Conversation 352-026

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An action, right?

So, everybody.

She was one of the kindest, gentlest husbands.

Yeah, yeah.

You may know the truth.

Yeah.

Every time.

Yeah.

She's lucky.

That's right.

She needs somebody to help her out.

That's right.

Speaking of that, there's one other guy that called all the way around.

Yeah, he called all the way around.

Who was the other one?

Who was the salvatory working thing?

I'm not saying that.

What the hell is he doing?

He's going to have to work.

Oh, yeah.

Do you have to go over that with you?

No.

You have to make a deal with him.

You can make it.

Well, that's thanks to me.

You have to make a deal with him.

What do we have to do?

What's his name?

What do we have to do?

What does he have?

Well, they correspond to Secretary of Defense.

That he can't have.

But he can have some others now.

What I said is, give him the Navy.

No.

He can have the Assistant Service Secretary.

Oh, that's Undersecretary.

No, that's Undersecretary of the Service.

You can't.

That's just an insult.

No, but why not give him a service secretary?

We don't, we've not stuck with any of those people we've got now.

They're all going to go out if you want to have to look at them.

I, I never see the service secretary, you're right to say.

No, but Yorty would be a fine secretary of the Navy.

I know, but Yorty has a good record.

All right, give him a secretary of the Army.

That guy we've got in the Army is no good.

Service is the ideal thing for Yorty.

He likes to travel and drive.

but with our allies, flags, and whistles.

Well, the point is, the point is he can have them, and you talk to him solitary and say, you know, Secretary of the Army, if you want to start with him, Secretary of the Army.

Well, you have to take him, you say to get him.

Well, see, Underwood wants to be mayor of Los Angeles.

We have to get Jordan out of the mayorship, and then Underwood will move back to us in order to make it, see, mayor of LA is a nonpartisan vote, but that cleans him up, makes him a nonpartisan figure.

That's the next mistake.

He knows he can get there and he doesn't want to take... You already know.

You already can do it.

Oh, I just didn't dream you could ever get out of it.

I don't know if you can.

Solid earth.

That's where dough comes from.

At least he'll know that before he calls you.

Yeah.

You know, I say he'll know that because you've got him before he calls you.

I think what you'd better do, you'd better talk to Sal Bauer.

You better talk to him and say, all right, I'm sure he's going to say, here is the commitment.

See, you already knew he screwed it before.

He didn't.

He thought he was going to be Secretary of Defense or State.

Or State.

Yeah.

But any of that, he considered it.

But Secretary of the Army is fine.

No problem.

You don't know what he's thinking.

No, well, he just isn't going to take it.

I know yours well enough.

Because, Secretary, we don't keep that ball that's in there.

We absolutely don't have to.

He was only there for the rest of America.

I don't think he wants to see it.

It's funny, for God's sake, don't.

Don't.

Don't have a chance to do it.

Don't.

Let me say that we want

Absolutely what we want.

He won't take anything else.

Nothing else he can offer.

And he's a beautiful person.

He thinks he can do a service.

He thinks he understands the service.

He's going to fix you a task for you.

He thinks there's a lot to be done there.

He thinks it.

And he doesn't give a shit about government services.

Not at all.

He thinks it.

He thinks that we can perform a real service here in Florida.

He thinks this is the main line of defense.

One thing we're going to do, John, and I think it's only made sense in that department.

Now, what we have done there with Laird, we got to the situation where Laird is coming, and he has proceeded to make all the

As a former cabinet officer, I was the secretary of the district.

The biggest mistake we made is letting the cabinet officers.

So they got a lot of people around, but they were better sometimes.

But when you bring in a citizen, yes, you'll select your department.

We should do what can be, because they should say, no, you won't select your department.

I will.

That's right.

Yeah.

I'll give you a key.

I will.

Yeah.

I will.

Our other point is that you find a person who's got to be threatened.

That's over.

We should know that that's the light of the fireman.

The brush will not be there afterwards.

Right.

And why don't you cross out a part of it?

I sure would.

I don't want to.

And you cross out a lot of it.

I don't want to.

Forget the arrest.

He's good at it.

He's the biggest name you can get in California.

He's the first to come.

I can't believe it.

I had the only time.

Let's try the only time.

Well, I was going to say, I don't know what I'd do.

Well, I would do.

We had a meeting with him, and I thought it really worked out really well.

We don't guarantee that all of your salaries and operating costs

And then later in the conversation, I think they inquired, this is not the real thing, Gary, you're playing with your feet.

It's the word.

And Julie says, if you lost time to sort this thing out and find out how you're standing on your own, we had a discussion about it, how it would work out for you.

But at the end, Charles said,

Schneider said, what do you know?

I said, we don't guarantee we'll take care of the point.

And what he said that five minutes, they left real fast.

Truth of the matter is, with what they want to do,

They want to come up here and have a big press conference.

They want to go to the press conference with me.

And taking over this Wallace organization.

He wants to get 300 hardheads, of the Wallace hardheads.

He wants to take them to the mines, put them up in a hotel, and keep them for them during the public convention.

So they'll show the hardhats of the nation.

Snyder wants to be out front.

They want to be on all the talk shows, on how they're going to do this, how they're going to do that.

The water people are all in the nation.

So they just got delusional.

Both Snyder and Franks were notarized for their beliefs.

Bill Franks wasn't.

There was no personal business connection.

So he assumed the last one.

He's a racer.

off the correlation.

But it's national commitment.

Why don't you put him on the national committee?

And I told him, I said, that's a good idea.

We're not putting him on the national committee.

Democrats are respectful of that.

Now, the problem is that they want us to finance it.

They were talking about it in the United States.

I said, we can't do that.

You're not going to meet that.

But we did.

And actually, we have some recommendations.

But I said, we can talk about it.

What they want to do is operate the first of about a hundred people.

Not a person.

When you talk to a civilian, they talk about four or five people.

That was a maximum of 20, 24, 24, 25.

And that includes all that area people.

Then when they came back this time, they started talking about over 100 feet.

Well, then they cut that yesterday to 40 feet.

So they were talking about a million and a half pounds.

And then they started talking about this airplane.

I said, well, how much is the plane?

$600 an hour.

And I said, I mean, don't break the point.

I said, OK, we'll take your two inches, get on with it, carry the plane with you.

They said, well, what do you want to do with the plane?

I said, well, first, we're going to get on with it.

Take the states, not England.

I said, New York, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan.

I said, see what you've got in those states.

Analyze them.

Get your, run your file on those states and let's see what kind of organization you can set up in those states.

And that's fine.

But the 20th, last night, they were all going to, they needed to get an action.

So, that is, that leads to the question of trade.

Charles Snyder wants a job.

But what they wanted is to preserve everything intact.

Now they've come back this morning.

I'm not sure you ought to have a water system at all.

It's probably just how you absorb it.

I don't want this to come in and take over the Democrats.

When they come in one door, I'm going out the other.

So we're going to lose.

We're going to lose these Jews.

We're going to lose everyone.

We're going to lose them all.

So many of them.

And we just can't let them dominate us.

So what I tried to do yesterday was talk about it.

We said, now, I suppose we like to, the men are trying to swallow the whale.

I said, I don't know how it's going to be.

I said, you've got to convince them.

How many people are going to be able to keep out of that American party?

They said, well, tell me what you can do.

We had a good, brilliant discussion.

I said, they've got to off that thing.

They found out that they didn't come out so well.

They didn't have a big press conference, and they want to come down and throw a big show.

I'm not sure you ought to be, but I said,

And the truth of the matter is that we've got to try to absorb it and be, you know, correct for nationality, and do we make the re-election president some way.

And maybe we can split them up.

Because at least better, instead of men, they start showing up.

The press can be good.

And then we formalize our election and move it over to England.

They're going to be running out there every single month.

Everybody's name.

That's why getting these other names you've got is so important.

Because your names will then far outweigh their names.

Right?

You'll have names.

Yes.

But I, and probably a few of them said, now, which one is different?

George Christian.

They said, now look, we all have a problem.

We all have a problem.

The reason we don't have a problem is they don't want to thank us for nothing.

And we said, now all that Dr. Wallace has is his integrity and his character and his respect for the living system.

He's a wounded man.

And I said, we don't want to destroy his integrity and his reputation.

And I said, you all go to your floor scale and your whole organization, you keep the whole thing off of him.

And it looks like a real deal.

He's lost it.

And I said, that ain't what you want.

That ain't what you want.

Now, people also, you know, the blind all spoke to us about it.

That's right.

Go ahead.

That's right.

But, well, at one point, in fact, they had definitely messed with us.

Now, they also, you understand, also agreed that we were under-run.

They're overhead of their organization.

But they also want to set up a Wallace, they want to continue their Wallace operation.

This is the Wallace management and the Wallace communication.

They want to continue their Wallace fundraising activities.

All of us thank you.

It's a separate operation.

But they're gonna move up the suspension all the way over into this group that we're gonna pick up

I have no argument with them at all, except that I was told we weren't, they couldn't think of a time when we didn't have dollars.

But the truth of the matter is that France wants two things.

He wants to be sure he's going to be able to do it.

He wants to be sure he's going to get personal education.

He's going to be out for it.

And secondly, he wants to be sure that Ironclad is going to be able to lease his airplane.

I showed you Charles Snyder fly all over the country in his airplane.

And I told him, I told him, I said, I need to get out of here.

And I said, I'm afraid we've got to get a plane in the field.

Two weeks, I said, I mean, two weeks is tough.

I said, by that time, we should have a funderation.

We don't really send it to you.

I said, I'm trying to put a time on it.

I said, I'm just giving you a pound certain that we'll guarantee you don't get caught.

Well, let's, what can they do?

Well, what can you do?

We have some in the future, a lot of them.

But they already put wires all over the market.

And that Snyder will try to figure out, take over the market.

Snyder and Alabama.

You know, we've got this and that.

It's everybody's personal ambition.

Oh, yeah, but we spent 15 minutes initially on charlotte.

It had 1972 guns.

He said, this is the very funny part of the solution.

He said, when it just lands in there, it's just a crowd.

They just want to see the funny thing flying.

That's it.

uh,

I think you'd better get into that business.

Not quite.

I'll take care of it.

The weak place in all of this is California.

It's quite obvious we aren't dealing with people that really have

And they're relying almost totally on Pat Shriver, who is a great guy that deals with certain people.

I don't know how the hell they're going to turn it around, but at least at the moment, we've heard for two weeks now that somebody is supposed to come and say it's all in and nothing to do with the restaurant.

You'll just have to get ahold of the celebratory and make

and carry the arms and hold that for him.

That's what he did.

And he did a whole day of following

Do you have any power to do any more thinking about hijacking?

A couple of things.

John Connolly .

But at the same time, he had a very good point about the political effect of an indictment against this fellow before the election.

And so I'd expect the parties not to .

Well, as long as he doesn't become

with the committee, then we don't have any kind of jeopardy, you see.

And we're gonna just go ahead and hold her up.

And I finally basically moaned and thrashed, say, you wanna talk to me some more?

And I said, well, that's the instructions.

Take a look at the file to see what's going on.

But I just want to accommodate the deal that we were doing.

And he told Conrad, yes, sir.

And I offered to go down there and do anything he thought was appropriate to get the thing straightened around.

He said, no, that wouldn't be good.

It's too much for me, and so on and so forth.

Finally, he called me back, and he said, well, I'm sorry, I just can't do it.

All right, okay.

First thing is OEO legal services.

Little by little.

I tried to get you yesterday.

Here's what happened.

Javits late yesterday came back at me.

He said, all right.

He said, I want to know if we fold completely on the board of directors, if we fold on the final of the authorization in the OEO part, will the president sign the bill?

And I said, yeah.

Well, I said, I'll check and get back to you.

And we checked with the vice president.

And the vice president said, I don't think the president should sign it anyway.

He said that legal service is a bad signal, and OEO is a very unpopular thing around the country.

So here's what we did.

We sent a message back to JAGS that naturally the vice president was consulting, and that on the basis of his recommendation, it would not be possible for you to sign the bill.

mainstream of the decision process when that gets around.

And on the right side of this issue, I believe, the orderly report, that's right.

And it sends a message to Chavis that he didn't get any points by giga-device credit.

It may help a little bit.

That's right.

And it sends a message to Javits that he didn't get any points by gigging the vice president.

It may help a little bit in the convention phase of his saying that the vice president's in close view.

It also has some negatives to it, obviously, in hiring the vice president as being as important and so on.

And I think the risk is relatively slight.

I think we're on the right side of the issue.

I may be wrong and if I am,

heading up in the office.

And I said, now, there are three aspects to this.

One is the bill itself, and I don't know very much about the bill, but I want your best offer.

Two, I want to know what all the unions and all those railroads and all those transportation groups are going to do for the president.

Third, I want to know what Hughes Manning's are going to do for the president.

So why don't you go sleep on it, and then come back at me with the very best offer you can make on all three aspects of this, and then we'll see where the hell we are.

And he said, fine.

He said, I'd like to do business that way.

Now that was big for, because that was yesterday.

And we'll just see what happens at this point.

But you may hear from Beavis or somebody in this region, all right.

He said, well, the timing was this and that and this and so on and so forth.

And I said, well, you know, I didn't know what the problem was.

But I wanted you to know that I had put that squeeze on it so that if you did hear from it, at least you'd be aware of what was going on.

Let me ask you one other thing, John.

Yes.

Rockwell is sitting down with the Drummond people tomorrow about subcontracts under the space shuttle.

As a direct result of Mitchell and Franklin leaning on Kyle Rockwell, number one.

Number two, we've arranged with Rush for them to keep Drummond alive on the F-14 by extending this contract that now exists past the election in December.

That can't be announced.

We know, and we both can't tell anybody this week, we'll be able to tell Rockefeller, say, next week, that we've got Drummond's life saved, Drummond doesn't know yet.

Although they've done a negotiation with Rush, they heard a reason to be hopeful.

But we're going to get to that story until Rockwell actually makes a letter of commitment.

President.

Yep.

President.

Right.

That's underway.

I think we've got it made.

Although, what Rockwell might do is in the last three, I don't know.

That's right.

Right.

He sees it working the other direction.

You know, he thinks we're here to help him.

Oh, yeah.

Food prices.

Very interesting.

I had a call just a little while ago, about an hour ago, from D.K.

Johnson, who's a cleaver in the family.

He's with Connelly's Big Young Cattle now.

I don't know if I heard his name.

D.K., right.

D.K.

says that the price that packers are paying growers for cattle has dropped dramatically in the last week.

The upshot of it is,

I don't know.

I say the information is just an hour old.

But he said he got wind of this about a week ago.

He began to notice it in their operation.

He sent a guy all across the southwest and up through the Midwest to check all the feedlots.

And he says there's no question of what's happened.

And the reason that it's happened is that there's a surplus of cattle in there right now.

And that this will probably continue for six to nine weeks in this condition.

So he said, if you guys were on the ball and you drive those Packers properly, you'd get the price of meat down right away.

Well, could we have somebody other than Schultz that would come and brutalize a Packer?

Absolutely.

See, Schultz was not a brutal man.

Is he?

Well, that's correct.

Am I incorrect?

I didn't know exactly what Packer was.

No, you want me to brutalize him?

I wouldn't mind.

Sons of bitches.

They're greedy, selfish.

But, you know, our current planet is considered artless and cruel and mean and nasty.

We've got to turn him loose on us.

Or, I don't know, Rumsfeld.

I don't know.

But this is something we ought to start moving on first thing in the morning.

All right.

Maybe, maybe, if you like.

I do.

I think you're, I think Plannigan, it's not in his field.

He is, this is the kind of thing he can do, but he's not, he's not a, he's an international.

You're out of domestic counsel.

They know you've got a lot of stroke.

You've got him in there and he raves holy holy.

I'll do it as a presence agent that I, and God damn it, if necessary, I'll walk into that meeting and say, now look, we've got a problem here and we're going to have control unless you do something about this.

All right, I'll tell you what I'll do.

Overnight,

I know who they are.

I'll get the list.

We'll send the wires first thing in the morning.

We'll have the meeting at this week.

Now, these are Packard.

I don't know.

That's Cudigy and Wilson.

That's good.

Swift and Armour and all that.

So it's the buyers.

And they're relatively few of them.

They're five whole cars.

But I used to say it was just brand new.

Great.

We'll get right into it.

And we'll run it.

We want high publicity.

That's right.

The fact that we're browbeaten.

Right.

And that there's $3 that can be passed along to the consumer of every hundred.

$3 out of every hundred.

We can make a 3% improvement in the price of it.

Well now, there's that.

This guy here shook me on this food pricing yesterday.

And he's strong as a paint up.

Yeah, and when he left, I was about ready to sign for a freeze.

Just really had me on the ropes out of that.

Every day that goes by makes it one day too late to do something.

And maybe this is the right thing.

Maybe we breathe right now.

Well, I think this, that we ought to set for ourselves the 10th of August

I don't like to see us slide into the convention, and the 14th starts the convention process for the platform.

I know the rules and all that.

And I think it would be a bad mistake for us to slide into that whole process, slide out the other end, it's the end of August, and then it's too late.

What about the creeds?

I watched the tape this morning, and you're announcing the original 90-day creeds.

And it got me thinking that probably that's the way it is.

I don't know what it does, and these are some of the questions that I've asked of economists, and I'm going to use our laughter with some of these guys out of the CDA, out of the CDA, out of the guys in Georgetown.

Let's see if I can find out.

I just don't know.

I don't have more information.

But what I'd like to do is just agree now that we're going to try... We have indicated that in this whole view of control, basically, we need control in certain areas of life.

And I assume we have the option under the law.

There's a power.

A power.

We have to do something else.

All right.

Now, here's an area that is simply out of control.

And we just reached a goddamn blueprint.

deadline day for a decision so that you can act before the people start to get in Miami Beach.

Then all the networks, all the press will be down there and we begin to play off them with whatever you decide to do.

We use that as a sounding board.

So we'll bear it out and we'll be back to you.

I would say in terms of the option of what to do

whether to go for a prime time announcement like August 15th.

I wonder if we don't do it at a different case level.

Do it basically with a... Well, put me at an Eastern press conference.

Well, you can't.

A press conference is not an argument.

That's what happened.

This is the second.

On the 9th, they just came back and got a wall around the manor block.

And by the time you get to the end of the week, the convention starts and no one ever comes back.

I thought, if we do anything, if you do anything at night,

If we did anything, I would just make an announcement on prime time.

I wouldn't have a press conference to cover other issues.

Well, I'm just thinking of the prime time effect.

Maybe this is something for a 7.30 thing.

We're not quite at prime time.

7.30 gets half the audience.

What I mean is I'm just wondering about the

Chinning it up to the emotional crisis like that.

The main purpose here is to have an emotional crisis.

Is to have an identifiable event that gives a kick.

This is a callous to the political maneuver and the power of the incumbency and all that bullshit.

Nobody will care.

I have no question about that.

You get the store.

Well, let's pass the merits for the moment.

But let me say, John, as I told these guys, we all

And it's not bad to say maybe a year after we did the other one, on August 15th, they'll crack it again.

And the way I would do it, you're going to have a very positive speech there.

You've had enormous success in our fight against displacement.

We've cut it in half.

I may be able to talk to that effect.

We've cut it in half.

We are winning the battle.

We've decontrolled this.

There is one area that

home.

It's a breadbasket.

And we simply cannot allow this anymore.

Therefore, we're going to put 90 days' rates on these prices.

And then we'll... We're going to have a plan.

We're going to have a specific plan.

Every nine months, we'll work on supplies and work on other and so forth and so on.

By doing this, we remove virtually the only economic issue in turn, right?

I don't think the unemployment issue is that much of an item.

Well, let me get back to you within a matter of about a day or two.

Is there anybody else, could I suggest this?

Wouldn't this be one where it's really not, where you could have a candid talk about it?

It's essential to tell them about this job.

Try butts first.

We've got to see whether the agriculture and the farmers go right up the wall.

As you know, everybody has told us, John, that please don't freeze everything.

When I say everybody has told us, who has told us this?

The cattlemen, the farmers, the processors.

Do you lose them as a result of this?

I don't think so.

I don't think you do.

who risked some of them, but Jesus Christ, his battle is going to be won or lost in the big states.

Okay, we'll be back.

Blessing, you'll read that there's a constitutional amendment that Google popped out of.

I heard about that yesterday.

Palmer says that the reason he did that was that he lacked one

I had him down, and I worked him over for an hour and a half.

He's smart as hell, he's done a lot of reading, and he talks to the cases, and all that stuff.

And I was the man.

He just didn't do much.

But Palmer, he broke the ice.

He knew he could get the constitutional amendment.

He didn't get amnesty, but he got some other guys.

Some Southerners.

And rolled that out.

During which time, he's going to try and get the moratorium on it.

In the meantime, some liberals have begun calling out, saying, gee, we don't want that constitutional amendment.

How can we help?

And so...

They don't want to have to vote on it.

That's right.

So, we're beginning to see a little...

But now, what are our interests again?

I, when Cook mentioned it briefly, I said, well, now, I don't want a bad...

member, I said, well, I don't want to have anything up in the loop.

We have confidence that we made the damn thing.

I don't want a constitutional amendment to move from that floor.

Our line is that you are concerned about the opening of schools.

You want action on something that will solve that problem.

And between now and the opening of schools, we don't want that confused, that whole business confused,

five over on constitutional amendment.

And that's the argument we're using with Southerners and others who are for constitutional amendment, to try and get the thing ruled out.

Now, Cook thinks he can screw up the Rules Committee so that the monetary doesn't come out.

That remains to be seen.

I'm not sure just how reliable Cook is on this.

I don't know quite what his game is.

on any of the legislation back.

Well, it crashed around.

Or we would have liked the moratorium to come out and approve the board.

Well, no, no.

I'd like it to be on Anderson's vote for it.

What I was trying to do was keep the damn constitutional amendment coming out and try to get Anderson to board on the moratorium.

I had been perfectly satisfied to see the moratorium ahead of the constitutional amendment come out of that committee.

Where we are now, we've got the constitutional amendment on the cannon on the deck rolling around out there.

Anybody on that committee can bring it on for a vote.

Anybody on the rules committee can call it for a vote.

So we're in some jeopardy.

We would not have been in that kind of jeopardy if it weren't for that one.

That was probably the more preferable thing to have happen if something had to happen.

So that was my only thought on that.

We're trying to cool off the constitutional amendment at this point.

I would keep it from telling you about it.

Just with that argument that it's not going to help the opening of school.

Let's give our attention to things that will help the opening of school and divert their attention.

It's still before something will want to do with us.

We can't be probably against the constitutional amendment.

So that'll bubble along probably at a minimum of two weeks without anything happening.

That's the best we can have for them.

At the end of the day, they need to watch it every day.

The problem that I see is, what can we become of our country from over there?

Well, I don't think you have to.

Teeter argues that this is a highly localized issue.

I've asked you to define for me what he means by that.

Let's just put this, forget everything else, let's take the state of Michigan.

All right.

Absolutely.

You're not going to win Michigan.

You don't have to do one thing more than you've already done in Michigan for every single person in that state to know where you are in Boston.

No, not just that.

Because we've had the lawyers up there, because Milliken's helped us

And Griffin's raised hell.

There's been a whole combination of things.

And every congressman that's running out there except for Eagle has been saying this is the president's proposal and this and that.

And it's gotten through.

We have high saturation in the state of Michigan.

We'll keep it up.

And you'll go in there a few times and so forth.

But I don't think you have to be for a constitutional amendment in the state of Michigan.

You don't have to be for anything else.

I think that's true.

And for your position to be

very, we very well may get rulings by the circuit courts, and maybe by the Supreme Court, although I don't see how it would at recess.

I don't think they would come back to rule the fourth election.

But circuit courts are usually between now and the election.

Provost Christie, Austin, Denver.

There's good, not bad.

Provost Christie, Austin, Indianapolis.

And we'll have to be in a position to respond to those.

I don't know what they'll say.

So we want to reserve the right to be for a constitutional amendment.

The other one is going to heat up.

Yeah.

The one that's going to heat up is around the 15th of September.

Well, maybe the moratorium is still the best line.

It would be.

To act now.

Yeah.

A year or two.

Right.

Yeah.

A year or two.

So that's what I'm talking about.

Coming back again to what you want and try to believe that the house does open again.

And they will have done something.

Unless it walks.

Then we just have to use the moratorium.

Yeah, but that weakens our progression.

We've been pretty effective in saying

We may have to ultimately defer constitutional amendment because the Congress voted out the other one.

That's a pretty good moderate position for you to be in.

You're not going to the other one.

So it's a relative problem.

Well, I don't think you get the moratorium before the convention.

I don't work before the convention.

I don't be after the convention.

There's no telling.

Now, there's another wild card in this, and that is the house labor and education.

out of it.

But you can say, well, you know, as far as they're going, that's fine.

That day at the Senate, oh, it dies.

It's not horrible then.

It's not horrible.

By the Congress, though, the moratorium's not going to be passed.

The Senate will never pass the moratorium.

I'm not so sure of that.

I'm not so sure.

Of the three, it has the only chance of getting through the Senate.

It is better considered in the

Waterville.

Howard Baker came in today.

We have a long session.

Oh, that is important.

His argument goes like this.

He wants to talk to you about this.

I'm not going to talk to him about it.

I don't.

He's a candidate.

He's never around the line.

Here's what he said.

for those women in the street.

And instead of spending your money to clean up the streets, you're spending it on the bombers and the guns.

And he says it dramatizes needlessly the McGovern thesis.

And we say, well, what about higher taxes?

What about inflation?

What about the big money and all that?

He says, well, Muskie's afraid of the people.

And he says, I think

The way you talk today, maybe not.

Nobody knows.

had before him and the industry has before him running.

Thank you for what I've been told.

I understand.

Well, bear in mind, I'm not urging you to sign this thing.

I don't, I don't.

Passing along.

I know Victor, Victor is, is of course a very strong advocate of this environment.

He always has that.

I understand that.

I'll, I'll tell you something.

This is an alter eviction, right?

It's proper eviction, right?

But it also, of course, is very rigidly standard.

And it authorizes the re-imbursement of a lot of municipalities that have already built water purifying facilities.

And we don't get anything for that one.

They're already built.

Well, let me suggest this.

Why don't you do a little political change?

also can't use these things, then we should make an effort to reduce the cost.

Well, I suppose so.

I suppose so.

In other words, $14,000 is better than $20,000.

Yeah, correct.

Right.

Of course, the more you reduce the cost, the less clear-cut the detail is.

No, I meant gold.

I meant if we go to assignment.

Oh, oh, oh, oh, I meant if we go to assignment.

I see.

Yeah.

I thought you meant if we got enrolled.

I don't want to do something like enroll.

I just don't see that.

That is the worst of both worlds at this point.

But we at least can veto the goddamn education thing.

Yes, sir.

Um, we named a guy who was proposed by Richardson to head this education institute that one of them proposed, who was a, uh, turned out to be from a civil

start with this study.

Yeah.

Did he?

Well, he's got to set up this great institute and so on.

He just doesn't have to reach for that stuff.

Incidentally, Harvard's fired on him.

It's not something.

Fired?

They wouldn't renew his contract.

Hired?

Well, we're on his trail.

We're on his trail.

He's got a one-year teaching assignment.

How old is he?

Thank you.

What do you think?