Conversation 348-015

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Long session, but not lunch.

You want something to eat?

No, no, I had dinner on the plan.

No, no, no, I had both.

I had tea, whiskey.

I just wanted to give you the timing.

We've got 10 to 14 minutes.

Why not?

I read a bunch of papers about it.

And we've got a six-year communicated program, so I couldn't get it before that.

So I just sent it back to see if there's no answers to questions, which we ended up getting very well.

I was told it's a good interest to go.

I deliberately went for it because it's that strategy that you had instructed me to choose.

I went deliberately in a slow pace because I didn't want to be in a position that I could serve as the whole deal, they turn it down, then I go to another meeting.

And to me, as I was going to another meeting,

So I thought that by knowing the difference between these two, I was showing that we didn't, that it weren't another circuit, but these guys wanted to settle down to speed it up.

There was a story that's been laying around.

It's a story out of Hong Kong.

.

We may anyway, but that is, if you look at the situation, they're getting no comfort from their own.

No comfort from the Chinese.

And Joe, again, if they sent him a passage to see Joe, giving him a long list of, you see, they published the note that there's another complaint against the United States, and Joe's published answer was,

It was absolute in a minute.

The Mexicans came in while they were being bomb-blockaded by the Russians, and he said, we will get rid of the just struggle we were taking just a minute.

In fact,

Now, let me, should I just go through?

Sure.

What happened?

I began with a general philosophical statement.

Now, first of all, they treated me with extraordinary warmth.

I grabbed both of my hands.

He grabbed both with his arm on my shoulder.

And, you know, they usually don't touch any physically at all.

put his arms in my shoulder and said, he's tempted to put on these negotiations because of his pleasure of being with me.

In other words, they were really, this is after they had fought and blockaded and after they had retaliated and asked me what we could do.

Alan accepted me and I seemed to have a vision of all these stories.

A lot of my people traveling out of sight, and I was afraid that the dust would be all over us here, and that we'd be caught either being plagued or being wasted or not letting us through.

So, I drafted right there in the spot, a statement that he took with me, saying I was going to go, and he told me to go, and I said to prove it.

and proved the guy was a bug, and said they would issue a similar statement, and said yes, and then I sent them a query.

And then I sent them a query, and they called me.

This is Biden's morning here.

And that's how that came, came to pass.

And then I, I was going to give the official details, but then I went in and said, I'll put it out now.

And I said to them, now, what I don't understand is why you should want to deal with an ex-convict.

Come on.

See, if that black-haired lawyer would possibly be playing, then I would believe that none of this is true.

None of this is true.

But I wanted to have the record by which they said that they don't have

by which they said that he had no standing because Pau's argument to us three weeks ago was that they had offered to release prisoners to Rafa and to Rafa Holmen.

And Pau once, Monday, went to see Porter and had him go to Porter that if we didn't see Rafa, he would make a public statement which would be very interesting for the American public.

And at that point, I told Peg, didn't know who the folks were, but he said he, my second dad, was put out.

They hopped up and I noticed that he hadn't received help, but I ran a search and said he wouldn't receive any more.

But I wanted to make sure that the North Indian police also gave me some second case.

They did go to my second dad.

They said he has no standing.

He's just another fake Indian guy.

And of course, they were not suspicious of me.

So that took ten years.

Uh, so then I made a name for myself.

I just thought it would be useful to make a name for myself.

Then I made a general design statement saying that it totally was understood how to deal with it.

That the way to deal with people is to make big decisions and let the end be.

So they made this data historical process and then let the evolution take care of it.

I said, you had sent Major Hicks to the Soviet Union, and I thought that was better.

He said, after 22 years of isolation, and I said, I want you to understand me and discuss with me about this.

I just want you to know how we settled our problems together.

And then, instead, the other president had sent me to his authority to see if there was a review of me.

He said, I thought that was better.

I was traveling all year looking for escape courses.

What you have to watch is the threat of the president, not the escape courses.

And I said, I said, no, there's a certain relativity you have to understand.

There's a certain relativity you have to understand.

you cannot improve your political situation, and you cannot counter the American domestic situation, that's one.

I was lucky to get the Herald Tribune today to publish the new people, to publish the news, the Herald Tribune.

One, it's a cancellation of the ban.

Two, I want to tell you that the benefits of the fine news, the American domestic policy,

Other kids in this country, the president of their local association, is suspected to have the event.

I saw this in the event.

I think it's a good idea.

I don't think it's a good idea.

But certainly you have to know these kids.

You have to know these kids.

And I made no complete proposal at all.

So then George said, well, why don't you make some complete proposal?

I said, no, because we have to define our attitude.

And then he was expecting the freshman proposal.

I was expecting it to be made, and then they sent me down to the staff.

So I announced that I was going to give him a shirt.

So then he said, well, let's take a break.

During the break, he split, I don't know, the boat.

I don't know what happened.

He had a private boat.

And I said, look, man, we've had a few bad things with education since then, and you may be exhausted, but if you had a chance to spend some of that time, wouldn't you be better off?

The second thing, you talked about education since then, and again, don't you think the countries that represent that are automatically, and while you are haggling about this, you're continuing in the old ways.

This, I think, is again true.

Then we re-assembled, and he made a long study, about 45 times, which I had to study carefully, because he kept saying it's a very significant study.

But I had also the idea.

But what was significant about it was, one, the usual statement is seven points, and it was one study we made.

Usually their statement is, the seven points and their two points of operation are the only just margin for the people to face the process of the war.

We never mentioned the seven points of the two points earlier.

Just for the general jurors, he said this meeting is to put him in a very strong position.

He didn't say anything to justify it.

He said, we must leave.

You make this gesture this way.

He did all the talking.

He said nothing.

Maybe two minutes were enough.

He said, he said nothing about the bombing and mining.

He said it would create a useful atmosphere.

He stopped it.

But he didn't, he didn't say it was barbarous or criminal or anything.

He said nothing about the mining at all.

That we had to stop that.

And it wasn't really the market history of their usual living.

He didn't ask for a big study.

He didn't ask for the overthrow of the U.S. North Vietnam was pursued.

Asked for policy and neutrality.

Asked for the old friendship.

And so forth.

No reparations.

He wants to set up an order in the current U.S. presidency.

Both sides must be treated in both ways.

He recognized your difficulties.

You have local interests.

We have only Vietnamese interests, which had never been before.

He didn't call us to deal with this.

And then he kept saying, now, I must ask you, will you keep any agreements you make with us signed and unsigned?

I said, of course, he said, unsigned, who?

And it may be that Joe, I told Joe, why don't you talk to them about another deal?

It may be that what he's trying to say,

In some understanding, yes, we have with the Chinese, of course.

You see what I mean?

Because he kept coming back to this many, many times.

So then he said, now I've told you our channel, of course, but won't you say something now?

So I then presented your main proposal with

just a slight variation in May Hayes, who had said they had to release the business report, and I said they should release them, could be released suddenly, and the second thing I explained, the ceasefire, it would be really difficult for a ceasefire to take place.

He was clearly disappointed by that, I mean, not really clearly expecting something else, and

In fact, this brought us back to our May 31st proposal of last year, and it made it clear that May 31st would be over nine months.

It is 40 months later, we are over four months.

So then he rejected that, saying it ceased by, but when I say rejected, usually when they reject something, they say this is another example of your empirical desire to stay there, and you must, you must,

They never said, they just said, this is not the infirmary.

This is not the library.

They were looking at it.

So I then proposed, I said, I said, you also mentioned the infirmary, but we couldn't propose it.

So we'd have some doctor say, well, we'll leave the data at the bottom.

We can stop any daily operations.

And that would be my ceasefire.

Well,

danced all over that one.

He rejected it, too.

But everything he's rejected today, we can come back to because it was rejected in Minnesota.

And they were dying to keep these dogs going.

I'm not saying they're going to settle.

They may want to settle down for a breakup because of the reduction there.

But

the, uh, interesting, they have given us a slight edge of this because we can now say that it's been buried up, that we all have entered bombing and they've done military operations and, uh, and then it's used for whatever advantage, uh, was given, because I hit them on that in all variations.

Sure.

And, again, I hit them in all variations, but there's no real evidence of that.

So that, uh,

So then he said, well, what about the political center trying to get me to make the president propose?

So I took another task.

I took in their center and asked them a lot of very specific questions about what they meant to get them to make some outrageous advances.

And secondly, to see whether there was any flexibility in that decision.

Now, what happened when we went through that was that they moved off a lot of their own decisions, even though their positions still aren't registered enough for us to use as a company.

So, they moved off, for example, they now say, but they still say you have to go, but they say that the existing GBM-Q can continue to receive military and navigate from the United States.

until there is a final settlement in the past that has said we have to stop all military economic activities.

Second, they said that the new government that is coming from whatever we dream of can receive both military economic aid from the United States in the past.

They have said we have to cut off all military areas and that we can only have

And a few other .

So all of this was an enormous amount.

So that's all that I've said.

If you go study, you'll put your head in the vagina to relieve the stress, if you want to study.

You will study with the headset, and it will go to the back here.

With a set of proposals, excellent.

He then said, yes, and it will go through the foil, one foil on each side.

And if we are stuck on one foil, we go to the other foil.

to be able to settle those points that can be settled, and then we go back to the points that can be settled with the old processes.

And, you know, that's, not that this means anything, I just like to be able to do it.

My view is that they want to see, they are doing about what I thought

They are giving themselves the option of settling this, but not making the final decision.

They want to see whether you hold, hold at 15, but they don't have hold at 15%.

But if the government gets to the striking distance, I think it comes down to fiscal, but until the government gets down, comes to the striking distance.

If the government does not get rid of the striking business by the middle of September, they have no rule.

Because they can't wait until the middle of October, and they can't get one at that time.

Because if you're still busy towards the end, the middle of October, then you'll just say the algorithm and wait until November 7th.

And they can't calibrate at that time.

However, there they are in order to give themselves the option

I don't, you haven't, of course you haven't, but I don't.

It seems to me they're agreeing to announcing the meeting today and agreeing to saying goodbye.

So it makes it tougher for the government to attack us on the board so far.

If we can't attack us on the board, we are in, in tougher shape.

And then this makes it tougher for the government to close the gap.

So in the process of keeping it going, they can't play an unlimited game.

We can keep this process going six weeks without anything happening.

I would present them a paper with such complexity that there is absolutely no possibility of rejecting them at that point.

I mean, they'll have to study and they'll present other papers.

So we'll guarantee they'll have another meeting after that.

So that's

So that's where we are, Mr. President.

It's a sort of a political summit.

I think we may have to come to it.

Mr. President, you're a champion of transportation.

We both think the same thing, Mr. President.

It reminds me of you.

We didn't make that decision.

and decide understanding that you won't die here.

That won't happen to you if you're not allowed to be here.

And we will prepare to do that.

But if you have something to say, the front stairs, please, we will listen to you.

I think we have to keep coming out of the line of sight.

We must not do it.

We must not flush the Q process.

But we must flush the GBF process.

I know, I know.

I think we can flush the Q.

What they're trying to do is to set up a situation in which they are the only organized force.

Although they've moved off that a bit already.

But they are saying the GBF can't control the police.

to keep control of the Army and ask the GPs, which has never done this work.

It's always set me into the impression I could be disbanded.

Now, this is not something people do, certainly not even in their next time.

I'll still go, not that you expect me otherwise, but I recommend that you go slowly next time and just present what you discussed with Desmond.

But there's a lot of very complicated provisions.

So today I'm going to study them.

I don't know if there's something next time, so I'll have to study that.

Well, you know, I have now a sense that we really can't live.

If it's truly his personality and not his government, that's what we have to watch.

Well, it was an extraordinary moment.

while I was sitting in the lobby room.

And it was, there was only one meeting that was equal in order.

It was not the last round, but I still didn't see Renee who was the settlement.

She said the board was supposed to be knocked out the other day.

And they had to take the settlement before they did the election.

There was no longer a meeting for the election that day.

My estimate is they won't bring it on because they've got to see from the middle of September until the end of May.

They will not take it off before the convention because you will not.

I don't see anything that could happen that would narrow your lead substantially before the convention went off.

I don't know if it was for any points or... Oh, I'd like to know.

You see, I believe that we could be successful with this.

So far, that it narrows the picture that we had followed when we hit the majority party.

.

So you're in a situation where they have that much cushion.

On May 2nd

Their strategy was to prove that no crushes would ever could be made.

And even though Sylvia Burrington's party, they just rushed under the table today, I could say that it would be outrageous sense for them.

That they could say, well, this is true.

They're together.

They're in space.

Their mood, their desire is not to break off.

Now, it could be, if they see a chance to kill you, we don't have to get answers, but they can kill you.

They will do it.

That would be true.

True, he worships.

No, maybe not.

He can't tell them.

Well, I think the Russians could.

With the Russians, someone who doesn't run those things, I think we'd have a major problem.

Because I think Russians would love to be in trouble if they could go.

So, what happens in Egypt?

Oh, yeah.

Which we didn't have a garden in, did we?

No, but this was a big garden.

I think we must tell the state, you agree, to make no move, not to run it off, not to open the Egyptian bedding for a couple of weeks.

Well, let me say that Rogers made a good statement on that.

He said basically we had no comment on it.

That's exactly it.

I knew nothing about it.

He did very well, but if you could just say it's very important that you said that.

I remember I told you that we didn't know a damn thing about it.

We're not going to allow that.

We don't know what's up.

So we've got that pretty well, and we should just tell him that this is something we're not going to allow it.

And that we are not going to try, we are not going to try to capitalize on what is basically an important and still a peripheral issue that would be in comparison with the Soviet Union.

the derogation of our relations, our bilateral relations, that's always been a decision.

I think you can call him on that.

Do you mean fresh numbers in trouble at home?

I could have mentioned that some of it's not honest.

It doesn't mean to play with the event.

He did vote to sit on the release, and after we've been stringing him along through the election, he didn't have to have him on the box, but he's been pretty distracted.

It's hard to figure out what the goddamn crazy restrictions are up to.

Well, things could be up to one or two things, but I don't think that's how it's going to come away.

Two, they could get these advisors out of their feelings, and then they can take more of them back.

Three, they might try to deal with it in a different way.

I have always believed that if we could respect them enough, maybe they're not the best.

That was my view from the beginning.

But if they're not, it's going to be different.

and then they have to turn on the Russians.

If that happens, we don't have to say that, but we shouldn't explode it.

Under no circumstances would we explain that we need a relationship with the Russians.

I don't think we should even consider them towards the Egyptians.

Absolutely.

Now we haven't told if there's anything that's been said about the state of the rest of this stuff right now.

They wanted to send somebody in who would see Sundance for policy advisement and for the stuff that he was working on.

And they were going to add a law instruction to it.

He had an appointment with the defense and a lot of things he had to do.

We have to be careful that these many African Egyptians don't play back to the Dutch.

Okay.

Only one other of the East and West.

And that's the reason the government is coming back to Washington tomorrow in order to vote

That guy, that guy, that guy, that guy, that guy, that guy, that guy,

I think we've got to put him in a position that the negotiations can proceed to a full point.

Oh, yeah.

And, frankly, the position now has got to be

You want this war to end, the President wants it to end, the Americans want it to end, and I'm sure you do not want to have it go on because you shouldn't.

That's why we're in the presence of the Structural Commission.

We're in all these negotiations.

We don't tell anybody.

We don't do all that crap.

We're just hearing a lot of this and a lot of the other things about it.

We should have been able to enter the position and repeat.

Yeah, that's what we've done.

Well, he does have a good plan.

If he talks, then I want to be able to make a decision.

I want you to remember what you're going to do.

I'm not sure if the point is clear to me, but we are very hopeful, you know, that the progress is being made.

We're not putting any voting system managers to each other's positions.

It doesn't matter what you choose to elect.

I mean, that fact may even be true, but it's often uncomfortable, and I feel quite a bit of that for whatever, whatever it would be that we can't do.

I'm a bit of an entrepreneur, and I'm proud of that.

I'm sure we'll be doing a lot better in the future.

that we want to put it in the spot that it'd be gassed.

And it comes up with some jackass thing, you know, that, of course, he's stuck with this idea that we're going to get out, we're going to be on base donation Sunday.

He's got this jackass idea that three months after you have all the prisoners back and all, and all that is home, three months after the inauguration, the fight is, you can tell, more quiet on three months before.

That, practically, that, I think,

That's the argument.

I mean, by this, I mean that.

He is basically, in fact, a pro-law.

Pro-law.

Usually, he has to recognize it.

You should see him alone.

I think what I should do is see him alone first and then have a conversation.

Well, when I came down, I saw them alone.

I mean, I don't mean he should have been there.

I don't care if he was there.

Oh, no, no, he should have been there.

See what I mean?

I don't want him to have some foreign policy jackass in there.

Oh, that doesn't mean that if he goes to the war room, I said there would be no staff before he was there.

Okay, well, that's a custom.

No, that's right.

And then the next time, he wouldn't have been there.

Can I suggest that the way that that would be done?

No, no, no.

You must appear if you need help.

No, I don't.

You know what I mean?

You just made a recording of it.

You made a memorandum of conversation for me afterwards.

What I'm getting at is, let's be sure we have it.

I want to indicate to this guy, you know, that it's out of it.

You can make sure Johnson takes it.

When I was with Johnson, everything was taken over from him.

Not just Johnson, though.

I'd also get to all of them, too.

Very important conversation.

And if you do it, I don't have any complaints.

I want you to say that.

I want to ask you to do it.

That's right.

The best time I'm ready for my strategy is Friday afternoon.

Another time you could do it is Saturday morning.

Saturday morning is fine.

That would be a little better.

I didn't believe I should be doing a lot of the office.

I think he could be out of the office because that house is out of bed.

He doesn't need to be in the office.

He's a resident.

He goes down the hall.

He doesn't need to be in the office.

That's right.

Why don't you just settle, may I say, for Saturday morning?

Let's see if you possibly can.

Rather than party up.

Because I'd like to be a candidate for Friday night.

Or Friday evening.

Late Friday afternoon.

I think it's a good idea.

Absolutely.

you guys would make something up, but not that inexpensive that was sort of what you put up.

Bob Johnson saw me, of course, and said, you know, I can't wait.

Yeah.

That's a very good matter.

And I'll just live on there.

And then you said that from that time on, though, I don't believe you should leave.

I don't believe you should leave.

I think Al should leave.

only if they were something of such monumental importance as the one in the building.

But I would say that would be the only thing that I would agree with at all.

This is the purpose of such an important thing as a pocket.

Right there, the pocket.

A lot of them.

came back Christian, just came back a Christian.

I thought it would be interesting to report it to you, that he just brought all those Catholics in and sent all those Catholics to him, and at least to take him to see him, and get with him.

Well, these guys, if they were confident and successful, they would accept you to vote on the spot?

Sure.

Why won't they accept the ceasefire?

Because they want us to do their political work for them.

It's the only hope they have.

In fact, they don't want us out.

That's what this idiot McGovern doesn't understand.

They are keeping us in so that we'll do their political work.

Every McGovern supporter on the West Coast that I met thinks that what's holding it up is our view of the problem.

Once we bring home where we can't make what the real issue is,

that they insist that it would probably listen to all this inside them.

I have yet to be even mad at them, who will have the nerve to say that.

Well, anyway, as a matter of fact, they won't take.

Now, this is one thing they might throw at us.

Supposedly, they might throw at us.

We've got to figure it out.

He was the director of Montgomery.

You know, there's that sort of thing.

It's one of those things.

It's one of those agents that the prisoners for withdrawal, you won't know.

You don't think they will.

Or you virtually offer that anyway.

They won't do it.

But everything to do with that kind of thing.

Well, where...

We, in effect, are offering, we're offering a ceasefire.

Withdrawal in four months and prisoners until the end of the four months.

What the hell is that?

The ceasefire, too.

And now the ceasefire has been well in their interest.

I don't, I said you keep talking about the ceasefire.

It's not good advice to us.

I'm not going to press it.

I really even Joe Graff came back from there as far as I can tell he hasn't written it quite that way but he hasn't written it the way I thought it was it isn't the best he writes than I have major than I would say not central to reality so so far

I think, Mr. President, we ought to be absolutely cold-blooded about it.

And decide at what point we want to serve the season of LPA.

And you have a better sense of it.

You shouldn't wait until they can do something imperative to leave before the election.

So far, we've always gained.

Every time we've gone public, we've had our opponents totally confused.

We had them totally confused in January.

At the end of six weeks, you had to totally confuse the May after your May 8th speech.

Take a disciple of what happened on May 2nd, which we gave, which, in all truth, I was the one who provided it to you on May 2nd.

I wanted it, but then you had instructed me.

You told me to break it off if there was no doctor.

But our will is done, and their will is never going to be done.

But the question is, when do you want to maneuver a government that's too early to carry it?

They, we are both playing the same game.

They are maneuvering with us, but they are, they will check the military situation at that point.

And they can't calibrate our electoral process too finely.

So somewhere along the line, they either have to make a contract, which will help us, or they're on their own, which will break ours.

They have stayed miles away today.

You might just look at that transcript to get to see it.

It's not done yet, but it will take you two or three days.

And you'll see that every time I just gave it to the council, I just give it to the council, they just don't say no.

So what would I find?

Again, so this isn't, and why?

They want to negotiate.

They, and why do they want to negotiate?

they may have to settle before the election.

They may have to, both militarily, but above all, the one thing they will not face is you re-electing me, re-electing her, and going to be in a negotiation with the other day.

So Ray and I, so we keep on doing it.

I think we are.

This was, it was unbelievable how they treated me.

At one point, the doctor said, you might as well wait.

He put me aside and said, you might as well wait.

And he said, it means nothing.

You know how they talk to us.

It's very funny hearing that.

You mentioned it.

Are you on the line, too?

I read a conversation in China.

That's it.

All of the story.

That's basically what it is.

we hadn't had China, we wouldn't have had Russia.

And frankly, we hadn't had May 8th, we wouldn't have had the success of the Russian summit.

It's a strange thing that we're working together.

Well, May 8th wasn't so important because no one would have had, if you hadn't been willing to take that risk.

I don't know.

That wasn't important.

About that,

You know, the interesting thing is that when they talk about the, you know, they try to make a big point out of the fact that the eyes lift on Cummings,

and so forth, because we're out of this demand.

I'm saying that's not important.

And Moshe, the doctor, there's anybody who's, there's the guy that ordered the May 8 blockade on the hunt, brought to the Congress.

Also in dealing with the Russians and the Chinese, anybody who knows why we're doing this, knows very damn well that it has nothing to do with communism.

It has to do with power.

It has to do with security.

We've got to deal with the facts of life as they are.

The opportunity to deal with them in that way didn't exist in the first place.

No way.

Now it's a necessity in the time of the Russians, even for this power, and in many areas ahead, for us to deal with.

True.

And so we had to get our answers, and our anger was to change.

I was going to say, it's a necessity.

It's a necessity.

And these people don't know.

I mean, that was the way to conclude it.

It's not so much just because they didn't know.

It's because they didn't know.

The Cambodian government would long since have been overthrown in addition to the fact that Novigrad would have gone to Cambodia.

Seoul would long since have come down to China in deals that the conservatives can't even imagine.

And there would have been no murder, there would have been no refund, there would have been no us.

And I must say, when I read the national review, it was sickening to me for some reason.

That's what these guys did for China.

In that connection, there was an article that I referred to.

No, no, Arnold did a brochure on it.

Oh, yeah, I wrote a brochure on it.

And it was supposed to be in this book.

Well, I wanted to read it, and I'd like maybe to get one of your writings on it.

They really are an analyzer.

And the answer to it, I would perhaps love to read it, not by me, but by somebody for this reason.

It's a bad poem.

This is an article.

I read the first part of it, where he said that people in Europe believe that the government's proposal would draw to a new regulation.

They're very, very dangerous.

I said, they're absolutely right.

Then he goes on to say that just before

the Russian summit, and he goes through a long way to control it, and go through the effect that the Europeans are depressed because they're afraid that Europe is under our, because we're dealing with the Russians, where we are.

Europe will become Finland, Finland dies.

The idea is it's a torture article because basically it says it will become Finland dies, and it's a political question.

demands people from government proposals for withdrawing from Europe would mean that we would be arrested.

But Christ Almighty, the point is, this administration is fighting local withdrawals.

Europeans shouldn't be feeling that way about us.

He then went on to say in the other ministry, clearly a local withdrawal.

He said that here the president sent Kissinger, this is one European, but he sent Kissinger to Moscow and then sent Reagan to Europe as representative to his friends.

That's just bullshit.

He sent Rogers to Europe.

Rogers went to NATO, he went to four of the four other countries.

You know, I mean, it is just unbelievable, sitting in a cell.

And before we went, I met with every one of them, and I corresponded with all of them.

And, you know, the Reagan trip, as we know, was just a damn joyride.

Absolutely not.

We're fighting for Europe.

You've seen all the European leaders before you started on the conference summit.

You've written them in great expertise.

And we've resisted talking at the summit about the NBFR, and we're not going to allow the European Security Conference to weaken the whole proposition.

But anyway, the article is worth your reading.

You take the time.

You have to remember...

I'll tell you who puts on film.

He's bright as hell.

Don't you bother with the two of us.

No, I've done it.

Let's talk about the big picture.

All right.

I've read the Europeans, you know, are mostly leftists in their government, so it's easy for somebody running around delivering acid.

Yeah.

But I know no serious European who doesn't want to be leftist.

Well, that's for sure.

That should be the case.

But Governor is the first presidential candidate.

His very election will ruin our party.

He doesn't have to do anything.

From November the 7th on, Mr. President...

Thank you.