Conversation 371-019

TapeTape 371StartMonday, October 23, 1972 at 8:34 AMEndMonday, October 23, 1972 at 9:17 AMParticipantsNixon, Richard M. (President);  Haig, Alexander M., Jr.Recording deviceOld Executive Office Building

On October 23, 1972, President Richard M. Nixon and Alexander M. Haig, Jr. met in the President's office in the Old Executive Office Building from 8:34 am to 9:17 am. The Old Executive Office Building taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 371-019 of the White House Tapes.

Conversation No. 371-19

Date: October 23, 1972
Time: 8:34 am - 9:17 am
Location: Executive Office Building

The President met with Alexander M. Haig, Jr.

        File of messages between Henry A. Kissinger and the White House
             -The President’s request
                 -The President’s schedule
                     -Nassau

        Vietnam
            -Peace settlement negotiations
                -Haig's conversation with Anatoliy F. Dobrynin, October
                 22, 1972
                     -Possible additional changes
                         -Kissinger's Message
                -Kissinger’s relations with Haig
                     -Haig’s conversation with the President
                -Possible bombing halt and reduction of bombing
                     -The President's telephone call to William P. Rogers, October 22, 1972
                -1972 election
                     -Importance for US Foreign Policy
                         -Soviet Union, the People's Republic China [PRC]
                -Survival of South Vietnam
                     -Prospects
                         -The President’s view
                     -PRC
                     -South Korea

                          (rev. Oct-06)

         -Taiwan, Republic of China
         -Japan, Indonesia, Thailand
    -1972 Election
         -Appearance of influence
              -Possible dumping [of Thieu]
    -Kissinger’s views and efforts
         -The President's Visit to Soviet Union May 1972
         -Roger’s comments
              -The President’s schedule, October 24, 1972
                  -Photograph session
    -Kissinger's conversation with Thieu
    -Kissinger’s possible trip to Hanoi
    -Haig's conversation with Dobrynin
         -Possible Paris meeting
              -Le Duc Tho
         - Pressure on Thieu
    -The President's conversation with Rogers
         - Thieu’s role
              -Roger’s previous conversation with Haig
              -U. Alexis Johnson
              -William H. Sullivan
    -Roger’s view
         -PRC
    -US Casualties
         -The President’s view
         -Communist domination of Eastern Europe after World
          War II
-Gen. William C. Westmoreland's view
-Military's view
-Peace settlement negotiations
    -Changes in possible settlement
         -Thieu
              -North Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam
    -Possible US announcement of bilateral agreement with North Vietnam
         -Kissinger
         -Thieu
              -Public pressure
         -1972 Election
              -Thieu’s leverage
              -Kissinger’s view
              -The President’s view

                          (rev. Oct-06)

                  -Terms
                       -Withdrawal if US forces
                       -Stopping of US bombing, mining
                       -Prisoners of war [POWs]
                       -North Vietnamese withdrawal from Cambodia and Laos
                       -US aid to South Vietnam
                            -Soviet Union aid to North Vietnam
    -Duration of War
        -January 1, 1973
        -Views of American People
              -Thieu
    -Thieu’s role
        -Haig's conversation with Dobrynin
        -Newspaper headlines
        -Thieu’s distrust of Kissinger and communists
              -Communist strategy
              -Cease-fire
                  -Document capture
    -Post-1972 election
        -Possible ultimatum to Thieu by the President
              -Kissinger
    -Cease-fire
        -Kissinger
    -Possible presentation of fait accompli
    -Haig's conversation with Dobrynin
        -North Vietnamese actions
              -Public relations
    -Negotiation record
        -The President’s request
    -Kissinger conversation with Thieu
-U.S. Military Policy
    -May 8, 1972 decision to bomb Hanoi and mine Haiphong Harbor
        -The President's conversation with Kissinger
        -The President's visit to Soviet Union, May 1972
              -Possible cancellation of Soviet summit
                  -John B. Connally's previous views
                  -North Vietnamese Spring 1972 offensive
                  -The President’s view
        -Kissinger’s view
        -Views of Central Intelligence Agency [CIA], National Security Council
        [NSC]

                              (rev. Oct-06)

            -Kissinger's Views
            -John Negroponte’s views
            -Winston Lord's view
            -Kissinger's views
                -Cambodia
                -Compared with the President, Connally
                -PRC. Soviet Union policy
            -Bombing and mining
                -effect on negotiations
                -Adm. Thomas H. Moorer's views
                -CIA's views
                -Effect on North Vietnam
                     -News stories
                -Views of the American people
                     -Connally's view
                -The President's conversation with H.R. (“Bob”) Haldeman
    -PRC, Soviet Union

Kissinger
    -The President’s view
        -Associates

Vietnam
    -Peace settlement negotiations
        -The President's forthcoming meeting With Rogers
             -Haig’s possible conversation with Kissinger
                 -State Department Bureaucracy
        -Leaks
             -The President’s view
                 -State Department
                 -Hanoi
             -Kissinger's Views
                 -State Department
                 -Secrecy
        -Marvin L. Kalb
        -Rogers
        -Melvin R. Laird
        -The President's conversation with Rogers October 22, 1972
             -Korean concerns
                 -Thieu
                      -Park Chung Hee

                          (rev. Oct-06)

              -Fear of US abandonment
    -Cease-fire
         -Psychological importance
              -Thieu
              -Victory
    -Haig's conversation with Kissinger
         -Timing
         -North Vietnamese troops in South Vietnam
         -Thieu’s cooperation
         -Settlement conditions
    -North Vietnamese position
         -1972 election
         -Polls
              -Possible release of settlement offer
              -Haig's conversation with Dobrynin October 22, 1972
    -McGovern’s campaign
         -Thieu’s future
         -Haig's conversation with Charles W. Colson
    -The President’s schedule, October 22, 1972
         -Announcement
              -Rogers
              -Timing
    -Laird
    -Prisoners of war [POWs]
    -North Vietnamese intentions
-Possible US bombing halt
    -Assistance to South Vietnam
    -The President’s instructions
    -20th parallel
    -North Vietnam
         -Gen. John D. Lavelle
              -Protective reaction
                   -The President's orders to Laird
              -Falsification of records
              -Targets
                   -Surface to air missiles [SAMs]
              -Falsification of records
              -The President’s instructions
              -POWs
         -Mining and Bombing
              -Cambodia, Laos

                                        (rev. Oct-06)

                          -POWs
                          -Cease-fire
             -Peace settlement negotiations
                 -Control of territory provisions
                      -Thieu
                 -Communist representation in South Vietnamese National Assembly
                      -Compared to France, Italy
                 -Thieu
                      -Possible meeting with the President
                          -Timing compared with 1972 election
                          -Congress
                               -Funding

         Football game
             -Washington Redskins
                  -White House television capability
                  -Comparison with Dallas Cowboys
                  -Larry Brown

Haig left at 9:17 am.

This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.

The one thing I'd like to do is get a collection of files, messages, and ourselves here so that I can have a feel of the state of the way of all of this.
I don't have any chat, but I have to discuss it.
That's why it's perfect.
He said, I don't need that anymore.
And in fact, I'm a national, but I just want to have it with this file.
Or you might need to have it wrapped together with it.
And I can see the money for that.
And I just want to have it wrapped together with this file.
And I just want to have it wrapped together with this file.
He, uh, he said the big question was, were you going to try to get him to make more changes than just put back up a three-time additional concession so that he could, to the end of the fourth of the fourth.
And I saw a lot from that answer.
And it's a good thing I did.
Because, uh, this morning I heard something that was pretty close to me.
So the changes you need in agreement are in my view all attainable.
There's nothing like the magnitude that we've already achieved.
It will be the most solid we've taken.
It's like the changes most of the research has made.
It's going to be our final system.
And things will take place all around.
Yeah, well that's what we need.
Thanks.
Now, it doesn't make any sense whether it's true or not, but it's going to be said exactly the same thing.
So if you go in and ask for other changes, that's the highest of nowhere.
So that's very difficult to write on a bucket.
Now, Henry's dad told me, because I've done a couple of classes, that this would be pretty much both people.
Pretty close, you know.
I called Rocky West and I'm preparing for the bedroom.
He's coming to leave.
And I said, now, if you don't believe me, I'm talking about you.
Well, we need to do it.
We need to do it.
We need to stop it.
We need to stop it.
We need to stop it.
We need to stop it.
If we do, we'll never forgive ourselves.
That's the thing that concerns me.
You know, Henry, of course, is all tired of the maintenance stuff and so forth and so on.
I am too.
And I know, I know that when they play the big game, you know, that Moscow, you see, they get this damn thing on their back.
I know all the hazards.
But I also know that we're in an indelible position, a place where we just might make a settlement so we win the election.
So while that's going to crack, and we may have to do it, the question is whether we're going to do it.
And in the South, you know, there's a couple of women all over the world who are going to have repercussions.
That's going to have their stories on us, on the United States, you know.
We've got to put a call to house manager on everyone.
This has got to be done in a way that we dare to stop getting on any chance to survive.
And I just thought I'd ride forever.
And they've got to survive a reasonable time.
And I think everybody will say, well, God, I don't want to be in that apartment.
See what I can do.
It's the immediate problem that worries me.
I don't know that South Vietnam can ever survive in the end.
In fact, if you look at China and all the rest of the states, I don't know that Korea can survive forever.
Certainly Taiwan.
I don't know that the whole Southeast Asia forever may not come under whatever we've said about it.
Under Chinese competition, I mean, we might know that Japan will not.
In the next year, who knows?
I don't will.
The point is, it's got to come.
It's all a way.
It's a story of a way.
And what we've got to do here is a critical thing here.
And this is where the election team comes.
And that must not appear.
And for a single election reason, we don't.
I don't be concerned at all about the democracy.
I understand that.
I know what it's all about.
I assure you, sir, and thank God that you never, apparently I was the one that...
and I just want to prove that you were a good commander and I can't accept the fact that you weren't a good commander.
What is the matter with you?
You're out of his mind and he's going to fight everyone because of this idea of his.
And by God, he gets her life.
And it was a great occasion for him.
And it was when he was killed.
And now he knows there's someone there and he's talking to himself.
And I don't know why he's fighting because of you.
We'd yell at them for a yard, and they'd take a look and say, what are you doing?
And I'd say, is that a hit?
You know, it's something that takes a lot of confidence.
And the interesting thing is, the garage is always a constant.
It's a constant all the time.
I must be terribly tired and all that.
See, I said to Bill, I said, no, that's not critical of anything.
What I'm trying to do is to get him to do what I want, not because I want him to sit away from me, but because I want him to do what I want.
Actually, I found a place I can marry him.
And you and I want to have a birth.
I think we ought to have a lot of issues between marriage and middle school.
And I hope that we are going to take care of that.
I don't think we can grab that opportunity.
I don't know if you agree.
No, I don't agree with that.
I think that there is plenty, you know, a part of the service that we're carrying.
And, uh, we may need to get it.
We're going to ride right through.
Uh, you know, that would be the biggest thing.
And he, he said, we got you.
Well done.
Well done.
He, uh, he didn't give any more.
But, uh, he promised to take it out.
Yeah.
And that's what we're all about.
We talked about it.
We talked about it.
And now we've got a way to figure out what it is that's going on.
Yes, what we would like to do is, you know, and this I agree with completely, and that's what we would like to do.
And so I asked the Brits to get another meeting with me in Paris.
It was like I said, that's what the problem is inside of us.
Right.
Right.
But I also want to go around and say something about Bill.
I don't want anything out of the State Department to say that she was the boss of the police when he was on the capitol.
But he was already on that capitol when he was on the capitol.
I was trying to run him around the other way.
I said, uh, he said, oh, nobody here knows about me and Alan.
I said, what about Sullivan?
She said, well, Sullivan's all right.
I said, well, do you understand?
Let's not make it appear that she was the obstacle.
We've got to play with it.
We've got to make sure it doesn't matter to anybody.
So I think I got Taylor to watch me pretty well.
I think he was well-placed before.
He came out and said, I think he feels good.
I think he feels good.
You know, he will get some crap around the rest of the league.
But when he looks at the play, it's a good thing.
He shouldn't be the kind of person to play at David's best time.
He knows that we can't, you know, we suffer too much.
There are 55,000 Americans dead out, dead.
Goddamn, we're not going to let those guys die.
And they're just pissing away.
We need Eastern Europe for the goddamn communist actors.
350,000 Americans were dead in World War II.
They were fighting the local communists.
They were fighting the same kind of thing.
Goddamn it, we are not going to do this again.
That's my feelings.
That's my feeling.
I don't, I mean, I don't, I don't agree with what's going on.
We've been fighting for two or three years.
I don't, part of the problem here is Army.
Army and Air Force do well.
And they do too.
They're sort of a whack guy.
You know, they just give up all the stuff out there.
They've got a real war going on out there.
So, for God's sake, they've got to get that out of their heads too.
This thing's over.
It's over.
It's over.
Everybody knows.
It's over.
It's over a minute before we could have gotten anything turned off.
And I think we've got the basis for doing it.
And it's been established for a second.
And we've got to keep working on this bunch here.
And I think we've got to do less.
Nothing else can come back.
And then the other side.
And they can do whatever they want with it.
And they may not accept changes that they think they could help you with tonight.
Or to this day.
But there's also a possibility that if we talk about it very long term, we could then
But at two, I think.
He's clever enough to know that he's got us over a barrel to an extent.
I know they've got us over a barrel enough to run, but after the election, Chew has got to look at his options.
That's why I make a private effort.
I make a private effort and say, all right, we're going to finish this.
Then if he says no, oh, I won't go.
Then we do.
I perfectly agree.
The next time we talk about it now, the hemorrhage I get doing it now,
So I'm going to tell you a little bit, don't mis-spread that.
If I think he planned to mis-spread that, or what I did, that's not true.
But he had planned to do this over the very long term.
In fact, since I went back to my friends, he probably got me to mention that.
He said, all right, in the case that we have, if he was planning to stir me here, he would not have done that.
It wasn't anything.
You know, he's tired, and he's tired, and he doesn't get any communication from it.
But don't worry about it.
It's all right over there.
It's all right.
It's much, much more important and smaller than that.
Now, there's another possibility, and I think you're actually very self-created.
You start to squeeze the...
And we're trying to work our way through and stop the bombing.
And we've made a long-term plan to do this.
And we've made a long-term plan to do this.
And we've made a long-term plan to do this.
And we've made a long-term plan to do this.
And we've made a long-term plan to do this.
And we've made a long-term plan to do this.
We'll stop the monitoring of the mines.
We'll get back on our feet.
They will agree.
They have to agree, however you got it.
But actually, you know, it's all mixed up.
They've got to get it in front of their moms.
And as far as this problem is concerned, it's two to one.
And if we would, we would, we would not say that, but we'll be doing a shot.
Well, our, our, our aid to them would be,
related to what facilities are submerged in the other side.
We might put that down in the bank.
I'd say that it's a heavy task.
It's got some real work in it, but it is a possibility.
Now, the board has got to be in there to discuss the end of reporting for a few years and like that.
Is there going to be another time they can't?
Otherwise, they'll drag on through the previous one.
Well, they can.
There's a kill here.
I don't give a damn how much you win the election, but if you get killed, if the people don't want it, they can't even fight for you.
That's what it will affect you.
You should leave now.
All right.
Well, that's, you know, that's where you have to go.
That's where you have to go.
That's where you have to go.
That's where you have to go.
That's where you have to go.
That's where you have to go.
That's where you have to go.
That's perfectly fine.
I'm just telling you, you ought to be seeing some of the headlines around here.
I don't mind.
Well, I wanted to say that I'd like to explain that the story is not bad.
In fact, it's one of the many things to consider before you go to work.
What do you think?
I don't hear so much.
Part of the problem is that he doesn't have money.
He doesn't have money.
He probably doesn't have any of it.
But the other side has been plotting this strategy for six months.
They're coming up with this inspiring idea.
We've checked all our documents that they have.
All of a sudden, you can't see their ability.
They've had these viral games.
And they have a chance to swallow that patient.
So, the way you mentioned that, and the other thing is, when you're starting to do it like this, there's still things that you can't figure out, you know, where I must be the man to go.
Now, that's what they've done.
You know, you do it once, but you will see what my idea is.
And I say, oh, that's not what you're going to do.
Here's what I plan, but if you don't want to go along with it, you're not going to do it well.
I understand that.
Sorry, everyone.
Thank you very much.
but we cannot relive any longer the kind of country we live in.
Now that's a good point.
I agree with you on that, but I don't think that's the way to do it.
I think it was the right thing to do.
Dan had all this time.
He's got plans.
That's the way the person is planning.
And so he makes it feel bad.
He'll be, he'll be psyched a lot easier if we're ready, right?
We need to just, we need to move to that point.
That's the way it is right now.
And I felt the way that he put it, like, in the presentation, that they were complete.
And then, right on the day before every scene, what he's saying is, you know, it's not like a facade.
It's not like any of those events.
It really is.
It is some truth to the fact that North Vietnam does play an impossible public relations position by their analysis.
And get to the end of it.
And then you get to the end of that article.
And then you get to the end of that article.
And then you get to the end of that article.
I'm sorry, I don't care what the report is.
Oh, I mean, I don't want all of that.
I just need to know somewhat of the interchange of what he's talking to, uh, the L.A. Supreme Court.
I just need to know where they are and how this dialogue develops.
I think what happened here is that Henry saw the thing grow, and I think, frankly, that a lot of people do not want to sit down for a few minutes.
Let me point out something.
It's very hard for us to deal with, I guess, when we make a bad decision, and sometimes somebody else is more responsible for the decision.
I mean, I talked to him on his phone, and he pretty much discussed it with my instructor.
And he advised him, and the decision was made.
And that's right.
we were going to cancel the summit.
Now, the reason to do that was to say that, uh, that the government was going to cancel the summit, and we were going to cancel the summit.
And, uh, we were going to announce to you that we were going to cancel the summit, and then we started talking to Mike.
Now, I mean, we were settled on that course.
Because of Henry's point of view that we cannot go to Moscow.
He used them too.
He wanted to get Bob high where they can't send him.
Second, we can't go to Moscow.
Well, the Soviet man can't either.
And so I said, no.
Got to come to Thomas in my way to contact him.
Got to come to Thomas in my way to contact him.
I don't think that's what he said.
Well, first, you can't unload your floor.
You can't come to Thomas in my way to contact him.
You can't come to Thomas.
If they do, it's fine.
If they don't, it's fine.
If they do, it's fine.
If they do, it's fine.
And it wouldn't have happened.
That would have.
It must have come.
It must have come.
You know, I don't remember, but we all saw other agency things going on.
It was going everywhere.
It wasn't one.
Right up until Saturday night, when we went up to the people that were going to tell us, you know, it was pretty worse than that.
All three of them were peacemakers.
And two of the three said they had to do it.
And then we said, all right.
and they, to be out, the reason that's important is that I thought it did not cost $100,000 to celebrate, but it was worth it.
They didn't have to do it, so we've done that.
There's some stuff that I don't want to take too seriously.
It wasn't like they did it.
They kind of act as if they're the one that they want.
That's today's mentality.
Now we're back at it, and if the team is correctly on it, I think the people will pay.
They'll pay for it.
And I know we've got to be able to recover this.
I don't know what the hell is wrong with the Army and the rest of it.
It's real.
It's not a theoretical problem.
It's easy to go down the source path.
The backlash has been underneath that for a while.
So we've got to get it clustered around, and fix it back, and it works on the problem.
And I think we've got to play around with it.
And when we get to be in some area,
That's when we were in a month or two, or six months, and we got a good sound.
We were in a stable for seven days, and we were in work place.
I remember that, and I'm telling everybody that it was this compulsive time skip, in which we had said, in our time skip, our history had passed for a moment, and I told them that.
I told them there were three things our history had been about.
One was the pace in it.
The second was the fact that there were no shortages in that future.
The south end had to recover if they had gotten the money to sell it.
And the third is that he hadn't gotten too long for it.
And the chances of doing so were slim.
So that's exactly why I went on a route to the south of Brady.
Oh, he raised it.
He raised it.
Then they just bristled something awful.
But...
Let's look at their eyes now, first.
So at first they don't have to compete with us, as they don't.
They don't.
We're fortunate.
I don't think in the election, I don't understand it.
I don't think that there's an argument on it.
It's just that they were the oldest so-called people before.
They were the 25th one.
Because, you know, they're smart enough to know that.
The second one.
So what are they going to do?
They know they're going to face us after the election.
And that's what they're going to do.
The fight that we have to do, we have to do on our side, is this.
We talk about Jesus saying, they blow.
Well, that's pretty much what we're talking about.
But if they blow, we fight to get the goddamn fish home.
And that's something they're in the mind.
I mean, that's not, no, no, no, no, no, no.
That's something that must cross their mind.
So I'm just very clear, they'll break the law this time.
I said, you know, I said, if they go in on public collecting now, I said, you know, if they don't force the president and make that kind of thing, then they're only going to escalate the military competition and make the lease more miserable.
One of the cranes, he did it to me.
He did something to me.
I think this one's returning to the truck.
He's desperate.
I spoke to him, and he said, you know, I don't know what I'm going to do.
I don't know what I'm going to do.
I don't know what I'm going to do.
I don't know.
I don't know.
Well that's, that's where you came in, that's where the, uh, the, uh, uh, the, uh, the, uh,
and I'm getting a little distracted because I don't know how long that I want to play.
I don't know how long that I want to play.
I don't know how long that I want to play.
I don't know how long that I want to play.
we're not going to announce it after we're not going to announce it before we announce it after we don't build up a big picture like I think we'll be a community company that's not a great deal sir that's good now what about players you know they're important to you yeah
Yes, he's been around, and I've been talking to him over the last nine years, one day, and they haven't worked in time.
But I do think, you know, that it works, and I don't know if it works.
Well, you know, I don't want to be pressuring you about this, but I think what we've got to say then is thank you.
All they said, they had not been.
They had not been.
They had not been.
They had not been.
They had not been.
They had not been.
I don't want that to escalate itself.
In the south, we have got to help you.
We've done just the opposite.
We've stepped off the line and said, all right, all right, I've got to do it.
Well, I want to make a question.
That's exactly right.
That's true.
Well, I put the moment on it.
And it's part of this rally that I'm in right now.
There's not going to be any escalators in the south.
There's going to be fragments in the south that are not supposed to be in the south.
The north is going to be an elephant.
So we're waiting.
We're waiting for anything to happen in the south.
Are you waiting?
Because this is one of the biggest problems we have.
So when they said, you know, like, for how long?
For how long does it only mean?
And then we decide how they're going to apply it.
But we're not saying, you know, we're not saying that, you know, that the analysis actually, I believe, they don't want to take that for a couple of days.
I mean, we'll simply say, well, this is a, we've got another period because there's, there's, there's no problem.
So, you know, you can just say, well, you know,
You know what I'm saying?
I will never go along with talking to doctors or reporting about myself or what I've done or what I've done.
I'm not going to be able to pour them a crack at my horseshoe or unless we've got something to do with it.
I don't give a fuck.
I don't mind.
I don't even want to.
Yes, I do.
I don't want to.
That's why I said you need to eat some milk, right?
Otherwise, when all of us got that crank about to go down.
And I feel sorry for the public, because you and I know that we did talk about the protective reaction.
It was very liberal and very liberal.
Remember I said if they sit there and move back in there, you know, you don't have to do it right.
You don't have to wait until you fire, before you fire back.
Remember I told you that.
And I know the federal authorities, they did see that something.
Very good.
He did, and the real bad thing was falsifying the report, and whatever the case was.
There wouldn't be any map at all if we hadn't stopped bombing.
What we were doing was saying, they have the same signs as military targets.
What in the name of God is he talking about?
So what is the real deal here?
That's what he said, never.
He wouldn't have had the equipment, wouldn't have had the pulse by the records unless they'd been ordered out and he weren't bombing the NAR.
Oh, yeah.
See what I mean?
He's got a bomb in the NAR and he can't get up there and get to the NAR center.
Or he could just have to be on the NAR.
that's, you know, they're doing this stuff along with the prisoners.
I would, uh, I would, uh, provide, you know, uh, yeah.
That would be our, our, our, that's, yeah, that's, that's, yeah, all right, all right.
We have the mines, too.
I would, if there were some, uh, insurances, uh, you know, in the house, then, yeah.
The mines, it would,
It seems to me that the idea is that these will be mines and mines for the prisoners.
And some idea that they will be required to work it out.
that's up there.
That's up there now.
That's up there now.
That's up there now.
That's up there now.
That's up there now.
That's up there now.
That's up there now.
That's up there now.
They can't do it themselves.
It's just going to give them a theoretical type of control.
It's going to give them feedback and control on certain territories.
And it's going to keep them motivated there.
They're going to go back up and look for control.
It's pretty crazy.
It's probably lost a lot of ground.
Well, you can take it, but it's time to do it in this moment.
You can't just take that and say, all right, we'll negotiate with you, we'll do, we'll do the reference date, and I can assemble it with whatever your votes are.
That's smart.
You know what I mean?
That's smart.
That's smart.
That's smart.
That's smart.
That's smart.
But it's been a great deal to take even after the election now, but I will thank you, Steve, for coming on.
And as I said, not that I had any desire to do it before the election, I would prefer not to have this election.
I'm not going to do it, but I'll sit and tell the man that I am, and I'll let him do his thing for you, and he'll do what he wants to do.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
Where did you see it?
They have that poster in the back.
I said, how do we do that here?
There's nobody else watching.
You know, these things are all out.
They're all out.
Oh, they got them, actually.
Or the second half, the opposite.
The Redskins really understood the team's defense.
They don't have the 3-0 now.
But they just kind of, they were all sort of good.
And that's what I have to say to you.
Good game.