On April 10, 1972, President Richard M. Nixon, Henry A. Kissinger, unknown person(s), White House operator, and Alexander M. Haig, Jr. met in the President's office in the Old Executive Office Building from 3:10 pm to 3:55 pm. The Old Executive Office Building taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 330-031 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
Where is the copy of that Canadian thing?
As soon as they get over here, there's not much left.
I went to find out when they'll have it.
Ja.
Ja.
Ja.
Ja.
Ja.
Ja.
Ja.
Ja.
I know you go over to Rosa's office, and as soon as she finishes that, you bring it right back over.
She's probably half through it now.
You tell her that you want to bring it back, and she wants to hear it.
They didn't say they would do anything.
They didn't even say they supported me.
They quit bombing.
That's all they said.
To be among these people was pretty bad.
Because they had no chance to tell us what they told us.
The interesting thing is they didn't say, you know, people like us, that's exactly what you told us when you were there.
I think it's important that that line be done out.
I'm not referring to your guys' house.
We'll have an opportunity on occasion, but I'm referring to something that should be given to all of our spokesmen that have our back.
And it was very simple.
It was going to be repeated.
And so forth.
I'm not referring to David.
I'm referring to the Congressman, the Senators, the Buckeyes.
Well, you know, absolutely.
Now, that must be...
I don't know what was being done there so far.
You can't let these guys come up with it.
I had a bunch of fact sheets that...
And I have a bunch of statements ready from Clifford and Paddington about the fact that he is going to get out soon, and I'll look what they have to do.
And I'm sending, I've already sent my batch to Buckley and to send it to some other place.
We'll do a little bit of a statement, and I think it won't be very good.
That'll be a good plan for the first time.
I'll give a little shot to David.
Totally unexpected.
Incidentally, I checked there was never been a B-52 strike at all.
There was a B-52 strike two miles inside the north-eastern border at a pass in order to get a mountain slide into the pass here.
But the beauty of it is that the public is still annoyed against the message that the public is confused which probably makes them think that we've done it before.
I think it's great that they did it before.
I just wanted to know how important, how significant the message was to him and what he said.
It's great that he had a fight for it.
He said it's just nothing new.
But Madam Finn has today made another statement that is very defensive.
She says all the American forces is to change the color of the body.
That's the line.
that Porter's statement would follow it, rather than be followed by the B-52 strike.
On the other hand, certainly the way that we are, if Porter makes his statement Thursday morning, that he'll get a good ride that Thursday evening, and if then we do a B-52 strike, it will sort of get drowned out.
See, the B-52 strike is scheduled for Thursday.
Yes, we can schedule it any time we want it, Mr. President.
And Thursday was another trendy day.
And I can see really two sides of the question.
One argument is to advance it.
And then if there's any other further statement, we'll give up.
The other is to get further statements out through it.
Because undoubtedly the guys are going to feel that over North Vietnam, and we're going to give them a terrific wall anyway.
You are a better judge of PR than I am.
I don't want anybody to judge me.
Brother, it's better to ask the border statement first, followed by the business decision.
Would it be better to do it followed by the border statement?
I don't know.
It's better to ask the border statement first, followed by the business decision.
Would it be better to do it followed by the border statement?
I don't know.
After having interrupted one meeting, we informed them
that we were ready to resume on April 13th to private land.
Their response to this was a massive invasion of South Vietnam.
It is therefore total rubbish to say that we interrupted the negotiations and that we have not been prepared to go back.
You see, we're now making...
I think we've reached the point...
And I've thought about it during a very long time.
If I want to keep the option open of going on Wednesday night, I've got to go up to Camp David, and I'm sorry.
I do not think you should go.
The question is, I mean, I believe it.
That's my view.
I agree with the conclusion of the schedule.
Uh...
What I'm going to do, what I'm really saying, and I'm back, Henry, in my own mind, is that we will take whatever political laws that we have to take here, and figuring that they will be temporary.
But we're going to take them, because I convinced them on the foreign policy side, there is no way I can handle it without weakening our ferocious
and Russia, as our political position weakens here, as demonstrations and so forth, may develop and may not, to what extent will they get encouragement from that, and
And therefore we should be trying to stop it.
In other words, let me put it this way.
I am making this decision solely based on the foreign policy.
Screw the policy.
Looking at that, the only thing you've got to think about is, are Russia and Hanoi going to get some encouragement by the deterioration of our religion here?
Don't assume that it won't deteriorate.
You've got to assume that it will be more opposition, more demonstration, more editorial, et cetera.
And that may happen.
On the other hand, the other side of the coin, there ain't no way that I can make this damn speech without protesting too much that there's a peace.
That's what I don't want to do.
That's exactly right.
So what are your views on the second point?
My assessment is, Mr. President, that at least Moscow, and now that Moscow has at least been decayed for a good time, that they can move something that they have already done.
At least Moscow understands the demonstrations won't be continued.
If you've written this group of three times, you not only may understand this time, and that it has to use erosiveness to tell the demonstrators how to get there, but otherwise it's what we can do sometimes.
I'm not so sure we can judge this.
Much better than I, rather the speech don't have haste to protest, rather than today.
Yeah, by laying down the government.
By laying down the government, right now people are still confused, because, for example, the headline today at the start is, uh, enemy offensive, but both sides are slow.
I don't think it's true.
No, I think it's probably it's largely true.
Well, they've got the back, we've got the people fighting in that lot.
Now, the point is, I think that most politicians are going to be very weary of taking you on.
If they think that the enemy might lose, and they are going to make the same.
Your political opponents, in my sentiment, they have any grace, except McGovern.
Well, I don't care what they do.
But, you know, Maxfield isn't going to say anything before he goes to China.
That's for him very much.
And,
Fulbright yesterday, with all his pie, said he was not yet ready to say there should be a clear day of terminating the war.
They're watching the war as well, too.
They'll figure what we have done.
They'll figure if you win, you'll destroy them.
If you lose, they can get you after you lose.
So what then?
Why should they tackle you prematurely?
And
I think, I think, and I think this is exactly the point we have now, but now, from the moral policy standpoint, there's any question that what we really have to agree, unpredictable, unpredictable is that the speech would certainly
and to mute and mitigate the ferocious astra.
And Mr. President, from what I know of the way you prepare for this meeting, it takes really an enormous emotional concentration.
I know that we may need it next week, or the week after.
It's too early.
You're assuming you'll put it too early this week.
And above all, it will take away from the ferocious destructions
You've got to remember I can pay out a little emotional thing.
I have to.
I just want to.
Mr. President, you'll pay it out.
You've actually paid it out throughout your term.
The question is, is it wise to do it this week?
And I think it is not wise to do it this week.
And I say this as someone who started out as a strong advocate.
I say it.
I wasn't there for that, and I didn't think that it was an exclusive thing that just depended against the vision of the book we made, but after we both interacted about it, I essentially was afraid of him.
I thought it was a good thing that the police didn't have to be in the direction of seriously jeopardizing it.
Anyway, and that's the reason for the LHC.
You take this, and you get this, and don't go any much further than this.
And give this as far as you can, provide this as far as you can, to these galleys and the coasts and, you know, the whole group.
And believe me, Henry, they've got to be led.
These guys have got to be led.
There's a lot of things going on, but they don't know what the hell to say right now.
Let's turn over, let's unleash a very good one.
Let's try to get him around.
Sorry to bring him around.
Not bad, not bad.
You agree?
I'd give him, I'd not let him do it.
Because he's become too much of a central and a good force of people.
I love cold water.
But you are not yet that happy to be involved, Mr. President.
The beauty of the way we plan it is, it still teaches the region, it doesn't yet, it isn't yet you against the world.
You've got to hear all the points I want to make.
I think Mr. President, it is the...
Why, as men of patriarchy, do you think we can make this deal next week?
Perhaps it may be necessary, but I never thought we could get away with it because we were so little known.
It comes to that pretty good sense that we could get away with it.
We've got these guys really divided.
I must say...
Everything up to now has been done.
We wanted to have things improve better.
Yeah, but you see, as I understand it, the correct thing went wrong.
The enemy's major effort now is not in one eye, but it goes down.
Imagine if it was in one eye.
What is it?
Good.
Good.
That's what we want.
That's where they have to go, just because that's where they went away.
Right, that's right.
Military Region 3, of course it takes like, something high.
Military Region 3 is basically a diversion.
What I wondered was whether Military Region 1 was a diversion for the purpose of cracking through the creek.
See, that could be a job as smart as telling them,
He does the things that our boys always do.
He faints and then he hits somebody.
So let's take another visit.
Well, Mr. President, I would just be astonished, because they had not survived that day.
I don't know how that happened, because what the hell, I thought we were supposed to knock a lot of time on Laos, but we're bombing all year.
We're bombing.
It has built up in the central islands.
More than any soldier that's killed in Cambodia, on that front, we see it in places.
In the MR1 region, they can feed a few people, but those being not.
In the MR3 region, it takes six weeks for a guy to walk down.
I just don't think they have the structure, but more than two weeks.
Listen, one is the place we'll take care of, because the weather will clear.
And then we've got gunships, gunships can fly.
Oh, yeah.
And MR0, moreover, MR3 has good weather now.
I don't live to do that, but it hasn't cracked yet.
There have not been a massive attack on that cloud.
I had a lunar report.
It's midnight.
It's one o'clock in the morning.
It's three o'clock.
It's three o'clock.
It's three o'clock.
What you say, I'm just wondering if it's true, if we had any American insurgents who saw a South Vietnamese gun knock on the tank.
I just want to know if that's true.
We do know that there was a tank attack.
We do know the weather was too bad for our air force to fly.
We do know that the North Vietnamese tank was repulsed.
We do know that.
That's right.
Now, my noon report says that General Lamb is elated, that he says he has scored a tremendous victory.
Now, maybe the guy is smoking a lot, but he's a calm guy.
So, maybe they knocked out only 40 tanks, but I must say... Well, they knocked out 20, so...
All good, the North Vietnamese have only 300 times altogether, according to our estimates.
Now, you have to add to it that even if they double the casualties, even if they triple it, there must be at least as many casualties as we can see that are caused by S-bombs.
They're just accurate in Europe.
It isn't statistically possible that in a sprung, which is only 10 miles from the border that they've even introduced, never hit anything,
What do you think the one has been accomplished?
Subpsychology.
We took out the air.
We didn't take the core.
We went after the muscle.
And we went after the POS.
We had no photogram.
All we know is that there were a number of explosions and fires that were so powerful that they illuminated the clouds.
At night over which they were flying, so that the clouds were at an altitude of about 3,000 feet, so they must have been pretty strong.
Alright, now, secondly, it must have hit them when we met the staff.
This was the first time the P-52s were hit over North Vietnam.
P-52s are, in fact, their most aggressive party.
Above all, they indicate that the restraints are coming on.
They didn't expect that they would go far.
They expected, maybe cruelly, that it was a bear's job.
And they've been getting, in fact, unlimited bear's jobs.
They expected a much more massive protest than this one.
They must have expected it.
And I think they must have expected above all themselves to be released into the land.
They certainly expected to be released by chance.
This is Brewster's memoir, however, on Saturday night, playing at the North Beach, and he's there on the edge of the sea.
He's right after the end of the end, so they shut the roof down.
He lived at 68, and they're doing it at 72 now, and they can stagger to victory.
It pays off, and they've done it now over twice, so maybe they forget what to do now.
Overboard.
Like the hell of an eagle, please.
Oh.
You don't see any, do you?
I mean, it's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
It's a destroyer.
A day, a week ago.
Yeah, 60 a day, a day, 50, 80 a day.
Before the week is out, fully.
Yeah.
Let's see now, how would you have this person get out?
Should you get someone around her?
You already got her out.
I think it's the best thing.
Why don't we get together a few of our professionals and house friends and ones that we talk to?
They're on the road for a short time.
And then, of course, then it's Scali.
If you look at something through here, Scali's flying.
That kind of people, you know, they're really pretty good at it.
So, uh, I'll talk to them again later about that.
I'll talk to them about it later.
I hope that was amazing to me.
It's not...
But because of your criticism, we haven't got any sustained attacks.
I was very mild and evicted by his family.
I haven't kind of filled out, but, well, the Kennedy, the Kennedy, the Kennedy wasn't there, the Kennedy was Humphrey, Humphrey backed him up.
But on the other hand, Humphrey also said, Humphrey was on both sides of the issue.
The first reaction discussed was, well, now we are free to use our air power.
And all of the, all of the materials in particular was said about Humphrey yesterday.
But then Senator Humphrey made a statement,
I wonder...
I haven't been through it yet, you know, but I was wondering why I wanted it longer.
But I wondered, you know, if you could give it a little substance, if one of your dolls, or maybe even a sapphire, could take where I sit at that stand as my own thing, and take that part of it has to do with arms control, etc.,
and restating the proposition again.
It's a major problem, and they put it right in there.
In other words, let me put it this way.
The Canadian draft at the present time talks about the brotherhood of Canada and the United States, the neighborhood of the United States and Canada and the Americans, in other words, the alliance.
And then the alliance, et cetera,
And then some of the world brotherhood of man.
Well, of course, that's all I can say.
Now, let's come to another point.
Then it talks about Beijing and Moscow.
It does not say enough, in my opinion, indicating that I don't want to be political, but I think you've got to indicate that, well, it was that sentence about the interest that I struck out in religion.
Our long-range interests are not compatible, and never will be, as long as they're conscious and we're not conscious.
You know that, don't you?
Great.
Now, let's come to the point.
I think what we've got to say is that we have made significant progress in our implementation.
See that?
Deep, deep, deep.
Let us recognize that the goal is not implementation.
There will still be enough arms to have a hell of a war.
The goal will be to restrain
particularly the restraint of all powers in the use of progressive force, indeed, against the neighbors, and the restraint of great powers in encouraging other nations to use them.
And on this, the United States committed an all-nation effort.
I think it's a nice movement.
It's growing again.
I think it's essential.
Absolutely.
I'll have you settle for a copy in the last draft.
Maybe you want to do it yourself.
I'll work on that.
This is important.
You've got my language there.
Your language is one of the things for which you don't get enough credit.
It's really so good that I frankly don't think we should change it too much.
It's very subtle.
It makes every point.
I mean, after all, here you have a blue tent.
There's nothing sad about it.
It leads all the blue tents, and yet it's not provided.
No, because it simply says, it doesn't, I didn't challenge the soldiers at all.
I simply said, our goal is peace.
That means that great powers must be served in strength.
We can stop today.
This is the worst month for the government.
It's just a thing we've got.
I don't think the state people understand.
The state people don't understand.
They don't link things together.
We don't even have to stop it.
If the Soviet Union and we are hostile to each other, then there's no reform in Central Europe.
There's no reform in Central Europe.
There's no basis for France's policy.
They need a summit for their service policies.
That's what they learned in the 70s.
They need our summit.
If they're ever going to send one of these, what if you decide you're going to be a son of a bitch?
Or an artificial.
And secondly, in disrespecting the Democrats, I'm going to feed all of this to you.
I'm going to say this from Soviet point of view, because the Democrats, before and currently as well, have not pressed them.
I mean, after all, you and I know, and they know, that we are at least prepared
to consider the proposition that Israel will be subjected to maximum pressure.
Question.
What should we do?
And this is a subjective question.
Very good.
What should we do about that?
I think we ought to make it the last three to lay the ground.
Oh, yes, I agree.
It's one person, actually.
I think something like 9,000 is going down to 60,000.
Well, you see, the trouble we're running into, Mr. President, is that this, we maybe take too much out of that ground.
Well, I don't want to take out, we don't take out any, we don't, but I don't know.
The problem is we face this problem every month.
Well, I know.
Right, but if we get down to 50, 40, then that's all.
Well, another thing you can do is make it two months or less.
By that time, something would have broken, because there was a situation where you either lost or won.
That's where they made their terrible mistake.
One of the two ones that announced that.
I think I missed it very much.
Here's where I missed it.
I missed it.
What was the troops feeling when you came in?
See what I'm getting at?
I have to think.
We're not deciding it now, but I want to do the true thing in a way that will leave us all of our needs
But I think that's a modest number to take out, isn't it?
You're only getting out 20,000.
That's very good.
You're going to have to take it out pretty good.
We're going to just sweat it through.
We're not going to be knocked out totally by losing the town.
We're not going to be knocked off by the men in the cities.
We're not going to be knocked off by Chinese or Soviet troops.
They're going to play this game.
Take care of the soldiers.
You're right.
We've got them with a hair of sugar.
And we're going to play it tough.
We'll just do it.
We're going to have to tell the arena, well, we're in the game as well.
It'd be great.
I don't know.
I've come through.
That message to Bob at times like this would be that much easier to say.
Thank you.
What did you say for them, sir?
I said, the president was serious in considering the request for a memorandum of the possibilities of decommissioning, which we couldn't put our eyes into, because we didn't have the degree of gratification.
The poachment began out in front of us for the second military agreement, six months.
You were supposed to hold me down, and we had engaged in an investigation.
You sure thought I was a little passive?
I'm sorry.
Medikation intended review of the situation, but that review was completed after communication with the person.
Then he said openly that he might still do it.
Then I had Rush, who had been asked by the Germans to write a personal letter to Spatzel, to communicate to Spatzel that he cannot now write such a letter.
And I voted to give this to Powell, the ambassador,
Det er færre enn vi trodde.
Det er færre enn vi trodde.
Det er færre enn vi trodde.
Det er færre enn vi trodde.
Det er færre enn vi trodde.
Det er færre enn vi trodde.
Det er færre enn vi trodde.
Det er færre enn vi trodde.
Well, particularly what the summit is, something is another thing.
You see, the summit, they may think, is something for us.
No.
Well, let's think for a moment as they do.
Something for me.
For me.
On the other hand, the German thing is something they apparently need.
Mr. President, the summit, as long as it was something for you, they were screwing you all over the place.
The summit became something for them when they developed the Chinese summit.
It became something for them, but they needed their dreams.
I suppose the press will play off the Chinese criticism.
Well, it's not such a lot.
You know, they support the Vietnamese position, but it's in effect their version of the organization.
They are in effect saying, what you're doing is just.
American imperialism has no right to do this, and the Vietnamese people will succeed in this, just like they did with the Chinese people.
I think, Mr. President, we really...
The way this is around, because supposing we had gone on saying the war is winding down, and supposing this had hit us in September, we now know for sure that by the democratic convention, this thing is going to be one loss.
If it's lost, let's get it over with now.
without the balance of our time here, without worry.
You did morally, I think, Mr. President.
The country will thank you.
You're going to be history books ahead of us longer than you are.
But I am against it.
Don't slack now this week.
I'm not so sure they're going to grab.
They're fighting better than in Laos, for example.
In Laos, yes, in Laos the thing was never...
I told you in Laos from the beginning, you didn't look at it.
I know you didn't.
Every day, every day.
And I've never felt that we were in command of the situation in Laos.
Never.
I sense that we're getting in charge of that situation.
Now...
I could be surprised.
They told me that one of their labors is very good at using air to support troops.
Maybe this is something like that.
But it's very much independent of what you have to say.
For me, he was told to bug out.
Even in the Laos operation, he wasn't really given the sense that we wanted him to be there at all costs.
He didn't.
You don't get any things out of state now about how horrified they are?
Uh-huh.
We've shaken them up.
We've got the government working with you.
Now, I'm sure that it blows up the planet all around.
Why?
Well, if it blows up, if all you had to do was speak with the president is to say that it's their job,
It would have blown up by now, and that group was really...
If we had said last week that we're continuing with the immigration plan, that there are problems on everything, and we provide the same kind of support that we had, no shift, no movement, I think by now they would have lost weight.
And the whole thing would have started in many ways.
Every day, I don't know if you can call it...
Why should they attack you?
If you lose, they don't play a game anyway.
If you win, they are through if they have to attack you.
We'll see you with your parents about 4.30.
Yes, over there.