me, an equal presumption to say that one of the reasons is...
It was done better when I was doing my stuff alone.
You do it automatically.
One of the reasons it was done better was that I always thought in those terms, like, look, in 66 I traveled this goddamn country alone.
I'm sure you can write something, this and that.
But I, when I would determine what the hell I was going to do, then I'd admit something.
I would thank them and thank them in my heart.
You know, the TV.
Now that's first politician.
I'm too busy now.
I should be thinking like I am here with a vote.
I really have to do that.
And these guys ought to come in to me and say, here's an idea.
But we've got a cast of 100 people around here trying to be looking at us only that way.
That's what the Justice Council should do.
100% help to making that work.
You don't need any more thinking.
You push Erlich and his crowd over that.
Watch Erlich.
You walk into Erlich and talk to Christ's crowd.
And just get the people and say, you know, we've got to do it.
And they rumble around about presidential arrests for a while.
That's right.
It's presidential.
It's presidential.
Look, we're going to be accused of demagoguery, or dullness, or something, one way or the other.
In other words, if something goes over, they say it's demagoguery.
And emotion.
If it doesn't go over, they say it's dull.
So what the hell, we're going to catch you either way.
The other argument is, somebody is going to write a headline, and somebody is going to select a picture.
Why the hell should we do it, instead of some pinko, anti-nexon guy in the bowels of his paper city, or in the television network cutting the truck?
Why don't we decide what content is going to put on there?
And that's this argument.
They say, give a 10-minute speech on everything you do, and I keep saying, give us a 60-second speech.
Correct.
And I'm going to keep talking about it.
We're going to revolutionize that thing.
I'm not going to quit.
I'm not.
I want to.
And also, what you know about the best thing that you've done is to, in this respect,
This little signal that our car calls, it says to provide income, that you do very well.
But you've got to be nice to them.
We come back to them and say, I don't want two and a half minutes for them.
Even if they were wrong on that, you'll say, oh, they'll go three or four minutes on this.
Every time they matter, it's got us to a minute, or a minute and a quarter.
Give them a minute or a minute and a quarter, and do it well, so that it doesn't appear you're being cut off.
That's right.
I give them the choice of what to run.
Decide it ourselves.
You should go out and do 30 seconds to a minute.
Anything you do, you should do it.
We can translate this down to even the very smallest of things.
Any picture opportunity in the office.
Right.
Decide what's the picture and what's the caption.
Let's do it every day.
And I shouldn't get anything but that.
Now that's what you do, subconsciously.
I have very, every time.
I have manual success in it, though, because I have people in on who stands by the flags, or who sits in the chair, and all that.
There should be a damn thing.
We have a hell of a lot of light, as I said, even in the Easter picture.
We had nobody up there, as I told you.
We worked our ass off.
There was fat, and the heroes had their dresses, and the Christians had a hat.
And we were worried if we'd go thirty-five, forty minutes down, we'd go to the church.
We sat in the waiting room.
Who the hell was up there?
A nice little Commander Campbell.
I didn't even know it was actually first base, so nobody knew what we should do about the picture afterwards.
And nobody had the television up there, so that was a mistake.
Easter's a hell of a good shot.
You know what I mean?
Yeah.
And then somebody had to set that picture up.
We got the next thing on that end that we were trying to keep it.
I don't know.
But we decided, if you remember, it was the 94th, right?
And certainly somebody had started to go out and say, look, we've got to get this team anything, and we'll probably go nuclear.
And I realized, I know what happened.
Lots of things are going to be done now.
I was going to make decisions, but then the last...
That's it.
We've got to get the country before it can move.
We think only this way.
Move in as I told you.
Any time I told you, any time I told you, any time that I told you, you can't tell somebody else to do the same.
Don't do all the same.
It doesn't matter.
It doesn't matter.
It doesn't matter.
I end up doing it.
That's not good.
I mean it literally.
When I say this, a plan on any of these events should have a square with a picture drawn on it.
It shows what it stands for, whether there's an airplane in the back road, a cross, or the front stoop of the church, or the Lincoln Q, or whatever it is we're going to do.
Then we should get it.
We still know what we're after.
Start on that, yeah.
That's about it.
Try to follow up and see if that family picture could get approved by the kids.
Yeah.
That will be back.
If they approve, they'll sell it to me.
The other one, this is better.
I think it's a very good picture.
I think it's great.
The expressions are good, and the flowers on either side.
You know what I mean?
It's a good, warm picture.
Good family.
Good family.
Good family.
You're right, you're right.
That's what we have to do.
And it's that way.
You can't do it in terms of...
I'm not saying that you... You can't do it in terms of saying, well, it's me, Mark Goodgusson.
Now, Mark is fine at drawing me a little diagram, saying you walk in here, you walk in here, and you walk around.
I need to know that.
That's all.
But then I have to determine that he's no judge.
That's right.
Maybe we need somebody.
You need a creative person.
It determines what it is we want on TV.
And Mark is superb at getting it on.
But he's got to be given the script that shows this is what we want to have happen.
We've got to get the cameras and the lights and the sound equipment in certain places so this will come out.
Thank you.
This is your reading copy, here sir.
I've got it, yeah.
I'll just put it once again, here.
Excuse me.
There's not much in there.
Or at least I don't know.
I don't understand.
Hold on a second.
Hold it right.
I'm calling you.
Thank you for watching!
Thank you very much.
Undertekster av Ai-Media
Ehm...
Fusil.
Fusil.
... ... ... ... ...
Gaze.
Gaze.
Gaze.
I don't think I marked Rogers there.
You know what I mean?
I would prefer, frankly, even not to have Mel.
You see what I mean?
If you have him, you have to have Rogers.
I think Henry should do it.
Let Henry do the reading.
That's the purpose of the pep talk.
Let Henry do the reading.
Fine.
Fine.
No, I think the China thing has to be
It's sort of separated from congressional relations.
Henry will be there, and that means that you'll agree with him on the damn thing.
I wouldn't mind normally, but I think since it's gone to China, that they can feel that it's not very good.
You can tell that Henry will deal with it on the meeting, but we want them to feel it's not a little separate from politics.
There will be pictures, of course, of the camera, the camera will be loud, and so forth.
Okay?
... ... ... ... ... ...
I ask you to...
We've got broadcasts in there already.
As much as you possibly can.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I'm sure it's there.
I wish we could make it also.
We're making changes going on.
We're going to hold it there.
I'm talking to Alex.
He told me that they were planning tomorrow to have the event.
I don't know if this is the time.
... ... ... ... ...
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Then he, or maybe he or she, will feel sensitive about it.
He may have to ask Schultz or Steinberg, or somebody should go on about the food crisis, or he should point out that we should be talking about food crisis coming down on the economy.
He will be at that level.
He will be at that level.
He will be at that level.
He will be at that level.
... ... ... ... ... ... ...
You see, it could be as a better salesman on all of those flights that, say, Richardson would be on busses, or Shelton's or Stein, Shelton's or Stein, if you want to name it.
So I just try that, and that would be very nice.
Now, that'll expand to an hour and a half, but that's okay.
But I'm going to go on first, and I'm going to get that time cut off.
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Hei!
... ... ... ... ... ... ...
And you can see the central module here, the air gun.
And you can see it across the board.
And you can see the navigation.
And you can see where it was going.
I was at the first start of the engine.
And I was at the second start of the engine.
And I was at the third engine.
And I was at the third engine.
And it was helpful to indicate the problems of the great American airmen, Navy men, and so on, helping the South Vietnamese prevent their country from invading from North Vietnam.
We're in this kind of aggression situation, and we'll serve to cause our peace, ending growing and finished discussions.
Our party speakers should make the point that this is a war, and the Senate needs to get us out.
We need to reduce the number of calls that have been made.
We will reduce our casualties by over 90%, and we are involved in an honorable way.
... ... ... ... ...
... ... ... ...
Flying for some of the matters you will want to consider.
You know, on Earth, not at all.
You need several months to find the following considerations for you.
You have one.
Players.
I would like for three or four of you to sit down and make up a list of the 10 best players we have at home.
Obviously, the best players are some members of the camp, a few members of Congress, some governors, some members of the White House staff, some people like Joel, and a bunch of other people, including the White House, and the Reds.
You have, of course, the members in the background for the so-called self-managers.
Of course, at the secondary level, you have the sub-captain.
There are veterans and other organizations which are on file with the Coast Guard.
It's a property that will serve two purposes.
One...
When a story has to be told, you will be able to look at the list and put it in ideal land.
Number two, a small creek.
You've always had a creek.
And a story is important enough to require that kind of creek.
Next subject, this is number two, is tactics.
This could be one major story a day.
This is on a major subject matter.
The fact that there are plans to go around the assumption that I will have one hard news story each week.
The television will be involved.
It's important about the tax order, not the number of stories.
Repetition and follow-up underline the words repetition and follow-up.
How they start on the line, for example, when we use our language for our speech, follow-up day after day, until we find an average playing goal.
They don't be concerned about the fact that the user is not carrying the important things, follow-up, and not to scatter our shots, until we get some sustained evidence through one way or another.
In this discussion of tactics, I am referring to our positive stories.
Obviously, the counterattack or an answer desk operation could be supplemental to these positive stories.
And on some occasions, they will provide positive stories.
Here, I'm getting across the basics about the man
Courageous, intelligent, big one.
Controvers, positive, second.
Particularly the view of the recent Vietnam War.
The issues of justice throughout this matter on several occasions.
None of those issues had a priority, as I see them at this time.
Peace.
And foreign policy canals generally still have to be on the list.
Temporarily, the emphasis will not be on the generation of tapes that will come back into the Moscow.
Temporarily, the issue must not be to be a strong foreign policy leader who is negative to the crisis.
Cost of living is a particular emphasis on the cost of food.
And in particular, this is on drugs, or jobs.
Five questions.
One major effort should be to put our democratic plans strongly on record, favorably on record against them, and getting this across to the areas where it is.
... ... ... ... ... ... ...
We have an excellent program when we go on.
We're all there ready to share with our organization and help.
And so, the question is whether it is wise to stir up the orders around the change in excitement, or to
use that thing as a subsidiary issue of our audiences for special pictures and episodes for stability and return to some kind of after so many years of crisis and upheaval.
It can't be played at the same time, but at least this should be a matter for discussion within the board to see which way we should go.
It's probably called out on the reform issue.
This will be called out on the fact on Congress.
The latter is probably a good idea and should occur immediately after the Democratic Convention.
This role will tend to flex under the fire which is directed against the administration through the conference debate very often.
The recommendations from the administration was made in the direction of this and the list right after they revealed the message and all the numbers have changed after this insertion.
At the same time, corruption should be properly addressed.
And then after that,
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Thank you.
When you list, when you put number 4 on your table, and the question was there, and the question was there, it was clear.
It's hard, actually, for non-political schools.
Last question, if I am not suggesting that this list of issues is exclusive, or that we're not shaming this time as time goes on, for example, you may want to take the environment, because they appear to like it.
Commonly for us to respond to the issue of competition, and we need to be...
... ... ... ... ...
I'll meet you there.
Is your meeting all right at the Wessie today?
Good.
Is there anything new today?
Well, of course, it might carry.
It's going to carry out.
Yeah.
Is it fear of the loss of flights, planes, and that's it?
Maybe it can, but we're going to buy a little insurance.
I know.
Good.
What do you mean?
This flight isn't going to go off?
It's not going to go off what do you mean?
What distance?
Exactly what do you mean?
You're referring immediately above the DMC or way upwards?
So we've given them the authority at least?
Well, who are you looking at?
You want a cable?
Why not Friday?
I'm kicking the hell out there.
I couldn't agree more.
I'm going to do it because I need to for other reasons.
Larry can go to hell.
I've tried to tell people a lot.
What?
What?
What?
With a little public opinion, we can work the north over again.
Does Hague agree with you that this ought to be done?
Well, well, anyway, I suggest that, I think Hague ought to go.
And that's that.
Just say I want to go out there so I can have a first-hand report as to what the hell is going on out there.
Okay.
I'm giving him a hard time.
You tell him that I'm giving you a hard time.
Because I have anyway.
Who the hell taught you all, you know, pretty true?
I've been calling night after night after night.
Nobody's doing anything.
It hurts me.
How about having the Navy move further up that road?
They aren't afraid of you, are they?
Well, how about having the cruisers particularly go up the road 75 miles, shovel stuff up the road further?
All right.
Can that order be given or hasn't it been given?
Give it immediately.
I want that to move up, and we're going to do that very dramatically and soon.
Let's get that right up there, back and further.
Sorry, I've got lunch today, isn't it?
Go ahead.
... ... ... ... ... ... ...
No, we can't, yeah, we can just say that this is just what we discussed.
We tell them we think they want one, and then it will only embarrass them.
Yeah.
That's right.
Yeah.
So we talk about, what about the attitudes or directions within the world of that man's field, third round, or left, we don't know.
Or we run it the other way.
But I won't say a word.
Sorry, fine, fine, I wouldn't say word about that.
Oh, I would say if the Russian summit comes up again, we'll go on.
Yeah.
Get that fleet up there, I just thought of that.
Get that, uh...
And on the, there, now, if the arguments are afraid to lose pilots, that makes some arguments to me, but if, on the other hand, the question is how we understand war, this is the kind of, is that your point?
You ought to come on over.
Basically, the fleet now is not going to be cautious.
The B-52 is not going to be cautious, correct?
That's true, but you want tackheads, all right.
Yeah, yeah, but get the fleet up there.
They can hammer it.
Fine.
And also, on the other thing, get Hague out there.
He'll know how I feel.
I told both, both, probably both, Jared Hague.
Christ sakes, now's the time that we've got to look forward to the year.
Good, good, good.
You're going to talk to Gruber and work it out.
Yeah, I think it's a good thing.
And incidentally, I wouldn't mind going to Vienna.
I suppose it's better.
With Salford, you may have a lot of creeps around.
You know, all the tourists and so forth.
It's probably fine.
I like Salford better, but...
I love Salford because it's well in the sun.
Fine, well then soldiers is fine.
But anyway, let them pick the place, I don't care to you.
Word.
Right.
But we don't, no, we've got to avoid what we possibly can at dinner.
Right, right, good.
All right, I'll see you at five o'clock.
I'm not going to imply that this is a presidential mission.
I'm not going to imply that this is a presidential mission.
Get your impressions.
I don't think there's any problem.
I don't think we want to say Chris is actually a mission, but we can say that they are.
It's a bipartisan mission, and obviously we're both having the right to, but it has the approval of the president.
President, as does the meeting, as does the trip to the House, because we consider that our China policy is one that has brought a bipartisan approval.
And they are going, for example, in the government plan, and we just discussed the meeting.
We will expect to get a report from the one that returned.
There's no special message or anything.
They will take it.
I think the issue is, I think, yes, we're going to send, I'll send it.
I'll send it.
... ... ... ... ... ...
Thank you for watching!
Ok, Mrs. Mixer called me yesterday and I'm going to call her back and say that I don't know about economy.
But economy, I've thought about this and I don't know where I would think about it.
I think two things that there's really no need for, but there sure are.
What am I here for?
I have no objection to it.
She can come back and maybe come back and make some speeches.
She'd like to talk.
She'd like to come back and she'd make some speeches around about what a great job this is.
But you control it.
You have to control it.
How does she not know what they stand for?
How does she know what she stands for?
That's what she's supposed to do.
Just say she can use our staff
You see what I mean?
That's what Mrs. Nixon raised with me at the time.
She said there's no need for any staff.
We have to say that we're going with a very short staff, and that we pool all the secretaries.
And that you'll have somebody there to let you work it out.
Because we can't just have it go on and on and on and on and on.
But I think it's a good thing to have her go on.
I agree with you.
We're having several more.
We have three here going to the first day, and we're talking about it right back.
Thank you.
... ... ... ...
We'll meet with these people, this, uh, any of this, uh, press.
Yes, sir.
The, uh, the, uh, press.
Yes, sir.
You can't do that with an Ali-A.
I don't want to.
I don't want to.
... ... ... ...
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Firmable.
Firmable.
Firmable.
Firmable.
Firmable.
Firmable.
I'm sorry if I shocked you.
I'm not sure what I'm talking about.
I'm sorry.
I'm sorry.
I'm sorry.
I'm sorry.
et ainsi que votre marbre, votre marbre à l'invitation, vous appréciez, vous cherchez vraiment votre marbre à l'invitation, votre marbre à l'invitation, ainsi que votre carrière, votre chaleureux, chaleureux,
Samankalp, Kanaryang.
Amin.
Je vous remercie pour votre invitation et pour votre carrière.
Je vous remercie.
Henry, are you free to come over now?
What is your situation?
Well, I'll tell you, I'll have Paula come over now, then, if you could give about a half hour.
Anytime.
That's all right.
That's all right.
I've got to get you to help Paula, but now I've got to finish up some things before Canada.
Yeah, okay.
I'm going to be over in 15 minutes.
Can you come over here?
I'm going to hook you up.
Okay.
Hei!
... ... ... ... ...
have that run off as a statement on the occasion of the OAS dinner, and have them also type it off as a speech copy for me, in case I decide I want to read it.
What I'm more likely to do is, you know, you'll probably get a few of the thoughts in my head and deliver a toast.
But on the other hand, that could be issued as a statement for the OAS dinner.
Second point, with regard to the speech to the parliament, I do not want that attributed to the press until about two hours, you know what I mean?
Let me explain, there's one thing that I want, I've got to keep holding, and I wouldn't give a damn about what the press had to do anyway, so they tell us they're going to keep it going about two hours before, see?
Yeah, well...
Put it out tonight, that's what I'm saying.
I don't think he would anyway, but let's be sure that it's covered in that way.
You know, one trouble with an agent visit is that every time I turn around and make a speech, you have to make an arrival statement.
Arrival statement, toast, and I understand how to make a statement.
Thank God, Dr. Martin, for the speech to the parliament, and then the speech from that damn ceremony.
I know, I know, I know.
But the British usually stop there, apparently.
This goes in general.
Gives a little speech after.
Has become the custom in a lot of the British countries.
But, boy, the beauty of going to British countries in 1953 is that they never did that.
They never had to make a post.
Unless it was an informal dinner given by the Prime Minister.
Well, no, I'm not even that.
Which I think is better.
I mean, well, I agree, it's better for the end of the stage, that's the only one that matters.
The audience wants to hear the four bachelors get out on stage.
Yeah, but the audience, why worry about that?
The audience is there, they're there, they get the thrill of being in there, and all that.
Thank you for watching!
I do think what I will do, though, is to get a very nice touch with Dick Wilson.
This is a nice little blooper.
We have to come in, and I will present the other service left.
I don't tell us if you don't have it, or if you don't have it, or if you don't have it, or if you don't have it, or if you don't have it,
...to get out.
I mean, what you personally, we have one hell of a time doing without, you know, a good period of work pumping, trying to sell something.
How the idea was conceived, you know what I mean?
You know, who are you going to have to, don't give it to Sapphire, because it's not his thing.
Well, that's Sigler Tom, president of Montaigne.
How do you want to do it?
I'm trying to sue you.
And he just came in one morning and said, had written out this, and it occurred to me one night, and then could I respectfully suggest that Sigler go back and do a cheap check with Rose and see what other organizations were selling?
Well, I'll mention it now.
I can think of it now.
They ordered the hounds to, but they only wanted the word mentioned.
The 58th thing was rock and roll, I think, or something like that.
We won't mention the ones that we had underneath.
The 60th thing was the kitchen cabinet.
Now this, we didn't have any other, the other cabinets, we won't mention anything we didn't have.
And now we have this, and we went off the intensity.
But that, you see, is the kind of background that's good for people to cover, in a good kind of way.
If you like this.
She doesn't have to go to heaven.
She just has to find out what the 58th name was.
That I don't remember.
And that gives them a little peace that they can write.
I'll tell you what you can do.
You can have Colin Thomas come in too, because she'll then write for the goddamn wires.
You might like those three people.
The thing you might do is to have them come in.
So write them a picture too.
I love that.
I didn't think this was a kind of story.
It should go out the other way.
No pictures to be put out.
Don't try to blow it up.
That's better.
I want somebody to call.
In 19, I don't know, 50...
It was seven, I think it was eight or nine or so.
Paul Miller, remember I went up to his place, Harry Bird.
We went across the lake to Canada and went to a little town in Canada.
I wish you would call Paul Miller and ask him what was the name of the little town.
I want to tell him Atlanta is one of my coasts, one of my coasts in Canada.
And I forgot the name of the town.
The mayor gave us some cheese.
Yeah, that's right.
Yeah, that's right, didn't he?
Right, if you would get that little information from him, whether it was his name or Jesus, it would be years after or something.
It's a nice little story to tell.
But run it down with Paul.
He will remember the name of the house.
Okay, fine, fine.
I don't, I don't, just give it to him.
... ... ... ... ...
I think we will do it.
I think we will do it.
I think Turkey will be alright.
I wish you would call Paul Miller and ask him, what was the name of the little town?
I want to tell a little anecdote about one of my co-signatures.
And I forgot the name of the town.
The mayor gave us some cheese.
Yeah, that's right.
Yeah, that's right, didn't he?
Right.
If you would get that little information from him, let him know who it was, his name, and G's, 50 years afterwards, it's a nice little story to tell.
But run it down with Paul.
He will remember the name of the house.
Okay.
Fine.
Fine.
I just, I don't, just give me a minute.
After you worked out, you got it in your head?
Yes.
Are they glad?
Yes.
Is it going to be Salzburg?
Yes.
Great.
Great.
And it's just like, you know, they have a nice hotel or a castle.
Castle for me and a hotel for the clowns.
How's it sound?
Do you think it's better than Ireland?
We don't have a problem.
And the meeting is set up with the...
Incidentally, I am inclined to think it ought to be a lunch.
I was just going to say, the only problem is he wants to do an off-the-record title for a small lunch.
Fine.
A non-formal lunch.
Well, I think we will do it.
I think we will do it.
I think it's perfectly all right, and I don't mind if it's not too long.
You know what I mean?
I'd just like to say that we could act as a matter of fact.
You know what I mean?
I think we should do it.
It's a matter of grace, going into this country and not having a meal is just a hell of an insult.
And it won't bother me at all.
There's not much worse than having to keep a driving shirt on the headrest.
Well, and I'm not so sure the luncheon can be small or large.
It's up to him.
I don't care about the size of the luncheon.
I don't think I can have a crime today because a failure is as long as it takes.
Yeah, I don't know, may not.
He'd get in there with a small luncheon.
He'd be yanking around with a bunch of people and so forth.
Whatever he wants though, he can have a luncheon.
And we would tell him the only thing is that we would not want it too long.
You know, too formal.
You know, I don't mind formal, but he could sort of eat his treat about a time.
And that totally ambassadored that.
Incidentally,
And as a special favor, if I want to take this ambassador with us, we can take him to Ipsos or drop him off.
Do you know what I mean?
If he wants to go.
He's an old friend of mine for years.
We've got to go home.
Don't wait on the money.
It may well be that this ambassador will have gone forward, and if he has, fine, but if he hasn't, I didn't want you to scream to find out, and then get an ambassador to arrive.
I need something which I sent out and then I forgot because Colson sent it when I was meeting a conversation he had at the seminar and I didn't want to do it.
I sent it out and I wanted back, but I wasn't able to digest it until I was there.
You know, I don't know what the price is going for.
I just had to get it out and put it in my file if you would.
It's much better.
Of course, he can't even speak.
He couldn't speak his English.
He's got such an accent.
He doesn't know the language very well.
So it's much higher.
I'm sure his French is so classical.
All of his languages are so precise that it's much easier to understand French.
Well, no criticism.
I think the woman, actually, is the best one.
She's not much of a woman.
She's very good.
Leave on that.
If Walter's busy or something, have the woman come over and have her give you an eye translation.
IPT, federal convention, or any of that sort of thing.
I should not have heard of any of those lines.
Henry has made a strong point that there should not be any escalation of Vietnam
His view now is that the lower...
the division in this country can be played for the next few days or weeks, the better off we'll be.
And from a foreign policy standpoint, he thinks that's true.
All right, I'm a foreign .
Well, that's what I said.
We've got the problem of keeping the areas .
I disagree with that.
I do.
But what he's arguing is, don't start to sustain that.
What we were going to do was launch an all-out click on Kennedy and .
And he argues with that.
All right.
I'll take it.
Because they'll be left quite back.
I would agree that if we get Luther or .
It's all right.
I think we can probably...
They're all stuck on this thing.
And we've got to do everything, Bob, that has to do with... Yeah, Henry's argument is until this breakthrough... Until he goes to prayer.
Yeah, exactly.
Now, incidentally, for God's sakes, uh, I've got to...
I've got to talk to you, too, Sam.
I didn't know what I'd be doing.
Well, I had a trip to Moscow.
First, we'll drive rockets right up on the wall.
But he's got to pay for this, uh...
I don't know.
You don't know, huh?
I don't know.
I hope I can tell a good record of the debris then.
I don't know.
I already got a message back from Moscow saying that it's very important.
I should have come.
All right.
You want me to do that?
You think you'll give him the answer the next day and say it was OK?
I said, you will not get back.
But I will give him the final answer.
I just want to prove it to him.
Correct.
At that point, I'm waiting.
Right.
We are done with the agenda item number one.
And therefore, they request that I get in and they reveal that I am the justice and also that the Vietnam East delegation for this office may
They're coming through Moscow on Sunday.
They want to have them speak at their talks on Sunday, and not just on Sunday.
When are you getting them?
On Monday.
On Monday.
On Monday, I arrived there Thursday night, which I was going to let go and go.
But they are really, I tell you, let me say a couple of things so that my violence here doesn't just raise an angry.
On the rhetoric here, first point, there's no, on the speech, it's very high level, and it's no more than what I said previously, that free power is restraint.
I'm going to say it.
Because otherwise, there's nothing in the damn speech.
The Canadian speech is a, God, I mean, they've done awful well.
I mean, I think you've done a fine job right there.
Well, I could make a look at it, but it isn't.
Well, there's a sentence or two that might be particularly great, but that's too late.
You've got a minute now, but I ought to get this done.
Let me, is it better for you to maybe, I think if you just hear the part of a male narrator that, I don't know, but I meant, so you can get a view of it.
Because we, I took some sentences and wrote them in half, and I think it's over.
I'll read it to you, and you'll get a copy by this time.
But in their central aim, these journeys are alike.
Neither is it directed against anyone, adversary or ally.
Both are for the betterment of everyone, for the peace of all mankind.
I introduce the whole thing that way.
The responsibility for building peace rests with special weight upon great powers.
Whether the great powers fulfill that responsibility depends not on the atmospherics and the diplomacy, but on the reality of their behavior.
Great powers must not create a period between tundas and anirudh equal periods of tension.
They must not use the spirit of reconciliation as a cloud behind which they prepare to observe movement of lateral pressures.
Better relations among all nations require restraint by great nations, both in dealing with each other and in dealing with the rest of the world.
We can agree to limit arms.
We can declare our peaceful purposes.
But neither the limitation of arms nor the declaration of peaceful purposes will bring peace, if directly or indirectly the aggressive use of existing weapons is encouraged.
The great powers cannot avoid responsibility for the aggressive actions of those to whom they give the means for a great, great imparting of such actions.
The great powers must use their influence to halt the aggression on the church.
Only if they cut out with that.
Cut it.
They cannot avoid responsibility for the aggression.
All right.
The rest, I'll cut it.
Great powers.
All right, fine.
We can just cut that sentence and throw it right in.
The great powers must use their influence to halt aggression, not to encourage it.
Thank you.
How's that?
Otherwise, it's free.
Otherwise, it's fine.
All right.
The president is disappointed of strategy as to keep this theme in the bulletin.
They are really slow.
But before you get into that, I want to be clear with the underbrush.
I told Bob that I would accept the proposition that we will not have anybody defend us.
Well, not defend us, but not attack.
We do have the problem that if the attacks are allowed to get out of hand,
I'm reading a news summary this morning and I would gather that the networks in Muskegon and so forth and so on are all very useful things, interviewing the soldiers.
I'll tell you, I had the cape on there, and I want to hate to carry it out.
One commanding officer of a regiment sent him out on patrol, and some of the guys said, I don't know who you want to go.
And he explained, well, look, if you don't go, the rest of the folks are going to be there to be in danger.
I don't know who it was, but anyway.
And then he said, and he said, and you bastards in the press, you're responsible for this.
Now, I want him personally commended for that.
Is that clear?
Eggs.
Personally come eggs.
Because that's some son of a bitch in the Pentagon.
I want the press to know that's exactly how I feel about it.
Eggs.
But what I mean is we've got to play a game on the domestic front that does not allow our opponents, Henry.
I'm not concerned about deterioration in our own position and all that happens, all that matters is how it comes out.
But I believe that the foreign policy aspect might be harmed.
If it appeared there was a hell of an uproar in this country against what we're doing.
If we had attacked, we should have attacked.
All right.
I just don't recommend against starting out attacks.
Now, some of these Democrats have signed a letter today about the expenditures.
Now, we've got to, Mr. President, at the next weekend, we can pull the plug on these conversations.
We can say, now, one thing the president told me is that as of Tuesday night,
The North Vietnamese were still coming on the 24th.
Well, but that's, they made three conditions that we come on the 13th, when the Islamic recession and then we start the bombing of the North.
We have not met any of these conditions.
They come under those circumstances.
That in itself is an unbelievable conflation of reasons.
I agree.
Secondly, if they come after I've been in Moscow, and he told me that Moscow was having a hard time going, which is fine.
They won't be here.
There's no interest.
We don't care about the reason.
But after that visit, now, what the president said, you know, it's very different.
Like, look, now, none of this...
I know, he gets to the coal fights.
Now it's like your conversation at the time you were building up the train with none of this baloney about what are you doing to us.
Well, I think I've never said my government knows this, and he talks just like a straight out of the mic.
He says, look, we have this problem.
Our national interest is against what's going on in Vietnam now.
But we also... No, they wouldn't say that.
That's the Herman line.
Go ahead, but no, no, that is not what that is.
I know, I know, but you know, that is the Herman line.
Go ahead.
No, but their line used to be that we were ruining the possibility of good relations with them.
Go ahead, but whatever it is, he was saying their national interest.
On the other hand, he said...
We shouldn't push them in a position where they seem to be selling out.
But let's be realistic.
What do you want?
I said, we want an end of military operations.
That's the minimum.
We are not going to sit there and talk and get ourselves chopped up over a period of months.
We've now got our forces together out there.
We're going to use them.
He said that
He said it was a irrevocable decision against us.
I said, we will do what is necessary.
He said, if we get you a guarantee that military action stops for a year, is that satisfactory?
Mr. President, frankly, it is satisfactory.
If these guys have to do this attack,
Well, the point is, you could have a truce for the purpose of talks.
That's what I had in mind for the way I had missed the truce.
Well, it would be amazing to get the peace.
That's why I don't want to... No, don't give it away.
No, I don't want to give it away.
After cranking up this operation, they stopped.
I said, no, the first thing you have to remember, and I told them, we don't believe a word Hanoi said.
So Hanoi can offer up anything that you've got to guarantee it publicly.
before I can even take it to the President, because the President is in such a mood now that if I come to him and say, I know he's trying, he will throw me out of the door.
What do you say?
Does he believe you?
Oh, those ships, Mr. President, that's what's killing them, because they know.
This is the largest fleet that's been assembled in I don't know how many years.
They tell me within three, four months they'll get out there.
They'll be out there in a little bit.
And they're increasing.
And it's actually in our interest, Mr. President, that they get there slowly, because that gives us an excuse for not having done it yet.
I understand.
I understand.
So he said, are you prepared to do this?
He said, if we get military operations done, are you prepared to say to the North Korean regime, you proposed a coalition government, we proposed an election, we're willing to talk whether a compromise is possible between these two positions.
Talk about a compromise we can do, Mr. President.
If they stop military operations for a year, they're finished.
We're in.
That would be
He interpreted all over Vietnam as a massive defeat for Hanover.
Then he said, well, what about this limitation of military aid ?
All of your allies were .
We can't let you send stuff in through .
And your allies are Chinese, I mean.
All I'm trying to say, Mr. President, is do you remember how many years we've tried
and they wouldn't even communicate our messages to our noise.
He tells me that in active, daily contact.
He says, Vietnam is a Jedi, number one, when I get there.
He says, when you get there.
When I get there.
Oh, yeah?
Oh, yes.
But they're trying to get the gun back.
They're not saying, if you blockade, you'll be in a confrontation with us.
But I hope that he doesn't feel that he's coming.
come out with the coalition government, concession from you.
There's no chance of it, Mr. President.
What he's looking for, and I understand it, is some faith-saving tool that enables them to stop the war for a time.
Yeah.
In which we are committed to talk about something, and they are committed to stop fighting.
We will have to achieve, if they stop fighting with the president, will be a bigger victory by far than the Cuban Missile Army.
We didn't lose any Americans.
Cuban missile that involved Americans involved a bunch of damn Cubans.
Let's look at it in other ways.
Supposing tomorrow morning Hanoi publicly said to you, we're willing to make a compromise on the political thing.
Are you willing to talk about a compromise without making a proposal?
We've got to say, yes, we'll talk about it.
Basically, what we'll have here is a bombing halt with action on their side rather than on our side.
On both sides.
That's incidental, Mr. President.
We have planned some strikes on truck parks and P.O.L.
depots and outside farming on all these regions.
And I think we ought to do it.
I've already told them we will do it in the operations in Vietnam and in Canada.
But I think our only hope now, our best hope, is to give them these.
My recommendation would be that you do it.
And as soon as it's finished, I'll call him up and say, from now till the 24th, you don't keep up on himself until the 20th, 10 o'clock.
I think that there are trucks in the transport area.
I think, and also, as I told the Hague last night, keep that fleet moving up that coast.
Now, you're running the risk that these guys will use the pretext of these strikes and say they now won't come to the port.
I think what's getting them to the port is not goodwill, but fear.
And I think we, you see, we have two possibilities.
One is to win the battle in the south.
That will face us with the dilemma the leaders raised yesterday.
How do we know they won't come back next week?
And it won't get the Russians in, because if the battle is confined to the south, the Russians will believe that if Hanoi wins,
That's good for them because it weakens our Hanoi forces.
It's good for them because it increases Hanoi's dependence on them.
So the southern battle, they don't mind.
What's panicking the Russians is that we will blockade or that we will sue Khairavno or Vietnam, that they will be forced to put in something in an area which they have nothing to gain.
And therefore, risky as it is, we've gotten to where we are in this campaign by running a little bit risk.
The Chinese already know about this.
That's right.
Well, they've already said about it.
I've already told the prison we're going to do something intense about it.
And he said, well, must you do it?
I said, yeah.
He said, well, as long as we do it, we'll do it.
But it won't create a good environment, I said.
Well, the point is, Mr. President, to extend it without you.
We don't have to do it, but I think showing that we keep coming, that this thing is going to get worse and worse, is helpful.
Thank you.
And, of course, we were all drunk the rest of the day.
Blow the whole thing.
Mr. President, I cannot believe that.
I believe that the only thing that can flow is if we blend now.
Do you remember you said, though, at the time of Laos and Cambodia, that the private cars you were having probably were injured by the attack?
Yeah, because, as I look back, because of the mistake you were, when I was in Camp David about Cambodia,
You said, why don't we do that?
I was wrong.
I thought we should keep it moderate.
If we had, at the time of Cambodia, acted the way we do now, it now is because we never really had it without.
Because we knew that we were going to take things that Abrams now was on the ball again.
Well, anyway, he said that, but I gave Hague hell on it, though, to be sure.
I told Hague that the purpose, that's why I said he should call a little admiral.
I said, tell these boys that we're going to win this war now.
We're just not interested in winning this battle now.
And they'd say, what do they mean?
We can get that kind of psychology through them.
That'll be some improvement.
Oh, yeah.
That's...
But I think the combination of your message to McCain takes places.
I admit, Mr. President, this strike over this weekend is going to get us right up to the line.
My view is that it's precisely your willingness.
But the whole point, though, is as far as getting something aligned, you mean with the Russians?
With the Russians, I don't think so much.
But with Hanoi, I mean, there's a point beyond which they will say, we can't talk into it.
But it happens.
It happens.
You'll still go to Russia.
But they won't say it.
I think the Russians won't say it.
The need for secrecy first asked a critical question that Roger told on the 24th meeting.
We have one other comment layered at the beginning.
Rogers had called Laird to do some worries about the B-52 strike and requesting to be involved ahead of time from now on.
And we've got to keep those two fellows ferocious for the next week.
What if Rogers is the objecting to the strike?
Not the objecting to the strike.
Rogers is Laird objecting to the strike.
It's like Cambodia.
I call them enterprises.
It's like Cambodia.
They're neither of them objecting.
They both are in the position where this thing blows up of saying they were uneasy.
And they're both in the position, if it worked, of saying they were loitering.
So it's what I have to do.
Everything required of me.
If you couldn't see him for five minutes on the train on the way back, I wouldn't bother.
Oh, yes, I will.
Your strategy is to beat La Roche.
The thing to do is to tell him, on the way back, I want to have a talk.
You be there, he be there, and we'll have the goddamn thing out.
One thing.
Another thing is to tell him, going up, I can't do it because I've got a precursor.
I'd also recommend, he doesn't really want to testify on Monday, at least, let's say.
We could figure out something he could do with Irvin.
Irvin and, uh... Well, it's not very early, but then... Well, it's better than Irvin.
Who is it?
Not that...
I'm just worried that... Well, what do you want me to do with you?
Send him to...
Send him.
I think you got a good point there.
We could send it to the U.N. at some time.
Or kind of the U.N. Is the U.N. meaning?
I am sure that he suggested it to me.
He doesn't want to test his eye because of the heat.
Why doesn't he come up and spend the day with me at Camp David?
Why don't we send him to the UN to move his economy to the UN?
We'll work something out on that.
I agree.
I'm talking on the way back.
What the hell is this about the two strikes?
He knows generally that that's what we're doing.
Oh, yeah.
The theory is, Mr. President, that we are... Sure, Laird knows.
I mean, I called Laird and I said, were you there when I met with Laird?
Oh, yeah.
Didn't we discuss the two strikes at that time?
I don't know.
I don't know.
Here's the argument.
Jerry's able to handle with the Congress.
I don't think actually, I don't see all that squealing around about the 52 strikes.
Do you, Bob?
I mean, they're squealing about the war, not the 52 strikes.
Laird has some other thoughts.
Laird wants to prove that the war can be won in the South and that there will be a demonstration of success.
He doesn't want the argument that we have found that no ground.
On the other hand, Mr. President, they're not going to pay us off on this.
They've got to win.
The whole point is we've got to win, all right?
We would never have gotten the Russians to this point if we'd been just playing around with the South.
That's correct.
Never.
Also, we just couldn't tell Rogers we just don't want him.
What we're trying to do is deploy an offensive in October.
That's what I'm telling him.
Now, let's just be telling him he's got to be ferocious now.
No, he will not.
Rogers...
never believes in using power for diplomacy, so you can't tell him about being for it.
I mean, you and I know we have to be ferocious.
I just want to tell Roger that I've decided I've got to do this in order to reduce their capability of attacking in October.
How's that sound?
He's not really, he's sort of niggling around.
He hasn't objected to it.
But the best thing is we could avoid having him testify.
That would be, that would be useful.
See if I can announce the Polish visit on Monday.
Are they ready?
Are they still willing to announce it?
I think Austria is great.
Austria is okay.
I agree to a lot.
I agree to a lot.
I think I'll have a lunch with the ambassador.
I think it's worth it.
Don't you have to ask for it?
Yes, I do have to ask for it.
Let me see what his ambassador is.
Oh, yeah.
A small lunch is all.
No, but I mean, this ambassador is a great friend of mine, and I just think it would just, frankly, cap his career if he could have a lunch.
One other thing, Mr. President, and I talked to the president yesterday,
about this polling on another day.
He said it was a very, very much appreciated muster that you had checked about polling, and if that's what he wanted to say, that if we could avoid making a contagious connection to the Catholic Church.
All right, no problem.
I think if you could back to the... No, listen, just going there is enough.
Don't worry.
Frankly, it's a mixed bag for the Cardinal.
He sees, you know, his position is tenuous.
We can't have the Cardinal in Philadelphia because the Polish government has taken over.
The Cardinal of Philadelphia is impressive.
He doesn't question it at all.
He just says it might be a good idea.
I'll handle that.
Look, I know a foolish thing like the back of my hand.
You don't even use the word freedom.
You use other things.
You talk about friendship.
What we have to show that us is that there's jeopardizing this sort of cooperation.
Right.
So we got a lot of mileage out of the technique that voted with it.
Well, frankly, we wouldn't have checked it unless we decided to consider it.
Could you take a couple of notes on the Scott Mansfield?
The letter ought to show a line.
I don't think we need to write a pound.
Don't you agree?
I talked to the Chinese ambassador yesterday, and I said,
Right, I hope you realize that this is a very sensitive issue, and any comments you have on this.
I'm referring to this gentleman, I'm referring to their meeting with Mao, they should meet with Mao.
You've got that quite across the way.
The point is, the letter Joe and I, I think, should be along the lines of this.
Why do you have to send that letter?
Yeah, you talked to him.
Tell him we sent a message.
We found it better to send a message through a private channel rather than a formal letter.
That that was good.
Good, good.
Would you call and say that you should know at least the President sent a message through a private channel?
And that it went very well and they're going to handle it extremely well.
Good.
It's very minor, at the end of which they said, uh, uh, we, we have an intense interest in an improvement of relations.
You first took that line.
Oh, yeah, I was very nervous.
I said the president should unscrupulously pursue his cause no matter what anybody said.
But not directed against you.
Yes, that's right.
If I was sleeping at midnight, it gets me in bed about 7 or 8 in the evening.
Then I go to bed.
Then I can start reading my dreams.
It would be better if I could take a nap.
I'm trying to go to bed, but I can't do it from the invitation.
Why?
Take any plane you need.
It might be.
Why don't we run it?
Do you mean running it as an advance party?
Why don't we focus on that?
No, no, no.
The whole thing leaves.
The whole thing leaves.
No, it won't work.
Don't worry about it.
I don't, I'm not concerned about the leak on this thing.
Fine, for that.
That'll keep the project through.
We're not so...
If it starts leaking out at Big South, the only problem you've got is with Rogers.
This is something that came up.
Huh?
If he finds out, you can say this is part of the announcement.
This is as close as we've ever come.
They're not going to tell Rogers then about the trip to Russia.
Or don't you have to?
People like the law, though.
But you're not going to advance the trip.
The thing that he should be told is the Russians asked you to come because to meet with them before your private meeting to talk about Vietnam.
Curious.
Don't say a word about advancing the trip.
You see what I mean?
Absolutely.
That's the way we would handle it.
But I would say that you ought to tell Rogers about your trip to Paris, that you're going over, and they're going to be trying to find a proper cover for it.
By the way, that's the main thing.
And then you see, if you were here on a trip to Paris, you'd go over and down to the bottom of it.
Bob, you see, the stakes are too high now, and I've said the same thing to everyone.
We've got to...
but worry about sensitivities and do what is necessary and what's right.
Mr. President, we pulled this one off.
But this is the first time where one can see a concrete outcome.
The previous negotiations, you couldn't really quite see how they would gel.
And they were never under time pressure.
And that's why we are figured that if you
I think that's what's done in Oshawa.
And if I... Now, if Huntree were in there, and I'm here, and I said to the brilliant, look, this man's going to throw me out of the office, if I come in there and just say it, we'll be through talking.
Well, the same is true of Muscovy.
The same is true of Kennedy.
Exactly.
And yet he, on the other hand, we've combined the ferocity with what is also very important, with a very forthcoming attitude on all the details of the visit with them.
You know, all the grace, that's another thing.
And we have done, say, Mrs. Dixon's little drill, my speaking to him at the ceremony, you know, all that.
Right.
We'll have done exactly what you said you would do.
You've come to Russia to talk, you've settled into the Istanbul, you've always said you would do that.
You've linked everything together.
It's the lineage that's gotten us here.
Because everything is hanging out, but there won't be enough.
And I have now, we've gone through these charges with each other.
How about having Rogers asking him to go out and do a speech in Chicago or something?
We don't want a speech.
We don't want a speech from him.
I think it's the U.N. that's the only possibility.
Why don't I call him and tell him I mentioned about the U.N. and you thought it was a brilliant idea?
Yeah, but I think...
He's got no... And then I'd say that he ought to go up to spend the day at the U.N. Don't you want to talk about the Mideast?
How's that?
Mideast?
Yeah.
It requires...
Some matters have come up in the Mideast and he's got to go up there and spend the day at the U.N. You'd be thrilled if he doesn't.
This is not a great way.
He's easy to do it.
On the contrary, he's petrified for this.
Henry, he does decide one other thing.
It always seems this happens, but you go to Moscow, it would be a hell of a box on the first thing you do.
I can't, this is a time I can't say a damn word.
I can't imagine.
Fortunately, I'm held the next week, so I would definitely have to go.
Yeah, but the next week.
Well, there's another reason we can't do the press next week.
If the announcement will be kind of, the message said it's May 13th, I can't believe it.
You see what I mean?
I was wondering about that.
That just kills it.
Well, you see, Mr. President, you're following the path of the French boat.
Maybe the whole thing will blow up, but at least we know what we're in charge of.
Well, on the 24th, we'll know everything.
And that will be a good time.
Yes, sir.
Yeah, straight reception.
And I'll make it a long reception.
I'll spend time.
All right, good.
That's two hours.
But anyway, Henry, I think it's, I think your judgment with regard to, it's my judgment, but you know, I tend to be more hawkish even than you are.
Not because I, because I have, because I have no confidence at all in the circumstances.
But my view is that, that I think, and I really believe, that you can just, that hitting the North now, I still think we can get away with it, with American public opinion.
And I think it'll shake Hanoi, it'll rattle away people a little.
Mr. President, if we hit the P.O.L.
dumps outside Haiphong, the storage areas between Hanoi and Haiphong, and then on the other side of Hanoi, we're bracketing all their towns, and we're putting people's issues on one of these targets right near Hanoi.
I admit it, they could just say, now we can't talk, we're too weak.
On the other hand, he's got that bleep ceiling in him.
I have never known a communist who refused to talk when his position began.
The thing to do is to send them a message right after the strike is completed.
It says, from now on until these talks are completed, there'll be no attacks, no disrespect to this country.
Okay, very much.
Thank you very much.
I've got help already.
I'll mark it when I come.
You see, we may find something we want to do with planes this week.
You see, this jackass trip to Canada, in a sense, will make some, it'll make more news in the United States than a trip to, frankly, France.
Would you agree?
Or, you know, maybe I'm all done with it.
American TV has to play trips to Canada because they're all covered in Canada, correct?
I think you could get across the idea today, and I think it's worth touching it up again rather than just having Sigler put it out, about how the president works at Camp David, works at Florida, works in California.
by maybe having somebody like Rose go on, you know, on one of those band programs.
And she said, well, down there,
that the staff doesn't particularly like to go on these trips.
I mean, they don't really, I mean, they're working trips.
And that she can say that, for example, in Florida, and this is a very nice touching spot, I think also that Julian Fisher can mention that the, that,
And this is quite true, that in Florida, there have been many, what really struts up, there are many days when the weather has been good in the morning, but it's rather worse off of a two or three in the afternoon when the weather is good.
And then when he decides to go out in the weather, you know, it's not good.
And his staff is urging him to take off sometime in the morning when the weather is good in case he gets mad in the afternoon.
It sounds like an unimportant thing, but I know these people are, they do pick up this rally tomorrow or days out of the White House.
But understand, it doesn't, but I would let them get away with it too.
I think the working campaign, like last night, I worked quite a bit.
And crack takes a lot of time.
Gates has said that was just fine.
She's fine.
The way I look at it now, I have Rose, her, and the little one.
That's the three.
Now the question on Mascara, I think she's got two or three gigs, because she knows Chapin and all that.
So she goes as his secretary, doesn't she?
You're going to take Rose.
Now who else?
We don't take you as an individual.
Who else are you going to take as a worker?
Are you going to take Marge this time?
Now, she's not worth a goddamn any more than roses, because they won't work for anybody else.
All right, fine.
How about taking the little girl?
making a little girl go like this.
You know, we're going to need, there's going to be quite a bit of work to do.
I don't want a situation where Yates, she didn't complain and stuff, never had me, I don't know if she had anybody else, you know, and you told me that she was practically out on her feet and she came and was working on my rows and getting into rows and rows and hands.
She never complained.
There, there was never a beat by Yates.
I was the one who was complaining.
I understand that.
I'm just telling you, work it out.
And the best one to go, I have seen, is the little girl.
Because she is so...
I don't want to hear any calls, but... Hello?
Yeah.
I sent some talking points to Tricia.
I don't know whether you got them yet.
Well, some talking points to Tricia about Vietnam in case it kind of came up.
And I told Rose to fire a copy to you.
Because Tricia said she had to be on a program.
And she said you want to say much, but you want to know what she could and couldn't say.
So I covered it in a letter to her.
So I fired it on to you.
You got it good.
As you told me last time, you really had a good day in Louisiana, didn't you?
Yeah.
Good turnout.
Yeah.
Great.
Great.
Well, he's a strong, good man.
Good.
Good.
Good.
Thank you.
What a way to get across that.
We should take it as a PR assignment.
Now, if I could come to the domestic stuff, let's run over it quickly.
Anything new on, uh, on, uh, uh, the strategy here?
Johnny, you have a good response here.
They're lining the thing, hanging on like a wood.
Yes.
Same line.
Good.
Same line.
And, uh, we're gonna...
We may lose the vote of the committee by the one vote of Scott's absence.
Oh.
Yeah, that's why you pulled out a presidential place.
Yeah, I can't quite figure it out.
We're back in the Supercomic.
It's a strange thing.
I didn't mean to sort it out.
He didn't say that to me when I saw him.
He broke into this house for dinner last night.
He was great.
Great evening and all that.
John said he wondered at the time whether his day wasn't going to be bad, because he had a charge after the war that he was spending a lot of time with her in Melbourne, so he was very distressed about that.
We had pretty badly chewed out after the guests went home last night.
What is it?
Well, I'm not sure.
It had to do with- He called you?
Well, he did a strange thing.
What did he tell you?
He called Joel Starling and blew up because it fits against the staff .
He had been told that Johnny Walters had been brought in, was going to be brought in to greet the director.
And he said, if you'd be the one around the trade area department, that's just fine.
Who had done that?
Well, what had happened is that they had developed an idea to try and publicize this total withholding question of having Walters go out to the press, have a picture, and then go out to the press and talk about a withholding.
Well, they were carrying it with them.
He misread the clearance.
We're calling on the left with a message because he couldn't reach you as to whether this would be okay or not.
In the meantime, Walters goes in and says, I'm going to go over and brief the director.
That was before we got the message from the secretary.
Why don't you take off and go over and see him right now?
I'm doing good.
I've had a long talk with him.
I called him.
I'll send you the area on the next time.
And I just can't believe that he knows how to...
There's more to it.
He knows what a difficult time this is.
He said...
I think he's back again.
I don't think there's anything he should do today.
I was debating whether you want to do something about it today.
He said he wouldn't come to the meeting.
And I said, good, I'm glad the meeting is being held.
I said, well, I can cancel the meeting.
He says, oh, well, they need the meeting.
They should have it.
You can go ahead and have the meeting.
I said, Mr. President, I know we'll not be able to consider anything here and there.
He said, well, what are you going to tell them?
I said, I don't know.
I'll just cancel the meeting.
And then we went through all this and said, I don't, please, I don't care.
I don't think we should talk to the president.
He's got all this on his mind.
And I said, well, if you tell me not to talk to him, I won't.
He says, no, it's up to you to decide what we should do.
Yeah.
The persecution complex thing.
I know all those people are over there under the conspiracy to get me.
And I know I won't.
Who?
Well, everybody now.
He's got Kissinger, Hermia, NSCB, I don't know.
I don't know.
Chilean, Chilean business of some kind.
Well, there was no NSC meeting of NSC.
For instance, they were there.
I'm there.
He was upset about that, and he was upset about this.
He says we covered the facts, but there was no cabinet officer there.
It was a Western meeting.
Western.
Okay, so he doesn't, he objects to anybody being involved in it.
It's a Lyndon Johnson type thing.
He blows his stock .
And then Kurt Stein, running around trying to shoot him down and all these things.
He said, all right, Kurt Stein, the reason for this strike is Kurt Stein.
has an idea about this mid-year economic report.
And he said, Schultz, do you have the sense to ask him if he'd talk to me about it?
Stein said, no, so Schultz came over and talked to me about it.
I said, well, that seems to me to show you how concerned everybody is to make sure that you are involved.
He said, no, but it shows me that Herb Stein is trying to do the right thing right by my back.
Stein didn't ask me alone to make your report.
I know.
Schultz knew he was going to raise it at the Tribune.
Well, Tom, that's right.
See, that's the point.
Conley was to be there.
Conley thinks he should have been discussed with him.
Discussed with him first by Stein.
Well, he was discussed with him first by Schultz.
Has tried at least a half a dozen times to get an appointment with Conley on various things, and has none of that.
I think he probably used it.
I had a long session with him yesterday.
He was very surprised when he saw me with this plane.
He runs through these things on a day basis and now I've been watching him for 60 days.
I remember I told you this was the, I don't know if you've probably done it, Irving has been told, you've told Schultz, and I tried it, and I got it, and I've never canceled it.
I've seen it every week except last week, and he canceled it now, or did I?
Did he cancel last week because of the sickness?
Yes.
All right.
And he said, that's not a point you raised.
I said, I'm not.
Well, I do have .
Well, he told me about that.
I was going to raise that point.
I didn't want to raise it to anybody else.
It's like a high blood pressure.
He takes his blood pressure three times a day, versus a hypochondriac, too.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Because not having him go to Canada, for Christ's sakes, he could have gone.
There's been a rush of stories recently about how there's nothing going to make sense in Canada because the key thing between us and the Canadian economic economy is not going to be there, so there won't be any economic discussions.
Colleagues, on Canada, I'm not going to let them discuss it for that reason, so that we can play the hand out, and I'm not going to say that Connolly will not be discussed with them.
Yeah, that may be wrong.
On the Canadian one, I don't, he wants to go.
I'm going to tell Trudeau that Secretary Connolly will discuss these matters.
There's going to be any doubt, and I'm going to give him a goddamn inch.
We sent the speech over, too, so that was sent over to him.
I just...
You never know what gets to him and seems to run about every three months cycle.
the next administration president.
He had heard last week, so I don't think Congress, I don't think he thought that out before.
Do you?
No, I don't think so.
I don't get that impression, because he kept talking about all the, how he would go any time he wanted, either after the dinner in Texas or before.
Suppose he does go home.
And he does it on the basis of help.
But if it was a quid pro quo help, he would say that I'll...
If he would, I believe it.
That might not be all bad, because I'm not sure you can continue to pay the price of the nursing home.
I can't.
I'm trying.
I've got Alex.
I don't know whether Alex follows through on all these, but I'm sure he does.
I don't recall.
He does.
to see that he goes to Camp David, offering Camp David, urging him to go, urging him to go to Portland.
I've checked up on that.
I've done it with Nellie.
I've called Nellie independently.
I said, I'm talking behind his back, but I was thinking maybe John has to be a racist, but the president wants him to get up to Camp David, use the camp and all that.
He can get him to go to Detroit.
Call her and tell her to use it this weekend.
Now, would you know we're on that or not?
That isn't the answer.
It isn't that.
And then they're going to make the difference.
I appreciate that.
I debated the conversation.
I asked how he would come over.
He said, no, it's not necessary.
And so we thought he obviously didn't really want to talk.
So I kind of kept talking on the phone.
And I debated it.
No, but Henry's been pretty good here.
Henry told me he'd seen Connelly on Gooseby about something.
He does, but I'll tell you, the guy is, he sees, he talked about seeing Connelly.
Anything is done by this damn man this morning.
I mean, I covered the facts with him.
I mean, he just completely got in trouble and he didn't want to talk about that at all.
What did he say about the town of Walters?
coming to the meeting, which is why he was blowing up at the beginning of the meeting.
And then he told her when he called in that this meeting had been scheduled.
He didn't know what it was about.
He didn't understand why there was a meeting anymore.
I called Connelly.
It was staff through.
Charles talked to Connelly about it.
Then Dave Parker, the scheduling office, checked all the principles, including Connelly personally.
Then yesterday, before I raised it with you, I called, I was talking, Conley called me about something in the morning.
I said, incidentally, we have this proposal.
I understand that you've endorsed the idea.
Conley said, yeah, I think that's a good idea.
He said, unless the CDA wants to meet without us, they may want to meet with the president alone, without the truck at all.
I said, no, the president, I'm sure, would rather have you there, at least in England.
And I said, that's fine.
And I reminded him of that today.
I said, I understand from John that you were disturbed by this meeting.
I don't understand that, because the deal with Paul, I talked to you yesterday about that.
And he says, yeah, but I didn't know.
Then he goes into this big, long thing about how you and I, the president and all of them, are his only two friends over here.
And we've always done everything right, but it's these other people that we've been running around in this corner for so long and can't fight our own party.
And do you think Henry has been able to talk to him enough?
I don't know.
Do you?
I don't know, Bob.
Maybe that's scary.
It hits so much heat on everybody.
And they're checking, and they've done it.
Also, it's hard for him.
He is available.
He claims he is, but he's not.
He is for me, but he is for other people.
Seriously, he made a really kind of turning on the offensive call on the half on the front of the day that I decided that I could do it later.
And I had to wait until I was sure with the boss before he did.
He's being childish, unreasonable.
Take the example of Justin.
Same to me, they're excuses rather than reasons.
I think that's exactly it.
The reason is something else.
I'll be damned if I know what it is.
Say what you need to know, but I don't want something to do with it.
Are we doing enough socially for the commons?
Well, for the small dinner.
I can't do any more, can I?
Well, good.
Seeing her there for dinner, she spent most of the evening showing us pictures of the ranch and how beautiful it was on a small lap.
Marilyn said last night at dinner, she spent most of the time showing us villas in Paris.
She's got a big beach and a lot of villas in Paris.
So, I don't know, I... See you later.
I've gone.
That's the point.
I, I, I, but you know, I, I, I, I, I've done it.
I can't do it again.
I practically did it on the phone.
He was going through all these things about how to go about leaving.
And I said, John, that, that is the point.
The point here is that you can't leave.
You know?
That's not because of what the occurrence would be if you leave.
That doesn't make it the end of it.
It's obviously that .
There's too much to be done, and it's here for the rest of the year.
And you're the only guy that .
He knows, you know.
and students over the weekend.
He said, well, we all worked out.
He said, there's no need.
I'll talk to the president next week or something.
By the way, I want to disagree with him before he can't help me.
So I said, well, in that time, I wish he'd think about the whole thing, too, because it's just, you're going to have to go on flight.
The way to solve the problem is not that.
And I said, I went back on the flight.
I talked to him three or four times a week.
By my orders.
All the time.
You talked to my orders, Kissinger and Schultz?
Yes, sir.
If at any time there's any problem with the White House staff, what are you telling them?
That I'm sure there will be problems on some terms, but you just tell them to take care of it.
He said, no, I will.
I was raising all these problems, which is what he's doing.
And I said, John, that's what I'm here for.
But it was a chance to solve it, but it was a long way.
Good job.
Good job.
He has better judgment than the people in the White House.
He doesn't want anybody here talking to any of his people.
Maybe that's a mistake we made.
They tried that.
I don't know.
Copies of everything.
They're super sensitive to all of this.
They really are.
What the hell's going to happen if you just have to talk to the board and do anything?
Call the department.
Use the department.
Yeah.
out of the school area.
How about pushing Henry over there this afternoon to tell him about the Moscow thing?
I know, but I feel pretty sure he's embarrassed.
Because he blew up about this thing and spattered all over the landscape and then found out he was overreacting to a situation that didn't really... Johnny Waller.
Yeah.
And I think he was embarrassed about that.
I have a recollection of one thing.
I mentioned to him that internal revenue thing.
Maybe he didn't like that.
I think that's quite fine.
Pure action.
Well, there's another thing.
The General Accounting Office guy, you know, has testified on the Hill yesterday that Crotty is guilty as a criminal.
He knows J.A.O.
We have nothing to do with that damn thing.
That's part of the plot you get.
See, that underlies all of this, at least what it says, this plot.
If you believe there's a plot, hell, any of us could see all kinds of evidence.
He may believe there's a plot, but there is no plot.
We know the plot.
A man in the White House who doesn't think he's a hell of an asset, and they all say it.
I don't think it helps to tell them, too, that he's doing a great job.
We do that all the time, don't we?
We sure do.
Call him up here every, you know, every speech he gives.
This guy, I think, no reason we should do it, because he does deserve it.
But we do do it.
This is just taken for granted.
And you...
I probably haven't done enough.
You've done so much more than could be expected.
It's the operating stuff.
It isn't the...
I don't think there's anything you can do.
Nothing I can do.
I don't think there's a problem with anything you have failed to do at all.
I don't think you haven't done more than you have made any difference.
Well, I told him when I saw him in January that I'd shape up the staff, you see.
Maybe he just figured that this was a problem.
He has no basis for figuring that.
He knows it.
Maybe we haven't paid as we ought to pay our riders now.
We can't do that.
That's a mistake.
Yeah, he's absolutely right.
The press will go on all that time.
All right.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Good to know.
Not surprising.
Because he's kind of surprised me because he's got an erratic quality.
I agree.
I agree.
It's a very emotional point that he's got.
It's like, perhaps, how many people that are brave and calm are erratic.
Yeah.
Well, it's like him because he's got people that he goes through.
Any other bad news?
I don't know.
That was about to make me think about the following.
I mean, you have to get rid of it all.
Oh, that was a good question.
Why did we do it all?
That's because we thought it was going to be a lot.
We have a certain right to consider everything.
The ITT thing is our main plan.
We've got to pay for it.
We don't want to lose it.
So we're doing some coaching.
It's Vietnam.
It's been handled well.
It's been handled pretty well.
It's been handled pretty good.
They are getting their shit out and kicking around.
But not very much.
And then they did, and they thought it was going to hurt him.
And people love it.
I hope they had it on TV enough that they did.
Long shot.
I mean, when I say long shot, it's been all the time.
It's a little bit better shot now.
I mean, you know, every trip to Moscow has to be made by a long shot.
You know what a Roger's like.
He just gets the dot of death.
He's like, bam.
But on the other hand, I'm not going to tell you.
I think I'm going to let you tell me.
You know what I mean?
I'm just, if Roger Brooks picked with me out there that day at night in Chicago, hang shot me.
I don't think you have to tell Rogers though until
I'd like to stop there and wait for Monday.
I'd say, although, what the hell time is it?
Uncovered.
It means Wednesday night.
It's Thursday, Friday, Saturday, Sunday, Monday.
Oh, well, maybe you've got to tell Roger, because if Roger doesn't break, he doesn't see it.
He is going to be really pissed off.
I'll just say, look, he's on a covered trip right now.
It's important for him.
See, Henry will approach.
The grill says, Henry will tell Rogers on Tuesday that he's going to meet with Narcy on Sunday, and that he's going to be gone over the weekend.
He's going to take a long weekend off in order to have a cover.
He's going to take a long weekend off to have a cover.
And that's the deal.
I think I ought to get Rogers.
You see?
Oh, everyone's entering the position alive.
Let me make another suggestion.
It would work much better with Rogers.
Right.
And I don't see why it's any worse than the other one.
As for Henry, wait till the last second.
And tell Rogers he's going to meet with him in Paris.
And the president, I mean, remember that I sent a message and asked him to come to Moscow before that.
And he's going to do that.
And he's leaving tonight.
OK.
I'm not going to call you, which you'll understand.
But you all take the call.
Yeah.
And you say, yes, that's right.
And this is exactly the way it came about.
Don't get up on him.
And he didn't set it up.
Henry has all along been working for another secret meeting with the North Indian media.
No, we all say that the president sent a message to me.
And the president sent a message to me saying he would like to talk about Vietnam.
And I said, no.
He said nothing to do with the summit.
And I said, go right ahead.
He's going to leave Wednesday night.
And Henry took the seat.
Henry tells him he's going to Paris and doesn't tell him about it.
And I just think they're better off, it doesn't matter a lot, but it would be better if Henry just tells them the whole thing.
I think we're going to tell them anyway.
Will you be with Henry when you come?
Well, that'll be better.
And then, and he'll, Rogers will want to raise the subject with me about whether he goes.
Well, since he's done, you know what I'm doing?
Let's be happy then.
So that we can tell him when it's too late for him to be here someplace.
That's right.
You know, I've authorized him to go.
But he's the only one that wants to know.
The Russians have guaranteed secrecy, and they want it secret because they're going to implicitly and maniacally just hold our weapons until we get it done.
You want to talk to the committee?
You want to be out there and be asked by Vietnam?
Or would you agree with that?
Huh?
You don't want to be out there?
You don't want to be out there?
You don't want to be out there?
They won't know it's Thursday.
They'll be gone right after the end of this thing.
That's another good reason to go to Camp David, rather than Florida.
If I go to Florida without hemorrhaging, you know, maybe it was the Bactitas in Washington or there.
Or is it?
I don't know.
I think at Camp David.
If you go to Florida, pull the person out of here.
Pull them out of here and forget about them.
They don't ask.
No.
They know they're trying on trips and so forth.
I'm afraid that Henry has to go.
Of course, Henry's afraid that if he tells them Wednesday that Roger's going to...
How would you do it?
It's too late.
He had already approved the version.
He's got to know.
Nobody else wants to know.
You said that all you're requesting is that you know about these things so that you don't get caught not knowing how you know.
The point is, if you're going to raise a bus ride, then that's the argument for your not knowing.
I hear you.
I'm going down there.
I won't see him.
At this point, at this point, he knows that we're doing it.
We don't tell Henry about it.
He just said, what he's going for is deception.
Why don't you and Adele go down and they both read it.
And at that time, you can see on the damn good cover of everything, you'll be in Florida.
We're pulling, we're pulling news from Florida, NYC.
Does that raise the question of any more than it does?
Some people say it was history, but I don't know.
I'm not sure.
I'm thinking of comments that I read when I go to Canada.
It should have been raised with intent, but I understand that you didn't.
You see, the trouble is, it shows you the problem.
I just didn't raise it with me, because I thought somebody else would discuss it about that.
I think we should, if that question ever is raised in any way, why is it that we just should say that I don't want to discuss with Trudeau, but I want Connolly to handle that one, and that's what I'm going to tell Trudeau.
That's in my talking points, as a matter of fact.
I don't care what he, Connolly, has to say.
And this is why I kind of wondered if maybe that was the problem today.
He said the other things are off.
He told me about that.
And he was totally disenchanted with that.
He doesn't, in any of this, have the evidence of one iota of wavering in his commitment to you.
Only in his working relationship
All right.
Maybe he's concerned about not going into the space shuttle.
Do you see that, maybe?
I forget what it's about.
Okay.
Sam, Joe keeps saying how they've done a lot of things, and he really wants to be in there.
That's actually the best he does.
But that knows he can't be.
Who wants to be with Joe?
Hello?
Yeah, I know.
Got to hurry.
John, often the Attorney General, the best qualified man, but when I spoke to him about it yesterday, he knows, he could no more, if he could no more have said, it would be, he would open up the whole can of worms.
He could do it next time, but not now.
Asking John to deal with the reactions of all the leaders of the one-pager vote.
He needs to make a point to get on the one-pager once a week.
And the opinion is going to go ahead and mine this up.
But I noticed that there was a lot of public consent in some chapters.
It's just like this one.
Before I get off the can, I had a couple of things that you might go through in your mind.
You know, would you, uh...
I saw this thing, and there was something about these... On the other hand...
has it not provided an opportunity, and this is the second point, for us to be on a damn good one-pager on crime.
We have a good record in crime.
This, it seems to me, is directed toward
sort of a permissive idea for crime.
Am I wrong?
Am I correct?
Rehab at rehab and minimum wage for prisoners.
Jesus Christ, that's a great thing.
Is that a great one?
Well, I don't know.
And I imagine it was promoted by somebody up there.
I was rather surprised that McGregor wouldn't know about it or talk to him about it.
Okay, all right, I think we ought to go.
Now, could I suggest, you know, the reaction of people like Margaret Smith, when they're so good with the one major idea, would you say that maybe twice a week,
Or certainly once a week, a good one-pager goes up.
Now, incidentally, the one-pager shouldn't be under the subject each time.
Maybe it's because if you read, go back, hit again, like the food price thing, hit again, et cetera, et cetera.
You see what I mean?
Get into the idea.
I mean, .
You see, from now on, for elections, once a week I get out basically what is a, you know, sort of a sheet like that.
The one-pager is infinitely better than the big books and studies and all that sort of thing.
But if you would do that in a given speech material for the week, all right, hot for the week.
Right, right, right.
What the hell is the matter with Hesper?
And we simply apply this.
That's pretty good.
Very well put.
and align what we are for and what we are against.
So you say, I have no lack of confidence in the position we've taken.
It's just a goddamn hard thing to do.
In fact, you've got this enormous media problem and establishment problem working in the other direction, correct?
So what do you have to do?
So what do you have to do to end the constitutional amendment?
Yeah, I get it.
Okay.
What's that?
I don't know.
He's got it all down.
Now he's, you've got him, Colson, and McGregor working closely now.
They're all in good contact.
He said he'd talk to Colson about this.
I haven't had the time to better Dr. Colson lately or McGregor.
He's been at play for a while.
I'm leaving at least John's.
I mean, it's a very good excuse.
I'm putting it to John for the reason that, I mean, and I'm very good at Colson.
I'm very good at the reason that he's there.
And I will be there.
I will do it.
Do you agree with me?
Sure.
Good.
There's no problem with that.
Yeah.
Then they'll work with John.
Very good money.
Gets John in charge.
He could, to a degree, spend...
We've got four issues.
Spend a week, a month on each issue.
Keep cycling.
And keep the others kicking while he's out of it.
Concentrate on one.
That's the real mind job.
He's got a lot of good ideas, drive, and everything else.
He's just weak to this.
He's getting out of it.
And he'll delegate.
He'll delegate to Cole and Schultz.
Just show us a little more of what you do.
Always there.
But I have to see what you're saying.
I just can't let the other things interfere with that, because the other things may still be in Vietnam and other countries, and that's the whole point.
It's not that hard to understand, because the Commonwealth still has a lot of responsibility to allow these things to come up at this time.
I really feel that.
I'm not quite appreciative of this type of action at this point.
Which means, on the other hand, that even if she does know that, there must be something very deep at the bottom, very deep.
Either that, or there's this material thing that shoots up and down, like Cotton has done it, where he sort of overreacts a little bit.
I don't know.
He's very mad, very fast, gets over it, and moves on to the next step.
It's happening.
I've got control of the big gun man.
He's not going to resign.
He's looking through it.
He's stirring it in quite a few times.
He's just stirring it.
He's stirring it up.
He's trying to keep it from breaking.
But you have my head on your nose.
You've got to go more time to it, and that's it.
No club.
Maybe in terms of getting other people cranked better.
Yeah, I don't think he will anymore.
But I may come.
I may.
He will talk to you.
So you call him and say, look, Stein's got a secret on this man.
You call him.
Hello.
I suppose it's because you think Canadians are trying to make peace with Canadians and Europeans.
I mean, you see, a lot of guys are distressed with his policy.
A lot of them think he's doing the wrong thing.
And they say something.
Now, I would assume he wants it, but maybe he doesn't.
Maybe he doesn't want it here, and he's not very good.
You say it to him, which is what I would think he would want.
Now, rather than running around and saying it somewhere else,
I'm afraid I've never been up there before.
I wouldn't ask off to speak.
Well, this idea of having, what she's now broken into, of having a girl there each time, and just hanging on the line in the groves, and if she wants to go, she can go.
I heard others say, is that where it got her at?
I was supposed to offer her this, and she wanted to go.
She was on the first signing of the law, and one of the copies of it was to be addicted over the weekend.
So she should have.
It may be a little bit of time.
In fact, she already had it.
She wasn't complaining about it.
There was no indication that she was going to go.
So we're just good.
You know, here's about how to handle a comment.
We've learned how to handle it.
Well, it started with the CMOs.
This is finally got to its climax.
I mean, Henry's great credit.
Once he got over it, he went over the break.
It's just that...
He finally made up his mind and that was it.
I thought Tommy had to make up his mind.
I thought Tommy had to do it.
So if I should have more than one day, then we'd look into it.
That's the problem.
Let's talk about .
Sure.
He doesn't do it.
He says, I have a question.
I've got various things come up, and I run them by him.
Like when he came down high, he said, I .
That's the world we live in.
That's the world we live in.
Really?
A long time ago.
Is that right?
Yeah.
But plus just really shaking to see you being the center of the B-52s out there and not have somebody turning the white house down.
Right.
And they come.
They come.
I don't think they should.
But if you'd gone through that.
Unfortunately, Eastern Vacation is over.
And what is their march?
Step 4?
Yeah.
Center.
It's a goddamn good time to be out of town.
I know it is to be out of town.
But I'll hold Florida open if I still can.
Billy Graham said it would be
In his mind, the greatest coup and the only really significant factor in the entire Russian trip would be .
He said, I don't know what it would do in Russia.
It might be harmful.
I don't know.
But he said, the signal, not just in this country, but that would be the most important thing.
He said, that's what you really got to look at is the effect in this country.
I think with that, that Henry ought to be able to work about it.
And it is our custom to go to church.
And we just want to go by each other.
He said, also, the signal that they make in the captive nations would just demonstrate to the Russians
But the Russians would thereby demonstrate to the world that they were a cheap shot, that they had so-called freedom.
Everybody has done that, but I can see the argument there.
In Russia, being there as long as you are, I don't think it would disturb them all that much.
It's not a Baptist church.
.
.
.
.
six or eight services and the servant could be assured .
He was practically ecstatic about it.
He said, you can't do that.
In fact, that would happen in this country.
One star people.
I'll be damned if I know it.
You know, well, this is part of the problem.
I'm sure it is.
I think we've got a ride out the week, and I have a feeling it's going to be different.
Mr. Brown, I don't know if he will, but you spoke to this.
No, he's done it before.
Not that far.
Yes, he has.
Way back, the first time he was born, I thought he was.
Oh, yeah, and then he never raised his hand again.
As you told all the other students, I'm just telling them.
All right, all right.
It doesn't sound serious.
I don't know, sure.
Could you shake them up a little?
Yes, Mr. President.
Two things.
They insist that they want to go ahead.
They say that Morelli stood down in the assets.
Proof-based.
Proof-based.
Morder and lay.
Overrulier.
Yes.
They want to force you if you want to cancel it.
I don't want to cancel it.
But I said you don't want to overrule the point.
I just...
I want to have it.
But if I...
I'd like to go over and take a briefing on the military situation.
It will take me ten more minutes, Mr. President, but then I'll know what I'm talking about.
What is more, Laird?
What do they say about the existing?
What does Laird say?
Laird does.
I thought he was in on the conspiracy.
He probably is, but he always plays both sides.
Laird says any field commander will always scream,
You should give him three times as many legs if you take care of him away.
He'll still scream.
He says that's a typical feel for a man's reaction.
Well, you didn't get a sense of that, did you?
Oh, yes.
I said we won't do that tomorrow.
Good.
You get the message?
Oh, yes.
I think you ought to let them go ahead because those strikes would be ways to... All right, let them go.
We need them today.
We need them because of the brief.
You and I are aware of it now, and if it loses the battle, the battle may be lost anyway.
I don't think these two strikes are not going to lose this battle.
All right.
They had a briefing there for me also on that bombing, on the shelling of .
I'll be back in 15 minutes if we can hold up.
Want me to hear it?
Let me see what it is and then I'll bring it in.
Okay.
where I was.
He played golf all the time.
Well, I know he asked me if I had passed any messages to Goodreads.
I don't know if I had any of those messages.
I don't think so.
I'll say I've seen Goodreads, and he'll see Goodreads.
He probably disapproved at the time.
I don't care about it.
Now, the following has happened, Mr. President.
The North Vietnamese have called the public, have said they've passed us a private message asking for a meeting on the 27th.
They have what?
They have put this out.
Yeah, asking what type of meeting on the 27th.
They didn't say anything about the private meeting.
They played the same game.
You haven't told Bill about the private meeting.
I don't tell him.
I don't tell him about that.
No, I told you nothing.
I don't want him to know about the private meeting thing, that it's on and off.
Because he'll say, well, the reason we did it is because of what Porter said or what I said or something.
Now, screw that.
That isn't the reason.
Oh, that's the reason.
Then so the court has said, if we go to a public meeting without having nailed out the private meetings, they're going to kill us.
Because then they will have to plan an exception.
Then they'll say, unless we stop the bombing, then they'll cancel the private session in the end.
His suggestion, of which I agree, is that we promise them to come to the private meeting if they come on the 24th, and then we will come to the public meeting.
If they come undefended votes, we'll try to get another vote back.
We'll try to make that vote go ahead at all costs.
We'll go through Roger's channel.
No.
No, I thought we'd put it on the security line.
All right.
Would you tell us to do that?
That's all right.
No, he doesn't do that.
He doesn't do it.
It's a lot of fun.
So if they want to have a private meeting on the 24th, we'll come to talk to them.
And they'll come back and offer .
Then I should go, but until then, this afternoon, the ring's gone, or if you go back to my house, cut it off, the freedom is out.
So yes, we have to .
No.
No, I don't think they're motivated by this.
My Vietnamese expert, who works on these things, says their problem about the private meetings for deductible travel without having the excuse of having had a public meeting is an enormous humiliation.
Now, that is a part of the truth, but we are not interested in this now.
Incidentally, I've just had a briefing on the military situation, and Mark is still holding
I don't know how much we've been lying to the military.
The military has been lying to all administrations for years.
I agree.
I can't.
I don't want to lie either way.
I can't tell you, Mr. President, other than
And I question that.
Who do you question?
They have the parties.
No, they have, I don't want to talk more against it than somebody else.
And I've talked to the guy that was at the board.
There's the head of the plans division who saw it too.
He says they're still holding out.
They're still holding out.
And that they now have prisoners who say that they always are, if they don't make it in the next 36 hours, they should be strong.
That is almost close.
Are we or are we not bombing in the area?
That's the best way.
What in the Christ is the fucking Air Force doing?
That's what I want to know.
They give you numbers absurdly, but what are they hitting?
Oh, I know.
They said they had 300 bodies.
You told me that 300-body story four different times.
I know.
Just saying, 300 bodies.
I don't know, but they claim that I'm sick of the Air Force.
What we have is a disaster.
It's a beast.
When we get a new tree for the airport, which we're going to have to get next year anyway, because Ryan's doing stuff, we have to get these planes to do stuff, Mr. President.
These high-performance planes can't build a car that fast.
If it weren't for the people who do this, that's the one thing.
That's why he didn't rock his concrete.
He was trying to suck out the concrete.
Yeah, he was standing considerate about it.
I mean, he didn't just want to get the president to get rid of the Russians.
Well, he wants to know what the hell he's doing.
He's afraid he'll be getting another massive move.
We look under the subject.
If they come on this many boats, we'll try to get another boat back.
We'll try to get you back on.
Go ahead and hold a pause.
We'll go through Roger's channel.
No.
I thought we could put it on the security line.
All right.
Would you tell us to do that?
That's all right.
No, he doesn't do that.
He doesn't do it.
It's a lot of fun.
So if they want to have a private meeting on the 24th, we'll come to talk to them.
And they'll come back tomorrow.
Then I should call, but until then, this afternoon, you're in the car.
If you go back tomorrow, it's kind of up to freedom.
It's out.
So yes, we have to do it.
No, no, I don't have to do it.
I don't have to do it.
My Vietnamese expert, who works on these things, says their problem about deprivation for deductible travel without having been excused, apparently, had about a couple of feet in misery.
Enormous remuneration.
Now, that is a far truth, but we are not interested in this now.
Incidentally, I've just had a briefing on the military situation.
And Mark is still holding...
You've got to be sure.
I don't know how much we've been lied to in the military.
The military's been lying to all administrations for years.
I agree.
And I can't, I don't want to, I don't want to, I don't want to lie either way.
I can't tell you, Mr. President, other than
And I question that.
Who do you question?
They have the .
I don't want to talk more against it than somebody else.
And I've talked to the guy who said that there's the head of the plans division who saw it too.
He says they're still holding out.
They're still holding out.
And that they now have prisoners who say that they always are.
If they don't take it in the next 36 hours, they should be strong.
That is almost close.
Are we or are we not bombing in the area?
That's the best way.
What in the Christ is the fucking Air Force doing?
That's what I want to know.
They give you numbers of sorties, but what are they hitting?
Oh, I know.
They said they had 300 bodies.
You told me that 300-body story four different times.
I know.
Just saying, 300 bodies.
I don't know, but they claim that...
I'm sick of the Air Force.
Oh, the Air Force.
It's a disaster.
It's a beast.
When we get a luxury for the airport, which we're going to have to get next year anyway, because Ryan's turned up, we have to get these planes to be done, Mr. President.
These high-performance planes can't get a job at that time.
If it weren't for the people at the Blues, that's the one thing.
That's why he didn't rock his concrete.
He was trying to suck out dirt.
Yeah, that he was very considerate about it.
I mean, he didn't just wonder if the president was getting through to the Russians.
Well, he wants to know what the hell are we doing.
He's afraid we're preparing another massive move that makes him look like a jerk.
Well, we're going to have to talk about this thing tonight, if it goes on.
Well, I was going to go ahead and do it.
You told Larry to talk.
Yeah.
Oh, good.
Well, I mean, before we leave that,
And I want to ask, is the move tonight going on with Laird and Moore?
I agree.
Did Laird, did Laird, now you understand, Abrams here is simply making a record in case he doesn't win in the South.
He'll say that, well, does Laird know that he's making a record?
Mr. President, I thought that this weekend group, the average number of soldiers he flew every day going to battle when there was nothing going on,
And, uh, so that just isn't a good idea.
They're beginning now to wind up the old fine department.
They're starting, uh, they're gonna have demonstrations in France over the weekend.
And we're gonna get the same stuff, yeah, the same stuff that Johnson got.
And, uh, I'm just surprised.
I don't know.
I wish we had made it tougher to hit them, too, but they got out.
Yeah, they got out of the grass.
I know it's impressive, but it's tough.
Who did that?
Alex Johnson.
Oh, and that's how they decided on how it was going to go.
They have never been able to pay a result that we might focus on, and they want to be on the good side.
I know they've expended their credit to them.
Well, we've got to punish the French sometimes.
Yes, and I'd like to send a message that says, say, people come on the 27th.
Certainly, if there is a private meeting, we ought to send it to a private meeting on the 24th, right?
That's correct.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
I find it's just not a good target to enable gunfire because the worthwhile targets are deep inside the channel.
I can show you.
But they fired 3,000 rounds in this area that you ordered yesterday, and that's pretty massive.
And, of course, they're going to get 10 more destroyed than on Monday, all of which are going to go up in that general gun.
I think, and they ran the same last night.
I don't know.
No, and you were the fact that we're close enough.
No, you see, the purpose of that is, I was considering it as a faintness.
It was a faint before, but in essence, it's basically a ball.
It's a, look, goddammit, if you don't screw, or if you keep screwing around here, we're going to lock in.
And then we would, because it was well done.
My worry was that they made a separate expedition of it.
What they did was they shelled town water, which is 50 miles out and 60 miles out, moved north and on the way back shelled it again.
So it looked just like the same operation.
Right.
If we hold it and lock, Mr. President, if they pull off and lock, then we can raise it again.
Now that the whole Air Force Airborne Brigade is moving, what is our Air Force doing?
Are we using our massive air there rather than farting around all over now?
We're counting.
If you look at the plot, in fact, the whole area of Adelaide, they show me every plot now.
It's just one big blotch of red.
And they had, I think, 32 boxes in there.
I think, Mr. President, the way he was in your office that day, it isn't any designable objection to anything.
The one thing is, since this thing started, until Friday, I have not had a single phone call from him.
And it's just not right, basically, that the Secretary of State and his president is taking this... And particularly because we are consulting with his other people.
He knows damn well it's up to him.
And he should be out front preaching.
He hasn't briefed anybody, has he?
No, but...
He hasn't said a word.
But we've got to stay out front because McCloskey's going to be taking preaching.
We write it for him, but he's doing it.
So they can't say, it says, well, Roger doesn't care about the state.
He cares about himself.
That's exactly right.
So coming back to the composition care, it's really where our cards are.
We will do this to have a private meeting.
That's Porter's advice.
Porter does not believe you should have a public meeting.
Porter will now talk.
So basically, he just feels that we'd be in a bad position.
I can get this message .
is that if we have a private, public meeting, they will immediately attack our .
They will then threaten to call off the planned recessions if we don't start the .
And secondly, they will threaten, then they will cancel the private meeting on the ground
of the bombing.
Now, my view is also, Mr. President, that the public, that if we... Just give them a four if we take them on the bombing.
They have a two.
It also means two.
If we agree to a private meeting on May 7th or May 6th or 7th or 8th at that time, it will be two weeks.
They say they're ready on May 6th or after.
The trouble is, it will put us
two weeks before the summit.
We could lose a plausible threat then.
So it's rather cleverly chosen.
They will probably give us something in that meeting that at least keeps us going to another meeting.
By that time, we're in June, because then we have to go to Russia, and you've got the Democratic Convention.
And then you've got the Democratic Convention coming.
And then you have got the Russians as eager to help us.
The situation is basically this.
Now, here you mentioned about the demonstrations and so forth and so on.
What the hell difference does that make?
The bombing demonstrations and so forth.
Is that anything new?
They never affected us beforehand.
We've had it on Latin, but it's not on those.
No.
What I meant is, as a creation of Canada or France, England, Stockholm, burned the embassies and all the rest.
So they're going to have it, right?
So what do you think?
We should just stop bombing because of that?
Absolutely.
That's what we cannot do.
It's left to gradually keep us fixed.
But we think that Johnson never did well.
That what killed Johnson is
that he seemed to be, how can you tell Rogers I know he seemed to be fixed and didn't have a position?
He seemed to be reluctant to negotiate.
We've been in the great position that we've always seemed tactically flexible.
So right now you're concerned that Rogers is, and maybe that's a good point, that we're being boxed in on that point a little bit, right?
Well, that's probably true.
Yeah, but I am against going to a plan of accession under these conditions when they are violating the understanding.
When they are violating the understanding of this, the plan of accession is better, isn't it?
Right.
Oh, yeah.
He'll play along.
How is Laird going to be telling them what to talk about?
Oh, I have no doubt that they're going to have a bloody session supporting each other.
We'll probably have to do president against each other, against us, against him.
Laird?
Goddamn him.
None of them.
Laird now says we panic when we get people to match his reports, and we should have just ignored the end of his report.
In other words, Blair's now in a position of saying, oh, yeah, all right.
And Laird is also in a position of saying, it doesn't matter.
It's going to go back down both ways.
Or you'll say that's a rock.
It's a rock.
So it's going to raise a lot of problems.
And if they both say it's going to be 52 things, it's going to raise a lot of problems.
But if one does it, it's a lot of trouble.
Because it's further off.
Let me tell you about the blockade.
In my view, if we're going to do it, we've got to do it very soon or we will not have the support for it.
And that support runs out as time goes on.
In fact, we probably should have done it this week.
You know, I'm just saying, I'm just saying, I'm speaking in terms of having public support in the United States.
The support can run out if the blockade comes at a time that a disaster is impending in the South, and people know it.
Or when riots are going on here, then it looks like an act of desperation.
But if we can move before a fever of those things happens,
then we might have a great deal of public support for it, for a while.
See, that's my reasoning for doing it sooner rather than later.
The second point is that that could be an argument for Europe going to the Soviet Union, even though they know the meeting on the 24th.
The idea being that with the condition that the primary subject for discussion is Vietnam, unless there is something possibly tangible to offer, the president is going to take action.
And at that time, you would tell him
The way to do that, if I play out that scenario, I thought of it.
It was one of the things I had in mind.
But I would say that the Vietnam case must be reversed agenda.
There must be concrete problems.
If there is no complete progress on it, I would refuse to go on to summit the agenda item.
If there is complete progress on it, I would be entitled and empowered to discuss some of the agenda item.
But the progress cannot be an agreement at all.
It must be a precise description of how the world will come to land, how the world will come to land.
not get an agreement so that they will deliver a solidly .
Second point.
.
Second point is that it also has the advantage that we have .
Well, that brings me to the second point.
On that basis, then you go.
You have to figure that.
You have to look at the hard ones, which would be that if we don't get it in on Vietnam, except, you know, a discussion or something like that, sorry, on the South Indian coast,
whether we really can still go to the summit.
They're going to have to make, we're going to have to make an evaluation.
It may be, it may be that we may still go.
In other words, I'm going to put it this way.
As I was going to the summit, I said, we cannot go.
We cannot go.
We could go, we could go, and I'll make this concession.
If the situation is still in flux,
With the understanding that we will discuss it at the summit and something is going to come out of it on the summit.
But there's our problem there.
Now, the point that I make is that if you're going, they want the summit, they want it back.
And you're going to, of course, hold over their heads the, not only the blockade, which is going to worry them, but the German thing is going to, I'll send that around the question.
We'll just tell Marshall and the rest of them how we're going to do it.
Do you agree?
No.
That means we have to get it done as soon as possible.
Another reason for going.
So, as distinguished from the swine, the swine defense would probably, to them, should be, that if you would just, like the president has now changed his opinion, the directions are directed as follows, that
I should say this.
They have to invest down on what they've done this whole time.
The, uh, would you tell them about the rigmarole and what?
Fine.
That is, all right, that is fine.
They have to invest down on what they've done this whole time.
the transistency of these questions about the utility of my trip to Moscow.
I should be buried, but... Secondly, the President had turned down originally a meeting in Moscow simply to prepare the summit for reasons that he has his plan to listen to, to agree.
And now going to Moscow, it is... to discuss with you now, and in production, and also to be authorized to discuss with you now.
We have offered the south region and the north region the same meeting.
Again, we are doing our best for the 24th with the promise of coming on the 27th.
And we are prepared to make that announcement before the 24th.
Secondly, we have to have a clear understanding before I come to Moscow that some country properties will be made.
to us a rapid act of the Vietnam War.
And before the President can do his final approval of the country, he would like to hear the Soviet response to this, to this, and this.
So, you know, the response to me is that you've got to make your final decision.
It's a good report, I would say.
It would be that...
It's the case in terms of saying that this is the same with the blockade that's brought upon the church.
I don't mean all over, but I mean right now.
I go in, but I love it.
Except in the battle areas, you see.
You know what I mean?
And the media is part of it.
Meeting those media is part of the battle areas.
And I thought that's what I meant.
You would stop only arms, not food, medical supplies, right?
You can say that, medical supplies, sure.
President, I know they came at you with something that's just as good, though.
Now, what I mean is that these things, you have to have some trusted person start working on that away.
Now, it seems to me that the basis to draw out something is the blockade will be lifted when the POWs are returned.
And within six months after the P.O.W.
did the return, all Americans were drawn.
That's not true.
But, in other words, these prisoners were P.O.W.ed up, and we let them on in.
And that's a huge private homepage.
Now, you see, that's the kind of a game I think we should play on the blockade.
I think we're put in that way.
I'm not pros for six months.
Maybe it should be three months.
Maybe it should be eight months.
I'm not worried about the months.
I'm worried about the fact that we've gotten ourselves, for tactical reasons, into this box that we seem to be doing it also for the business.
The fact of the matter is we're doing it for our bottom 20, so we trust in us about the country.
But it will have the effect.
It will have the effect.
I guess you're right.
It's the war of the characters.
All horses.
I'm looking at all horses.
I see what you're talking about.
I think if we are playing it, it's proven that we might as well get something for it.
Put yourself in the position of...
Everybody can stand.
Hanoi, hell, they can stand the blockade for six years over the last six months.
Well, no, they can't.
They've been standing for about nine months.
They need supplies.
The second point is that no second point is that we wouldn't be hitting that railroad.
That's the other place to come to.
It would drive.
It would.
to force them into a confrontation with us.
Second is, it would force Hanoi towards Peking, because the only way that Hanoi would possibly support them is if Peking was flooded.
Yeah.
Yeah.
And of course, that brings me to the point as to the effect.
The effect would be with Peking, they'd have to get more deeply involved in the war to keep them out of the blockade.
Right.
The effect also is sort of a break on China.
What would it do to the Russians?
The Russians would call and something like that.
We'd blockade them.
What we're doing is we're making ourselves possible to put in quite brutally Soviet and Vietnam.
On the other hand, the alternative is a Soviet initiative and a China initiative.
The wall that hangs on them isn't going to be worth a hell of a lot if Vietnam goes down the tube.
If it doesn't go down the tube, if it doesn't appear the result of its trends.
See, what the Soviets want from us on this summit is, in fact, to screw Israel.
I know we're doing it in Israel for a long period of time.
But
after what we've done to Taiwan, Israel, Vietnam.
It's just not, then this policy that Trudeau described was throwing our way to one side or the other.
It doesn't work because we won't have any way to struggle.
The Russians don't come up with anything here.
We have no choice but to walk away.
And we will come down there.
You already mentioned Mr. President.
Unless the battle in South Vietnam is broken a lot better than it is in the world.
And that'd be what it is.
It couldn't.
It's too long.
You see what I mean?
Your forces of opposition in this country and around the world will begin to build next week.
If they build too great,
The blockade then comes at the wrong time.
The blockade could come right now.
We can do it tomorrow.
And we, you know, as we see the action, we always say, stop, sit down, and debate for a while.
That's why I was just wondering whether or not maybe our option is to blockade now.
Well, Mr. Bisson put that.
Please let us know.
First of all, we haven't played the Russians' train on yet.
They are bloody-minded sons of bitches.
But I know he hasn't fought for 25 years in order to be pushed around by the Russian side.
So we have the problem that we must let Soviet pressure on us and we must bring home to the Soviet Union that we have really bloody disease problems.
And then we've got to get to some time.
But I don't have a lot of time.
Well, I'm just saying, blockade options are going to run out here in two weeks.
I'm afraid.
We have to do it.
Because I'm afraid, basically, our domestic support for blockade, which is, I don't give a shit about the foreign support, but our domestic support for blockade might be ruined in two weeks.
I'm strongly in favor.
I didn't want to leave it to any crew that Colston can shout out.
I'd be strongly in favor of it.
No, we're not trying to.
See, if I go to Moscow, it's a hell of a, that's one of these confusing moves again.
Lots of times the students just don't stream while I'm in Moscow.
I know the parents don't even know what I'm talking about, but because of this, that's what I do.
The Germans don't even know what they're doing.
We may have to reveal the Moscow Crypto if you go.
I wouldn't let them call off the summit.
That's my point.
Do you agree or not?
But we just all of a sudden, right, they're punishing arms.
They're doing this.
They didn't help.
We're not going to have a hell of a lot of people with support calling on them.
So we're ready to talk about it.
We're just giving them all the energy that I don't think they're going to get to this point.
You know, I'm facing your conversation just past week.
And there'll be a minute or so left.
I don't know.
He may say things that aren't true, but they're never said either.
But if you're any scientist, I would have gone to Moscow.
then I have to come to the message somewhat less aggressive, because then I don't want to put ourselves in the position.
I still have to say that if you're coming to Moscow, I want the President to put a clear understanding, what I will say with a clear understanding, that Vietnam will be the first man, the first island, and the U.S. probably should make an effort not to bury the U.S. together.
I think you can say that.
And I have to say, it's a great understanding that if it's one class, then that's right.
Do you see what I mean?
I'm sure you can go to Moscow on that basis, and they know that they've got an issue.
You've got to get earlier down, or you're not going to discuss it somehow.
They're going to want you to come.
Oh, yeah.
Then I can do with these.
The question is, do I tell them, you must come back with an answer by Monday that tells us how we're going to make progress?
Or is it enough to say they won't be ready?
That's my concern.
They won't be ready.
I wouldn't come along.
I mean, I would say, do you agree with this understanding?
Yes, I can say.
There must be an understanding.
And that there's not just to be discussion.
But they are to have a proposal at that time.
we can have a solid proposal to discuss.
That is our understanding, and that's the basis.
Lacking such a proposal will return to Washington immediately.
There's not any further discussion as far as some of it is concerned.
In other words, you're giving them the fact that they don't get to tell you that there's something on Monday.
They present it to you on Thursday, and you're there.
And if you don't get it, you get the hell out of there.
Let me write something out.
Does that sound like a good deal to you?
Right.
It sounds fine.
And I think I want to write it out because this is an important message, Mr. Besson.
We must be correct.
But I myself, my first instinct was that
playing it cold-bloodedly.
What we get out of the trip is more than they get out of it.
No, I agree.
I mean, the worst is they are suckering me along.
That's right.
And tell me nothing that they have to do.
We have then gone the extra mile.
Then we've gone to Moscow.
We've gone the extra mile.
And there are the little shitheads here who say demand us want to negotiate.
Hell, you had me in Moscow.
That's right.
And resurfaced my talk with Gromyko last.
September, all the overtures we made through Moscow, because then we don't give a damn.
And then on the basis of that, we'll then have the basis for a very strong case, a blockade.
And if we don't want a blockade that has used the Moscow trip for the purposes of the question of summer?
Well, for the purpose
Well, I mean, supposing you then didn't, supposing... You see, here's the question.
Is there any way that we can, which we just got to look at our work cards here.
Let me say, you have to, we have to realize that there's a lot more on the line here than simply a trip to Moscow and then to work in Vietnam and so forth.
Because then I've gotten to have a lot of heavy thinking as to how we can...
do something about trying to get a candidate that's pretty much yours.
Who can be a candidate?
House.
You've got somebody else.
Why?
Because you have to realize, you have to realize that the position that we have, we failed, which we could well fail on all fronts.
You know, some of this canceled.
and that the blockade has not succeeded, you understand that we're putting everything on the line.
That's my point.
But there's one other possibility, Mr. President.
This is another reason for going to Moscow.
If I don't go to Moscow, then your time is for sure.
If I do go to Moscow, we have the excuse that I'm going to Moscow, and that's why we're not doing more, rather well.
Like in bombing?
Like blockading.
If we don't stop blockading by the end of the week, without my going to Moscow, the question is, why the hell not?
Otherwise, I'm looking at all the accounts from the standpoint of the Russians.
It means we're not ferocious.
When we're in Moscow, it buys time.
I agree.
I understand.
That doesn't help us on this domestic front, doing this domestic front.
I don't know if that's a question.
That's a fact.
But we've talked about the possibility of canceling the trip and going to a blockade.
There are other variations, or there's the variations that haven't been in Moscow.
If the South Vietnamese hold, we might still decide to bomb the shed out of there in the north and go to Moscow.
Because if we can break the dialogue and not blockade,
I have great consideration.
I think the Moscow trip ought to be on.
Couch the message in a way that you read them.
And they'll figure that they can center it one way or another.
But we're going to be awful hard to center.
Also, by the accident that Laird Moore decided to go ahead with this damn strike, I don't know why he didn't.
Moore talked Laird into it.
What the hell do you think is happening?
I think, Mr. President, why the hell is this happening is so unbelievable.
I think just, I think Laird is playing in both ways.
He knows that I want to do it.
He doesn't want to be, and he's a patriot.
He isn't, I know, he isn't, but Rogers, like Rogers, Rogers really, at least Laird, sort of runs his department.
You know, it's really something, you know, you take Bell and Seaman,
I have no idea where they sucked her out of the Canadian, you know, Mr. Trudeau.
On a spectacular performance, have they actually outlined it in the news summary of the event?
I don't think so.
Well, the news summary gives you a lot to explore.
They got on that trip, we didn't like a whole lot.
We didn't need it at all, but the news, well, it was a nice, you could tell us some minor positive news.
But they recorded it as a podcast that they described you as in a very positive way.
Your speech, it wasn't all that good.
So we've got your account on the list.
If there's a way, Reed Henry, to...
not allow Vietnam to sink the Soviet sun.
That's what I think.
Well, if we can, we ought not to do it.
Having in mind the fact that the Soviet, let's face it, and here we look at the other side of it, if we can find a graceful way to let Q down,
that maybe we just have to die and live to fight another way if we fight like hell before it happens.
My point is, you see my point, but on the other hand, if there is no graceful way, then the summit goes out the window.
That's the problem everywhere in the country.
That's what I understand.
I'm only putting it up as what, to me, is a totally rhetorical matter.
In my view, there is no graceful way you can let it go.
Remember, you always said, let it go.
How in Christ can you do it?
It would never work.
It was never right.
But now, I think what we have to do is this.
I think what I have to do is to say, in effect,
Everything's on the line, but cancel the summit.
We have to realize that the Russians canceled the summit.
We canceled the summit because of the blockade.
We are virtually assuring the certainty of a Democrat winning, unless I don't find a way to.
And I'm thinking of this, too, of trying to move one of the other Republicans.
And as long as you come down to it, you've got Rockefeller, who probably could have been nominated.
And Reagan could.
And he could, too.
And he had another possibility, which never would have occurred to me.
who has been suggested.
And the other one, and this is really the only long shot, it just might pull the plug on a whole bunch, because you did the whole song.
You know, did I ever have to talk to a cop before all of this began?
You know, I said, I look here, you've got to change your heart.
And then I...
to bow out and endorse Connolly and then Connolly with what I am, and Connolly without the scars to go on and win it.
See, there's your problem.
But the point is, we have to realize that if we lose Vietnam and the summit, there's no way that the election could be second.
That's the problem.
There's no way it could be the means to a strong new president.
that can't be permitted.
Secondly, I don't know how you can avoid it.
Maybe you see the blockade is not working as much.
Secondly, there's no realistic alternative to it.
Thirdly, you see, there's something that you could be around with any of these people.
The only one you couldn't handle was D. Reagan.
I think he's too much of a lifeline.
Mr. President, I would follow you to handle Berger.
Mr. President, it's a very hard policy.
If one has worked this closely, as a president as I have with you, to work in a similar position to the success of that other man, I don't know if it makes sense.
Well, then you realize what we look at.
We're looking at musky, concrete, arcane.
It's just cold as hell.
That's crazy.
Now, you see, that's why there's so much rise on this stand today.
Now you come around to this problem.
Maybe it was the Soviets.
My point is...
If we can, we've got to handle this way to save the Soviet Union and mitigate Vietnam.
What I'm getting at is that I don't mean to sink you, but I... You see what I'm getting at?
See, I don't think there's a way anymore of mitigating Vietnam, Mr. President, because we'll either win or lose.
I think you're personally and truthfully right.
If we lose...
It doesn't matter how softly you split it.
Yeah.
If we lose and we're out, then you'll be under some kind of .
And you'll be under murderous pressure .
If you win, now, if I think a blockade ought to be .
You think a blockade was going to help?
No.
I think, Mr. President, we
As far as anybody else is concerned, you must keep the impression of being on the verge of death.
Oh, I know.
Everybody should scare them.
And worry.
Why not?
Any doubts with anybody?
Worry.
If we do invade, I think a blockade should be very, very carefully considered.
Actually, we haven't done very, very excellent considering.
I mean, we shouldn't do it lightly.
But I would like in Russia,
to act as if you just did not give a damn.
That's true.
I would like to leave the impression that hell with the summit.
You're blessed by the Wallace vote.
You're going to go to the summit's house.
You're going to go on an anti-communist kick.
And by God, you better not do it.
That's what I've been telling the people.
Now, I have all of the strength that I've always backed off when it's gone wild enough.
Yeah, but I know the Russians will back off because I'm currently at peace right now.
That is true.
But if we can get the Russians to back off, then the question is, can we find a goal for them?
Even for my own selfish reasons, I'm not eager.
We've both discovered an unbelievable way.
And all the reputation has been achieved for trade war.
I'm sure it would be an honor, and we know that.
So I have not as much of a stake, but also I know that.
I know that.
But we've got to play the Russian card out, and I think that's why you have to go.
So write your message then.
But I think that what I want, what I'm really trying to tell you is that I am prepared to go all the way, and that I'm prepared to take all the consequences.
but and that means that you have the blockade card over there you may not play it there but i mean you see if you know that's going to come you could be a hell of a lot tougher than if you know it isn't going to come if they think we've turned the last screw very much more would be done see we may not want to do a blockade we may just bomb
In that case, why would we do that?
We block every port.
We just start blocking every port so they don't use it.
Why is the third one?
Because then the Russian ship will come in, or they just hide outside, and we're not challenging the Russians directly.
You mean the bomb on the ship was harder than a chain?
Well, they had it pretty well cut off.
All right.
Well, it takes longer to do that.
Well, I don't know.
Let me put it this way.
I can tell you about a blockade, though.
The American people, I think, would stand a blockade
longer than they would bomb it.
That's the reason the blockade appeals.
The blockade is, you're not killing people.
You see, it's easy to have a public demonstration against the bombing.
That's right.
The bombing people, they kill them.
But if we blockade and say, stop the killing in the south, return our prisoners of war, get out of that, we'll lift the blockade.
That's a hell of a hard thing to do.
So I think the blockade's under control.
We've got to find a way.
Well, that's where I come out with the name.
So, uh, all things considered, I would tend to go to the blockade, but my judgment is also that if we set it up properly and flexibly, they'll help us.
Maybe not enough.
I think you've got your .
I didn't.
If you want to bring it back, it's all right.
We all understand.
We all understand.
In fact, it is not safe.
We will not be repeating any announcements.
What I would say is, be attentive.
Right.
The critical purpose of the report is to see whether the two great powers of the South bring about a drastic end of devoted Vietnam, and also whether, on the basis of this, to speed up the preparations of the South, of the South, on as broad a possible basis.
It now appears, by some assurances by the Soviet ambassador,
that the Northeastern region has refused to come on the 24th and has asked us to come to a meeting on the 27th publicly.
We have notified the Northeastern region that we will come on the 27th.
I'd like to hear an expression from the Soviet government, how it did it.
If the Soviet government shares this view, then that would be a good decision.
And that's what they don't care about.
You've got to say.
He said that the first item on the agenda will be that a concrete proposal must be prepared for discussion, and unless one is, that we will not go, you are not authorized to go to the other items on the agenda.
Or do you want it to be that hard?
I think I'd rather do that.
Fine.
I'll do it.
Do it there.
Fine.
Okay.
The only thing is, I'm sure they're prepared to make a two-feet proposal.
So I say that you are coming with the understanding that they will have a higher proposal.
And then don't say that.
That the first item on the agenda will be that.
And that they will have a two-feet proposal.
We can say that.
Two-feet steps.
And then when they're there, you knock it off.
And if we don't make any progress, I will then say it.
Now, let me just say one thing on the negotiator's side.
I would be wrong to send a private reporter to say, look, we won't come in the 27th.
Why don't we be sent to a hotel?
Mr. President, I must tell you honestly, before that I had no business knocking out that plan of the president.
It's a terrible liability to us.
We didn't ask you to do this.
He did it on his own.
You did it without my... You didn't instruct him without my knowing it.
Hell no, he did it himself.
I know that.
So it was a goddamn mistake.
He had done that.
I backed him up when he did it.
Oh, you were very lucky.
Yeah, I had to.
But if he had not done that, and if we had had...
I didn't know a goddamn thing about it, but if he hadn't done that...
I was surprised you were, but let's don't second-guess it now.
We've got a battle now.
No, no, but I'm just going to tell you that I'm basically in agreement with your thinking.
Yeah, yeah.
But my point is now, why don't we incur our losses on that in the public?
Let them think about the buy-in.
All we want is a private meeting.
You see what I'm getting at?
Yeah, well...
private meeting on May 7th is doing.
That's a hell of a lot of work.
In other words, my point is, let me put it this way, is their desire to have a, let me put it this way, is that, I don't know if the Russians get them there, but that's what I want.
Well, rather than trying to use the device of Porter screwing around with a public meeting, then, to get them on the floor.
That's a hell of a lot of work.
We're trying to get them to come at the beginning.
And therefore, I think they have a real problem about getting people out of Paris without a session going on.
It looks too much as if he's going there to sit around, play up with something that happens.
So if we propose to them that we come on, if we don't meet on the 24th, if they, that if we will have a public session on the 27th, no matter what happens on the 24th,
then we can have a private session on the 24th.
Maybe.
On the other hand, if we go to a plenary session now, under the present circumstances, we may do it.
I think we should hold up on the plenary session after I've been involved.
And just put on the basis of what we've already said.
Don't be too sure-cordered by it.
It's the best of intentions.
It may have been the right thing.
You know what I mean?
For God's sake.
A lot of people don't like it though, you know what I mean?
If these guys want to negotiate, they'll negotiate.
You can't drive them off the basis.
If you're going for the plenary session providing a pretext, they'll find another pretext to sign.
If they want to meet with me, they'll meet.
And if they don't want to, they'll find a thousand pretexts.
They lose the private session primarily.
This brings us back down to the law.
All right.
And you're going to have Porter do this.
I won't have Porter.
I will say that we will not, that we will agree to a public session on the 20th session, 27th, only if they come to a private meeting on the 24th or you want to announce the public session on the 27th.
Do you think that's better than, say, taking this movie to date 24, maybe four or five days later?
How would that feel?
Your labor office would fit.
In other words, you'd have to go back again.
That's no problem.
Let's do that.
All right.
And then I'll have .
And also, then we can say we've been in touch with them about this.
They won't be able to drive me.
That's another thing.
We've responded to that.
I don't need to see the bench.
John.
Well, in the development of Superdog, as we're going to talk, 36 hours, 48 hours, you're able to get Colson and Crankup and things like that.
I talked to Henry, and he wanted to do that.
And we're just going to create condos in the $40,000 scheme.
They're working on it.
You just got to show some strength at this point.
We've got to do it well with public line support, because when I go along, public support might go down.
So I don't know how much support there is, but it's important for Colson and for us.
And I hope you let me know that.
Colson, McRae, the whole bunch, and get the hell off of ITT and the other practice that they're on.
That's where...
I don't mean that the other things aren't important to me right now.
There's just a second thing.
Until, uh, that's not going to be where I am.
I didn't think the police were going to say anything.
It means very much to them, but it doesn't mean very much to us.
It did no harm.
You probably had people eventually working on .
The reason I've got to write a memorandum on it is he wants to back away from Laird.
If you can't do that, then you can't have the administration speaking two voices.
Don't you agree?
Well, that's the point.
Well, of course, here we've been in this three weeks, Bob, and at least Larry stepped up and said a couple of things, and Bill has been like a mouse.
He hasn't said anything to a congressman or a senator or anybody else, you know, about what he's carrying with him.
And God damn it, that's the reason I've not seen him.
I'm just not going to just see a fellow and say he wants to go down and say, well, we'll endorse you without any conditions.
And also, I don't believe the American people will appreciate that.
Do you agree or not?
Whether they do or not, it's my call to action.
The sound is that we're ready to negotiate, give anything away, and all that sort of thing.
Just watch.
Just watch.
Take somebody on.
Our problem there is we just have a ball of music.
My own view is that once you've started, I don't think it makes a whole lot of difference where you're going.
.
.
.
.
.
And they stopped killing Americans.
Is anything at all underway yet?
I mean, things I mentioned to you, they, I mean, you deal with it.
I've got the talk, the hand-on, the committee, the ads, everything.
I think, really, I crank it up, having in mind, in other words, let's anticipate the attack of the opposition and have some strong right-wing stuff come in here and get all the speakers on and get the Goldwater and the Towers and the Fords and the rest to crack on to everything.
That's what it is.
A record.
One other thing, if I were to give you good therapy, I think you ought to call Laird, say, to report it, right?
I mean, you know, Laird's not, you know, Laird, I'm negotiating things.
Well, did you mention that to him?
The one that I am most grateful for is support.
He's a strong man.
We need to throw a little crack at him on him so that we can get this to him.
Okay.
I wondered if you would arrange with Rex to bring him in the front door, rather than
Oh, good God.
All right.
I am right here.
I didn't want to talk to him about himself.
He was drooling all over me, saying how eager they were to get me.
I told him about the attack on Haslam.
I said, when the president got the information that he was cast in the theater this morning, he ordered an immediate attack.
Where are you from, Haslam?
The one thing I think we ought to do, Mr. President, as you agree, is to go over this map of Haifa, where the ships were yesterday.
They cannot reach Haifa now, but they can reach the shore of that touristy country.
And I think while we are bombing up there anyway, we ought to start to explore that.
This has never been done before.
I talked to him already.
He says it's feasible.
They could make a hell of a lot of money.
Can they stay out of the way of them and not get a ship knocked down?
Do it.
Do it.
I think, Mr. President, for this, we're going to take any more leads than we already have.
I think we're going to do more.
I think we're ready to land.
That's right.
What they'll think is that we're going to try to get into the harbor.
Of course, I'm ready to do it.
It's always good, something good always comes out of some client.
I mean, I know there's something you can do up there.
I'm not saying Mr. Benjamin didn't make those things.
We should have made these things.
I mean, what work it was worth.
Let's get it up there and hit it again.
That's a very good idea.
Hit those, take those sharp arrows out.
It's sort of like coastal air travel.
The P52 track on my farm is complete.
There's no things done already.
The A6 track is complete.
There's no things done.
That's all we're hitting in the north this time.
My farm, or even truck park 2, or any other truck park.
They've done another 109 exactly.
They have something that they've said is the best that they've done.
And that's getting compared to the truck park.
That's all we did there.
That's the show that we did.
We did that.
Oh, I see.
But I mean what we're going to read about in the morning.
All right.
Good.
Good start.
Don't worry about it.
I don't know what it is.
I don't know what it is.
So then my Soviet expert son-in-law
Mr. Hardline believes we have a 70-30 chance of getting the Soviets.
There's also a good chance that they'll not cancel my trip, but that we can make the trip.
If they do, then we blockade.
If, Mr. President...
If they cancel your trip, we blockade your trip.
No choice.
Exactly.
If they cancel my trip, it's on the list to go to heaven.
And that reminds me of what I spoke of all the time as well.
I don't know.
As I've told you, I think you can protect the fleshy from barcades and bombing.
But in order to make the barcade work, we have to buy more furniture because we've got to get their supplies done.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
If it's closed off to the south, then it doesn't make a definite difference.
You have no reason not to.
Immediately then, get busy with the Germans now.
What can we do with the Germans?
How would you do it?
Call some?
We could call a spouse over here, a partner, a customer, all we can do is send them a letter.
Although we'd already described to you, we're still prepared to go.
Oh, I've broken up with them.
Oh, they'll be half a thousand.
Oh, they can't even deliver us on a specific day.
That's exactly what you said.
Why don't I get it in you?
I don't need you.
I know that.
I got the deal.
I'm controlling you.
I said, the freedom told me that the court could be decided for you.
I can't answer that.
I'm going to go to another court.
I'm going to go to another court.
That is through those facilities that I believe you have in there.
Through our channel, we've passed through an RPF meeting that we will sign in the 27th, I don't know if we will do that, but whether they agree to go to 24th.
Well, the only thing that I raise on that, if that is the case, is for I raise the point that we're here as to whether the advisability would say
of conditioning the 27th announcement on this specific date of the 24th, the idea being that on the so-called negotiating willingness of public crap on that, we might go get the benefit of the 27th.
So we'll give them another... Let me see what I can do.
Making sense.
But it's a quotas for this, that as soon as we complete with that,
That's a hell of a thing to pay, a price to pay.
You mean, in other words, that we owe a debt?
That they owe a debt?
They'll say, we won't meet with you again unless you stop the bombing.
Because we've been meeting with them for three years.
But that's what's going to happen.
That's right.
Well, that's just right.
We've got to start putting rockers on the table for three years.
We gave up bombing for a while, three years, fruitless meetings.
I want to give it up again.
We can fight that out in the propaganda field.
They're not going to sell that one again, because they sold it once.
This is the instructions for that.
Oh, good.
Well, I want to work on that.
You have to get it out tomorrow.
Yeah.
I think we ought to send it to Porter.
It instructs us to do that.
They don't back down.
All right.
To me, privately, they don't back down a bit from Porter's Mark 23rd thing.
You know, he's got a deal with it, which is because I stuck up for him.
And, you know, once one of our guys stepped up and said something, we've got to stick right with him, or otherwise he won't do anything again.
You know, we stick up for Roger when he says something soft.
Let's stick up for Porter when he says something hard.
That's my point.
And Rock is really good at that.
Hello.
Hello.
Put them down in your throat.
All right.
All right, make this for both of them.
that we, in 1968, October of 1968, three years ago,
We stopped bombing the North Vietnam in return for negotiations for over three years.
We put that in the country in return for negotiations.
And the North Vietnam is in a three-and-a-half-year period.
I refuse to negotiate seriously.
That would be the first point there.
We are not going to make the same mistake again.
We are ready to resume negotiations whenever they are ready to resume negotiations seriously, whenever they are ready to talk seriously or something like that.
We don't have to use negotiations to lodge or cover up or screen for negotiating at the conference table or screen for escalating
tax in the battlefield.
What we are doing here is giving Rogers awful bitter medicine, because he is no one to say this kind of tough language to him, but by putting it this tough, he thereby will Well, we put it this tough.
At least Rogers said half this tough.
That's my point and that's good.
Can't take any other position in this one.
at this point could have gotten a voucher here.
But his position, I'm not asking his position because I'm under the state, where we've crossed that bridge, he knows damn well that we can't back off there.
Did you ever get back to Larry to tell him, you had to be sure, did he understand the point that he was right?
I don't know, I don't know, I don't know.
Thanking him.
But you told him that now, here, Bill will undercut you.
I said, Zach, he said, Zach, uh, he said, uh, uh, yeah.
But you told him that I didn't want Bill to undercut him.
Did you find that?
Oh, yes.
There's no reason to further go through the charade of indicating that the negotiation means anything in its present context.
In other words,
that the whole case, it must be at the Kennedy fault.
But we ought to go back to the negotiation table.
Ball's flat in its face.
Why?
What's the practice of negotiating?
Didn't you see my point?
That's what we've been doing for three years.
Go back to the table.
are overlooking the record.
We are trying to get, we are willing to negotiate, but I think it's pretty clear that we aren't actually going to negotiate.
The other big question, just a small one.
Incidentally, I'm glad we did it.
Aren't you?
Oh, yeah.
Particularly a bit of fusel, I think.
We might have overplayed it just a bit.
I know we had exceptions.
But we didn't.
They didn't.
I wish they had, but they didn't.
You never know.
Maybe we don't wish they had.
Maybe they would have just gone to the 24th.
But we'll give them this shot.
We'll give them this shot.
I also told them that there would be no other attack in that area after the Moscow meeting.
Oh, the Moscow meeting with you?
With me.
Yeah, in other words, that this was it for today.
Oh, wait a minute, what about the naval ships?
Well, I mean, that whole conflict, all of this will be done in the next 12 hours.
Oh, can the Navy get up there and shell in the 12 hours?
Yeah.
Well, you better order it right away, or did you?
I tentatively did.
They're on the way.
I talked to Ruth Moore.
I told her to make another thing.
All right, good, good.
And then knock it off, I agree.
The Russians aren't going to cancel your trip.
Now, if they cancel the trip, we immediately move on the German problem.
Oh, if they cancel the trip.
Your trip?
Yeah.
And, well, I'd have Strauss, too.
And you may, will that be a signal?
And then also, I mean, let's get our lines ready.
And then, Henry, I think we've got to be ready to blockade this next week.
If they cancel, here they are.
If they cancel my trip, we've got to move towards the blockade by next weekend.
Henry, we'd better do it quicker.
I'll tell you why.
We can do it quicker.
I'll tell you why.
Because...
you'll have greater public support.
Every day that goes on, the public support for a blockade slightly erodes for anything.
Mr. President, if they cancel my trip...
I'll do it.
I'll go there as soon as the Navy be ready.
You can do it then any time.
Well, why don't you think I've got a point?
I think so.
Go.
We should wait for Haig to come back and we'll be ready to say goodbye.
Why?
Why can't he get his report?
Well, because .
So bad.
I haven't finished your meeting yet.
Do you want to come over?
You'll be there.
All right.
Yeah, jumping up and down over there.
These are the most successful strikes that I've ever seen in my life.
That's not good, my God.
Yeah.
I hate you.
None of it's done.
I was over-ignored.
I just got back.
You know, we really have, before we got into the strike, they put a portion of the storm
The Post is, I don't know what's the matter with George Wilson, I understand he's a pretty good writer, but he puts in there that this is a return to the tit-for-tat policy of the Johnson administration.
What the shit is he talking about?
He won't tell you that.
No, no, no, that's what he said to the mommy-in-law.
Does he realize this was just a tit-for-tat?
He doesn't know this one.
Yeah, that was in his story.
He wrote this story.
He won't say that, but I think he understands.
Tell me, give me a word to just summarize what has happened.
One, it wasn't successful at all.
And second, the other thing they had, I just want to ask you about, Mr. Wilson also wrote a story about Amnok, and he says the South Vietnamese have all their tanks and weapons carriers lined up in the port of the Lintraman to go out, and they're just sitting apart and won't move.
I checked that, no, they had a combat man there.
Ted Wilson just doesn't understand this.
I'm not going to get into that.
I raised those points not because, because I assume Hayes is going to be there $38, $48, $44, $49 or less.
So he may not find out.
We ought to find out whether some of the victims out there in the nature are going to fight or not.
We don't know now.
Mr. President, that's why.
That's why.
That's more important.
That's why they fight professionally because they have a lot of things to look at.
A lot better now.
The New York Times has a lot of very mild editorials saying we should return to negotiate in a very mild way.
Oh, incidentally, before I get into your issue, did you see the statements by Humphrey Muskie?
Yeah, but they're weak.
But you see what, if I could just say what they feel, Humphrey demanded
that the president take this to the Security Council of the United Nations and ask for a ceasefire.
Now, for good Christ's sakes, don't you think even a...
I think my college graduate kids know that the Security Council of the United Nations can't handle Vietnam.
It wasn't that.
On this post-Vietnamese partisan trade, the Russians would have to be killed, the Chinese would have to be killed.
Well, beyond that, Humphrey was in all the time.
Why the hell would they do it if they were going to do it anyway?
It's the God damn seniority.
And yet that is searched as a justification for president.
And Muskie said it's an escalation.
It's horrible.
It has consequences with the Chinese and the Russians.
They're going to be very serious two weeks from now.
Tell me the amount of time.
It wasn't very uplifting, even.
But they're nice little blacks.
But your call came just as we finished dinner and I was here for a long time.
And so your call was approved and I told them, which was fine.
I said, excuse me a moment and I went upstairs and I was told right away that I was going to leave.
And you know, the only ones that missed me were the three or four that would have grabbed me.
So I'm glad you're taking the call.
And when I came back, and I took in Andrews, this marvelous singer, this bearded Nilsen, have you ever heard of her?
Oh, yes.
Ah, so great.
What a voice.
Oh, she was the first time we ever had an encore with her.
She was just magnificent.
And we were lucky to have her.
Anyway, then and I took in Maura, as I was speaking, a 75-year-old secretary.
It was a very warm toast, which he had not read.
I mean, he thought I should do it.
He took a picture with me, and I was going to go to China.
I went to Russia with the president.
And I just shook his hand.
And then I went upstairs, ran up to him, and he said, I started going to get him.
And he said, sir, you know, he's a good woman.
I said, you know, I'm awful proud of what you're doing.
That's what they really matter.
Well, until he said Bernie left.
Mr. President, what's your feeling?
My feeling is that Bernie left, but look at it from the American point of view.
We played an intelligent game, but it's not one that can steal people's lives.
We had a doctrine which was a sort of withdrawal.
That's right.
We were quitting the board.
That's right.
So they were resigning themselves to the fact that we were sort of easing our way out of the message situation.
That's right.
And Nixon is doing the best he can.
That's the best anybody ever said about us.
Now, here we are in a situation, Mr. President, where we may come out of this with our heads high.
And we will.
I'll tell you this.
I think we have to realize that when
You failed with the Russians, and I over the blockade.
We may lose the election, but we will not lose the war.
So I'll keep the blockade on.
Mr. President, if I get to Russia, if they don't cancel it now, because that was still possible, and when they see the extent of what's happened...
Let me give you a brief .
There was one explosion.
There was one explosion.
Are you sure or not?
Roll smoke up your ass.
There was one explosion in High Farm in the oil storage area.
It was seen on the .
They saw a tremendous explosion at High Farm.
But they say the oil storage areas of its land, they think that 90% of these B-52 farms
It is the target area.
There's one using a cannon.
There's a Navy pilot who was, they were, we lost only two planes out of 200, hopefully.
One Air Force, one Navy.
The Navy pilot parachuted out and landed right next to the destroyer.
He had killed one of the destroyers.
You can order your shell-hide bomb.
And they rescued him while they were north-eastern east fishing boats and torpedo boats all around.
The guy would have been a sure president.
And he said, as the border said, there's one man who believes the president is gone.
He landed within a hundred yards where the destroyer was, where the border was to be made.
They had to destroy it to get him a shelf, nine hundred shelves under cover, for example.
Four destroyers had been bruised and they fired.
I don't mean that they can't tell if it is in shape or not.
But because these were on gun installation, so he wouldn't get it himself.
But in high fire, the fireball could be seen 110 miles away on the carrier kiddie ball.
In unordinated DOLs.
The first wave came in there and said that the fire was two miles across.
And now the first wave said the flames were 200 feet high.
The second wave, the flames were 10,000 feet high and two miles across.
This is just preliminary.
This is from the pilot.
This is without reconnaissance.
Let me just run through here for you.
This is high-fond EOL, very large, red-orange secondary explosion.
Observed 10 minutes after BPG2 strikes numerous flights.
These are the very first reports.
Navy support and aircraft indicated BPG2 thrust in a very close pattern.
Hanoi P.O.L.
target reported 75 percent destroyed by first flight.
Flames observed to 200 feet.
Second flight reported black roaming smoke to 10,000 feet.
Searchlight reported the target burning totally out of control upon arrival, and is possible burning more so than we left.
Haiphong open storage area, two huge cistern sides.
Haiphong storage east, major damage.
Haiphong airfield, six units destroyed on the ground.
This is six pages.
This is how you combat violence.
This isn't reconnaissance.
Sand sized, one large secondary explosion, and 100 foot orange fireball.
It is visual.
It must be pretty true.
Oh, yeah.
Four large secondary explosions.
It kind of goes through the target list.
In significant observations, there were several reports of which were notable.
For example, a very large secondary global symposium from the PDR in the direction of high farm crop positions and 110 nautical miles out of the city.
And so forth.
Now, on the ground, I want to give you a brief report on the naval combat.
Air Force 77 conducted strikes against the peninsula for an hour, over 900 rounds of 6-inch, 5-inch, and another kind of 5-inch were delivered on targets with the coastal defence side.
Larry, having also passed that defence fire, was open, but he was very angry.
Hammer, the student, which had recovered on May 7, 2005, the pilot who was reported to be Commander Morris, is a satisfactory trade, completely defrauded.
He was in the water about seven minutes.
Hammer now did a recovery on the break of the key task force commander and continued to fire on the coast defense side, spurring the recovery.
This is from MacMahon.
His strike was a complete success.
and was made all the more worthwhile by the recovery of Commander Moss, with fishing boats and torpedo boats all around him.
He will certainly be in Northeastern East Ham since transport 71 has been ordered on this ship to strike what implies a core unread, with a surface strike to the support of the troops as we destroy it from the brink.
Great show.
Ready for the repeat.
You know, that helps the morale of the Navy, doesn't it?
Oh, absolutely.
This is a 10-page report, very large, very technical, two lines of fake fire, major damage.
They knocked down, I don't know what they knocked down.
They hit the truck park.
I was going to tell you, they hit one truck park with 600 trucks.
In one truck, probably 500 trucks.
They can't associate how much damage they did.
The one thing they also did do, I must say, is they probably hit a Soviet ship.
So they had to do it somehow.
I think they did.
Actually, without authority, but within a mile of the fields, and one of the bombs was done.
Maybe.
Can't concur.
Okay.
I didn't know he had, Mr. President.
Well, if he can, he'll be can for other reasons.
It will strike me candidly that I, the way Kilgreden was slaughtering last night, I could have read it out of my own memory.
It was great.
It was a whole something.
I think it was a problem here.
It was a little harder work.
President, look at it the other way.
If the trip succeeds, you have done one of the greatest things in foreign policy, maybe the greatest in American history, because anybody can slobber around in Beijing and Moscow.
Not anyone could have said no.
But, you know, all of that, no one who does it has gracefully eschewed.
Ah.
But your strength is that you are doing it from company.
And if you can make the Russians take you after doing this to the other, it will make you all get the credit in the period of time.
But Kennedy's Cuban thing, it was produced by incompetence and followed by incompetence.
Certainly followed by incompetence.
And produced by it, the Russians would never have dared...
The Russians wouldn't dare to put missiles into Cuba against you.
No, I agree.
I agree with you.
He brought them out of Cuba.
So, uh...
I think that now, on the ground, in Anzac yesterday, there were two tank attacks.
They claimed to have knocked out 10 out of 11 in one wave and 9 out of 10 in the other.
And I was probably supposed to say, is there a keeper airplane?
No.
But in one wave, I noticed that he was 7 out of 10 .
And the other people, I frankly don't believe those figures.
On the other hand, the fact is they didn't take the town.
They haven't taken it yet.
And what's more, they have a bit more airborne units.
The 22th Division is coming in from the, it's a good one.
Yeah, that's a good division.
They're today going to be paired to the range of battalions.
And if they, and Maud, I'll tell you, if they don't take it, but if the next 36 hours they aren't going to take it, I don't know.
Abrams is really important to be able to do something like that.
Now the district is finished.
Everything should go in there.
Why not everything?
Look, it's like we're done.
You know, it's, you know, Baldwin made a big error.
I mean, the French made an error to defend it.
He made an error to attack.
But this is now becoming a half-assed symbol.
Does Abrams know this?
I think Mr. President, in tactical battles, we've got to leave him alone.
He knows that very well.
I know that this is a tactical battle that has great strategic consequences.
But the thing to do is to take all of his air and just dump it in there on the sun's kitchens.
But he's also got an offensive operation going at him on the bottom.
I think, Mr. President, for example, the full effect of our build-up isn't going to be covered until this week.
When this started two weeks ago, we were flying 360 soldiers a day.
This week, we're going to be flying 650 soldiers.
Next week, we're going to be flying 800 soldiers.
And another week, 10.
So we have more than doubled our soldiers.
We have more than 10 more destroyers are coming in to cover the whole group up.
And I just don't .
We are close to .
Some scores sound spectacular.
It says, some idiot of the White House staff, unfortunately, told the New York Times, told Kevin Smith, if Goulet falls to Moscow, he'll be scrapped, and he's going to put himself in possession of the city.
Oh, my God, Scott told anybody anything.
I told him not to talk to the goddamn New York Times.
Do you think it was somebody?
Well, let's look.
They said, in White House, they said today, if Goulet falls to Moscow, they're going to...
I don't know if that's going to make sense.
I don't actually know.
Henry, who is the slide is trying to deal with the work way.
It must be.
Well, I said at a staff meeting that provincial towns don't have it.
Well, who do you think is talking about that?
It doesn't help with it.
I don't think it helps with it.
It's not right now even under attack.
But that's the one area where they still, there are two areas where they have, in third corps, Mr. President, they have ten more days, two weeks at most, and then they'll have got their long range, the combination of imminent range and supplies.
The casualties they must take, they're on the task force.
That just has to be.
And so they can keep it up for a while.
But what they're doing to themselves now, in 1968, they lost their lives, but they still had their main force, humans.
And therefore, they were not in danger of defeat.
They just couldn't keep the country in peace.
But in this year, what we are doing for Cambodia, for example, there are three divisions that are attacking ANLOC, the divisions they know that they have in Cambodia.
Those divisions, if they don't now topple the whole thing, they topple the whole thing and put the people in jail.
I don't mean ANLOC, but the whole thing for security.
That seems to me already to be one of the reasons.
But if they don't do that, they're going to be through this year and most of next year.
And I don't think that they can in city.
Yeah.
We are working over that.
We're working one over pretty good now, too.
Okay.
I noticed that one of the archives are real successful in the fall.
The papers are, the papers really show our press is so dishonest.
I mean, it's almost as dishonest as our military is.
Mr. President, we may lose.
It would be absolutely miraculous if we got through this offensive without losing one or two provincial powers.
And that we've always expected.
So far, it's a miracle that we haven't lost one yet.
And if we think
How far, how far we have come in the last two weeks, Mr. President, from Easter Sunday, is disorganized.
Three questions.
Two weeks.
Two weeks.
Easter.
Easter Sunday.
Easter Sunday.
You have disorganized South Virginia's children.
They're streaming back to the South, but the headline of this now is Blitzkrieg.
But the offense has been going for three years.
The offense has been going for three years.
The offense has been going for three years.
The offense has been going for three years.
The offense has been going for three years.
The offense has been going for three years.
The offense has been going for three years.
The offense has been going for three years.
The offense has been going for three years.
We have been farming north-east of Mount David, which is really minor, because B-52s, this time last week, Mr. President, you were telling about one big B-52 strike on then, since then.
Since then, Wednesday, we doubled the B-52 force on 50 miles per second north and then north-east.
Yesterday, we had the most tremendous strike of the whole war in the Haifa, Hanoi area.
All of this time, within a two-week period, they had lost, according to the estimates, over 10,000 kills.
I tend to believe that it may in fact be higher than this because these B-52 strikes must hit sunset.
They've got to be within our temporary range of these outposts.
We keep this up another four weeks.
In fact, one thing we have to consider is that it may not, it's certainly not in our interest to accept that as well.
That's going to be our problem as well.
We ought to keep this going long enough to chew up that army in the south so that we can fight it.
So Friedman told me yesterday, I don't have to hear from him.
I'm coming.
It's not a sad concern.
Go ahead.
Well, his original orders were to come two weeks Monday night.
And, you know, but I've offered it.
So that he said, boy, don't be concerned if they knock it off.
Then you and Chris will get away with it.
You see, we've got design code prepared to blockade and go all the way.
President, we must have a very rapid means of communication.
For some, it has to be.
I mean, this is, we did it with folks.
When he comes to my house at 9 o'clock at night, his love is all over the place.
And he said, I'll be waiting for his blood to be revealed.
He said, is there any doubt about your coming?
There can't be any doubt.
It's clear two days of freshman schedule.
I said, well, the freshman wants to hear whether there will be some complete results.
He said, we can't promise you complete results because we don't even know what your proposition is yet.
All we can promise you is it will be the first agenda item, and nothing else will be discussed until then.
He said, of course, you have to recognize that you're dealing with the chairman of the largest communist party.
What if he wants to discuss something else?
I said, I know that Mr. Brezhnev outranks me, but the president has given me the firmest instruction, which has nothing to do with that.
It has to do with the fact that I'm not a free agent.
The president has ordered me, and I want you leaders to understand that, and I will not be able to be the agent of those instructions.
It could be that they have a public bureaucracy that they have changed their mind.
It could be that when they realize how bad this attack was, that they like it all.
But then they're going to have to deal with it.
They're going to have to deal with it.
If they want a good summit, they know Mr. President that if they want a good summit, I can prepare it better because I know you're thinking better than anyone else.
I mean, in terms of preparations, it's just more reliable for them.
I would have to sit down with you, go over this whole thing a little bit just to make sure that I have a very clear picture of what you would be able to do, take the conclusion on Vietnam, on Vietnam, too.
But he practically triggered me.
He said, can I say that if there's no meeting by May 2, that there won't be one?
I said, yes.
I thought, Mr. President, we might as well play it through.
I said, I can't.
He said, I can't tell you.
I said, I can't tell you the difference, but not all of it.
I said, I'm on May 6th, and the last day is too close to December.
It doesn't give us enough chance to take action, but he would interpret that as something the West had done, and he can't stop it.
He said, can't do it this way, but do it more, and to accept it all the reason he replied.
I said, we cannot stop bombing, but we have to stay away from Manoa, I thought.
He said, we have the bomb in the military area.
He said, well, no, we have it in the military area.
I said, if it's not, we can stay away from it.
I said, Mr. President, imagine anyone talking like this about an ally.
The note he has for me is so weak.
It is so much softer than what they gave us directly that I just know that they are twisted around.
And it must be a shattering experience to them when their hour of crisis comes.
I mean, if we treated you the way they are now treating Hanoi, with a sort of tempered support, urging them to talk,
saying they should come to Moscow to negotiate with me.
If we treat a few like that, we collapse.
In the mere fact that they are talking to their heart and they have this as a major deceitful amount.
Even, as I said, if I'm there to play the theme, I don't know.
I don't know.
You know, any other president, including Nelson, who is... Nelson would have called in 30 advisors.
There would have been branding activity around the White House.
He would have been pretty tough within the existing resources.
I don't know anyone in this country who would have doubled, more than doubled up because of his voice.
All right.
If I go to Moscow, it makes absolutely no difference whether I come back with something or not.
To me, the fact that Moscow has received me after the bombing of my body indicates your policy.
If they don't receive you, then we know what we have to do.
But it's best to learn what you've received.
We'll know where the cards lie.
I will not go to Moscow on your behalf now from a position of weakness.
Because of the bomb, yes.
Up to yesterday, we were just threatening.
You think they are not going to respond?
You think because of this, that it's over?
Number 50.
Number 50.
Number 50.
The original plan was to go into a couple of stores and pay them to screen so much for mentality and all that.
As far as I was concerned, the message is the same.
Indeed, people say that the past has really shaken and oiled the total ineffectiveness of the air defense system.
Here we were in the 260 airplanes all together, and they shoot out two.
They lost the B-52s of the radar altogether.
They got so confused.
They dropped so many tons of jam that they got totally confused and they thought the attack was coming from the other direction.
It was a shame, you know.
It must be a shock for their population.
Here they are two times, before you start to crow about it, and now suddenly it starts again.
And it starts again in a way that must be really imaginifiable, that you can see 110 miles away.
It must be seen all over those three times.
What about the period of the bombing, right?
It's definitely a resolution.
The rivalry goes on day after day after day.
We keep struggling.
You see, it's motor as well.
They never let it go out there before.
Every target was picked, and they couldn't give them an open target.
that they told them they had to attack, say, within 24 hours.
And if they didn't attack within these 24 hours, they lost the authority.
He said, in your case, what we did is we gave them a list of 10 targets.
Well, not more than 14 targets.
He said, you can hit any one of those, depending on the situation.
The only thing is we don't want many to have been captured.
They could pick the time.
They could pick the number of stories.
They had the right to do it.
For example, Johnny Boak, some of these targets, they went in three ways.
And some of these targets were so destroyed in the first way that Boak went to two targets that they had planned on in the second and third way.
I mean, I mean, I mean, if we can't always make the promise to the brand, I'm just looking back.
Maybe we should have just demolished it off then.
What we should have done, Mr. Benjamin, is to go in and run away and send your four-hour train.
Yes.
They had all together about 3,000 staff rockets in Vietnam.
Since this offensive started, they've already expected about 600.
I think what you have to have is something that takes us after the election.
And that's the way it has to work.
That's got to come right away, because that can be a very violent issue in this country.
Can it return to that?
We'll work out a receipt as to what you've been doing.
I'm working on this proposal right now.
And we've got to get it done with a cool deal.
We've got to use this time, and they think, you know, we're doing so great.
But do we still want to build it tomorrow?
You know, it would be a hard line.
Exactly.
I just keep this as your memo that you can avoid it.
I've been talking to him too much.
I don't think... Because he has a tendency then of listening to what you say.
It will also result in what if he has something inside him.
He can't do it.
And we covered it.
We covered it and he has left.
And he said he has no choice.
No, we're stuck.
And they had to spend a few hours on it.
Laird's, how's Laird's coming around?
Oh, I put it out.
He said he thought it all up.
Good.
Good.
I don't mind.
And then he said he made you do it.
Good.
Good.
We did that.
This stuff is so... Let him think.
Let him think of something else.
But is he your president now?
Oh, Mr. President, you can tell.
See, in the bombing in the Panhandle, they told him, they said, one warehouse destroyed, two bridges down, two secondary explosions.
Here they tell us there's so many secondary explosions that we haven't paid, we haven't totaled the fund yet.
There's so many fires that we don't know what's underneath the fires.
You mentioned a fireball going 10,000 feet underneath.
That roll in there is a very tough job.
That's got to come in preceded.
Smoke, black rolling smoke, would be on 10,000 feet at two miles across.
Two miles across.
more intensely when we left.
The line this week on negotiations should be there.
We'll negotiate only when they stop their fighting and invasions, is that correct?
We hold to that all week long and take the heat, which we'll have to take and not negotiate.
Okay.
How's this going?
This is going to be long, too.
six pages of damage, etc.
Let me say this.
You were saying, Don, we ought to watch ourselves in that position and the trouble with Johnson and the bomb.
Well, again, it didn't give the appearance that we had done something good.
We've been hard on our acts and soft on our rhetoric.
Now, are we making a mistake and not doing something?
I'm just asking.
I hope... Mr. President, we could become the most comfortable...
We saw, in other words, we will take, you will just have to take the public opinion, and they'll go big now.
That's what happens, but you see the point is that if they agree to a meeting on this 24th of May, then we can announce the end of this week that we're going to a panel discussion on this 27th, to a meeting on this 24th, and we hope for them.
And if necessary, blow their own trip next week.
That would become public.
Oh, yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
The roll in there is a very tough job.
That's got to come in first.
Smoke, black rolling smoke, would be on 10,000 feet at two miles across.
Two miles across, that's more than 10,000 when we left.
The line this week on negotiations should be there.
We'll negotiate only when they stop their fighting and invasion, is that correct?
Yes.
We hold to that all week long and take the heat, which we'll have to take and not negotiate.
Okay.
How's this going?
This is going to be long, too.
Six pages of damage, it says.
Let me say this.
You were saying, we don't want to find yourself in that position, in trouble with Johnson, that he bombed.
Well, again, it didn't give the appearance that we had been constantly doing it even harder.
Our acts soften our rhetoric.
Now, are we making a mistake in not doing something?
I'm just asking.
Mr. President, we couldn't have done something.
We will take the public opinion.
That's all right.
But you see the point is that if they agree to a meeting on the 24th of May, then we can announce the end of this week that we are going to a panel discussion on the 27th.
To a meeting on the 24th, and we hope to...
And if necessary, blow their own trim next week.
And it will be delighted to have it.
Have it become public?
Oh, yeah.
Yeah.
They have no interest in keeping it.
Because, yeah, they're like, we're trying to make sure they know that.
We'll put it up in Moscow.
So let's look a little further.
I mean, I'm just trying to think of this and determine how you write the paper.
What did you tell the Russians?
Suppose the Russians can't deliver them on a time for it.
Suppose we do not have any.
We just need to bomb hell out of them on that.
We can't.
You see, I don't.
We continue to have airstrikes on the north.
But your view is that you couldn't blockade.
If you understand if we blockade, the Russians couldn't have a summit at the time of the blockade.
what we must do.
I said this yesterday before I had had the right to testify.
You agree, I agree with you.
I just, what I said to the President, I said, we will not send a little federal country to destroy two American presidents.
And we will destroy each other.
They must think you're a reviewer.
You have lost all rationality.
Therefore, we mustn't be reasonable.
We mustn't give the impression that this worst course is to appear now of backing off.
We mustn't say, yes, may or may not.
I'm just saying.
However, suppose that they don't deliver the soft market immediately and then nothing comes out of your .
But if they don't, if they don't, then is our course then to blockade and flush the summit?
Or is our course just to bomb like hell and go to the summit anyway?
.
I'm just thinking.
I'm just wondering what our options really are.
We have a 70-30 set.
We cannot afford to lose, Mr. President, because if we back out now, we're not going to.
I would tend, perhaps, to go to one day.
But at first, we want to go to a massive box.
Well, we certainly will find one day.
It's not building bad weather.
None of the weather is improving now.
It's just constantly improving.
But now, we need to start to get softer.
Exactly.
Ask the weather groups in the north if there's weather in the south.
The north may, because if they're illegal, because if they're illegal, then for them, they can't use banks.
They won't keep someone in the bank, only because they want that great area.
In the same sense, if you don't force them, if you don't face them down, now, you can decide to go to the summit.
All this, whatever it is that we've got to put into the plan, that happens at some point.
And God will do Jesus out of it, and all you can do is look at it.
Okay.
I'm thinking of the standpoint of the American public.
It's important to look at it higher.
The road, if time goes on, I don't know.
Mr. President, what this country needs, I believe in today.
Mr. President, if you pull this off, you will become not just an executive, but a party leader.
So you personally, because you've taken so much into your life, your presidency, that you think this would not happen, and I did, for the second time.
But if you started this, everybody would actually
with a whole intellectual establishment with these misguided philosophies.
If you pull this country on the right course now as you do it, this is going to have a tremendous impact on the whole philosophy of self-confidence.
Why is it
that they don't dare to tackle you so much because, first of the time, they're tackling us now.
But not like in Cambodia.
Oh, but Muskie and Perry, you see his stuff this morning, Muskie Perry.
But Muskie's always behind me.
Muskie's always behind me.
If we get that trip off, Mr. President, they are going to look like goddamn fools.
Imagine what we could say if the trip failed.
We'll say these sons of bitches, as we were negotiating, as Kissinger was going to Moscow to buy that X, they just nice doesn't come back.
If the trip succeeds, and you can say when you come back to Moscow that the Russians want it out, the President doesn't have support at all.
By this time, I think, Mr. President, we will have another monumental hotel which you can play any time you choose.
In addition to the fact that if the trip cuts off, maybe they can't do it.
But it is what we're all like.
We're not going to worry about it.
You have done.
There is something to be said.
I've been thinking a lot about the Russian side.
There are a hell of a lot of people that don't like being in the Communist Party.
They might not like the China thing, but they might not like the Russian thing at all.
My view is that if the Russians...
far so stupid to cancel it, but then we go immediately, knocking off the Germans and destroy Brown.
Right?
You agree with that?
We go immediately then also to a blockade.
See, that's my view.
And we can show them all the offers we've made them all last year, isn't it?
And you had offered to send me to Moscow, and they took that, and they .
Because they know, they probably figured that you, don't you think you have convinced Sabrina that we do have a blockade in mind?
You know that?
Mr. President, the reason I say this is to put you at least later doing a second thing, because we've had a pass, and these people saying, don't do it, don't do it, it's like, you've got to get stuff on, it's an oil problem, and you've got to come here and make it.
I don't know if you should say that.
Mr. President.
Mr. President.
Yes, Mr. President.
One last thing, what do you hear?
Any of our Hawk, what about the Joe Alsop?
Mr. President, you don't hear them.
They're all found.
Well, Dick Wilson wrote his second piece, I guess.
You know, I had a lot of quotes last time, other than Dick and Mike's, which I'm honored to say.
Right.
I think it's best to die on it.
Who stayed the hell out of it?
The Trumps.
Keep the White House out of it.
But, Mr. President, you don't take any calls.
If that dad trip comes up,
I could just see the articles of the cruel nerve of the president pushing his tricks into the palm pack and into the O.P.A.
And this would have been the way he stepped up the pressure on the Soviets.
And then, you know, in a very, I'd say rather small way, but it's important to go up to Canada and fuck around up there and up here and just, you know, laughing all over and all that crap.
And just the time we were making these commitments, you can imagine Johnson being against it.
And he always said, he told me that Johnson would come to leave it.
He just bashed him.
He was talking to them all night.
I understand they have no authority, but I don't want them to think that we are
that we are backing down.
That's my point.
I think we should tell them now for the next week we want to concentrate on the battle area and throw everything into battle.
I don't think we should tell them anything.
Just state that the existing authorities, which is the Naval, that the bomb up to the 19th parallel, it was a naval gunfire all the way up to .
We can't go up to .
But the 20th gets every goal except for an arm.
It gets that one certain amount of .
And they can attack every airfield between the 20th and the .
So that gives them more authority than they ever asked for.
Right.
And sort of .
OK. Good.
All right.
Well, Mr. President, I thank you.
I thank you.
I know that they just hit paddy fields.
This would be a good signal, but they are moving.
And this, I repeat, is just visual observation while they were being fired at.
And this doesn't cover, for example, the truck park.
This only covers explosions.
This doesn't cover damage, which doesn't lead to explosions.
We have no good estimate of the charge.
No, uh, somebody, I think some people that were held for this, that were, that we need to deal with, I mean, those poor backers who sit in some camp up there, they've seen some of this and they heard this, and if it made them feel good, well, wouldn't it you, you would move them?
Mr. President, they must have seen, all over Vietnam, if the Kitty Hawk could see this flame 110 miles away,
that all over at least the most populated areas of Vietnam, they must have seen these planes.
They must have seen them in China.
Say well done to that from me, to the destroyer.
I think that's a nice thing.
Send it to McCain.
Please pass to the crew and the commander.
President, well done.
From President, old Navy man, well done.
Thank you.
Hello?
The church?
Bye.
Sorry to let you go out, Paul.
Thank you.
I'll message you next weekend, please.
Give me the military aid's office, please.
Hello?
Yeah.
Hello?
Jack, we would like to go up to Camp David.
I wonder if they could tell us about 1 o'clock.
I'll inform it all up here.
All right.
Incidentally, Henry told me that the Pentagon is jumping up and down about that strut.
There you go.
All right.
OK.
Reddard, would you please tell us next to the departure from 1 o'clock, Reddard, on the 13th, to what?
What?
Thing.
Hello.
Patrick.
I'm sorry.
Yeah, he was at church earlier, and he is my father.
Major Brennan again, please.
So, yeah.
Well, I was church today.
The, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh,
the best they've ever had in the whole world.
It's not because of the patrons, but it's invigilating.
It's knocking a lot of stores down.
But it's a very effective way to do that.
Maybe it's because of the price, but oil stores in particular, it's knocking a lot of, and they need to show a little bit of sure value.
I think he realizes that there's no other choice now.
And of course, I think he should because none of them know the other card we're playing.
Why the hell didn't they do it before?
Because Russia wouldn't let us.
But let me get off to that end.
There's a couple of things I want to check with you.
I go to the camp stage at 1 o'clock.
I'll be back tomorrow about time for the calmer lunch.
No problem with that.
You don't have to check on me.
It's only one, perhaps, that should be specific to Cullen.
I'll be at the camp stage at 1 o'clock.
My feeling of Cullen is that he's still as unmindful as he was.
But that would be a pretty good time.
As you know, I
I'd really like to have to keep myself totally free this week, at least through this week.
I have to do one exception.
Well, here's the cabinet thing.
I mean, I don't know.
Well, then they give a briefing.
They give a briefing on the situation.
You know, just say to the captain, there will be a briefing as to what our situation is.
You know, if that roger is in the lair, you can't do it.
And maybe we should just...
So here the captain teaches you... Well, how about this?
Just as a substitution.
Now, Maura and that bunch, they have briefed, you might tell Maura and Larry, they have briefed the congressmen and senators.
They should tell the cabinet officers that they will do that and brief them on the military situation.
How does that sound to you?
So that they'll know what's going on.
No, there will be a briefing for members of the sub-cabinets.
You know, one of the roads there.
Just put it on for those that want to attend.
Yeah, over there.
Yeah, I'm trying to figure.
There is a briefing in September.
Yeah, I wonder if that is.
But it's true.
We can hold on that for tomorrow.
We figured, uh, figured I could, as opposed to if I come on every one of them tomorrow, we could go on that.
You know, we couldn't have a leaders meeting this week in any of that, right?
It's actually done now for, I mean, clearly we don't need to have one next week either, but, but, there we go.
All of our guys will be there that week, so that'll be good.
Well, let me say this on the cabinet.
Let's look at it tomorrow.
On the other hand, there is one thing.
In this period, I've got to count on you two.
You've got to get the coast authorized.
And I'm not going to talk to that order.
Because I figure they're all self-guarded anyway.
Don't you agree?
They've got the guidance.
It is very important for you to have a talk with Colson and Gregory.
Even today, they're there to watch and tell them to support the president.
Tell them we've got a good case here and don't be afraid of it.
They have players who will play.
You know, he told them about some ads, maybe, you know, to try to get some good figures.
We invited him to understand, and he'll crank up on that.
Now, the other thing that, of course, I will put my mind to this, which is the thing that I'm just very pleased to be here today.
I'm going to stay on that.
I'm going to stay on that.
I'm going to stay on that.
Well, not for that, but it's been perfect.
We can handle precedents as being pressed up.
You know what I mean?
We won't allow them in some cases.
Yeah.
I know that.
What was my point all along?
I just had a statement after that.
Thank you.
What if they come back and say, oh, we