On March 28, 1973, President Richard M. Nixon, H. R. ("Bob") Haldeman, White House operator, Camp David operator, and John W. Dean, III met in the President's office in the Old Executive Office Building from 12:45 pm to 1:45 pm. The Old Executive Office Building taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 425-010 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
If you would move over here and give me a little indication.
This gets so dull.
Is this good?
No, no, same old time.
You saw the news release.
I remember you talking to John.
No.
And John's up.
That's why I said no.
He can't hear you.
He's still there.
He's been away for about a year.
So if you want to call him over, we can answer him right now.
We had Jeff, first of all, now talking.
He and I talked about what Jeff had told him.
And a few other facts, which didn't seem to be good.
It's just trying to lay out what he thinks about what happened here.
This is the whole intelligence plan that was actually in the White House by Constantine Colson.
I called Jeff twice to tell him to get going on this thing, and specifically referred to the Larry O'Brien information, which tomorrow happened.
Jeff says, I'm the lady, we're going to close this office, and the room is in Jeff's office on that phone call.
He goes, he's got that.
I'm the lady.
What does the word mean?
Well, that's what they were bugging Watergate for.
That's what Jeff tried to use the sentence to say, Colson, was directing Dr. Ordon to put a key out to give them to Watergate.
And I said, well, didn't we clarify this to one or both of them, or to O'Brien, or to one or both of them, or to information regarding Florida or the whole nation, all of them.
And so that would be Colson's defense plan.
He says a copy of the output of the water heater.
process of what happened there is that this guy Hogan made notes on what was gathered on the map and wrote those up in an accord.
An accord in the Liddy.
The Liddy made two copies.
One copy was delivered to the Rear and one copy was delivered to the White House.
This is what McCord says, this is what Brugger says, and then Liddy, he doesn't know that McCord knows this because he went to Liddy, McCord, McCord, so he kind of doesn't know what happened after Liddy.
But he says, Jeff got a copy, and O.A.
has got a copy, and he doesn't know where O.A.
has copied that, whether it went to Strong or Coulson.
We didn't feel sure if it was John that maybe or probably was also the person.
I think where John told him that I had approved the plan, he told Mitchell that the president had approved it, and he didn't tell Mitchell that Mitchell had approved it.
He says that there are four people in the White House who got pulled out of a minority operation from Colson.
Uh, Dick Howard, who worked for Colson.
Bert Schott, in Hollywood.
Why is he basing those four people at Colson?
Well, he says, Colson, he knows that knowledge because of the phone calls.
Howard knows that knowledge because of conversations he had with my dad.
It was clear that he knew what was going on.
Gordon Strong, he knows that knowledge because he got copies of one of the reports that he sent out.
And you, and all of them, because Gordon Strong told him that I approved the plan.
And Gordon Strong says quietly and absolutely that he did not talk to me about it, that I did not approve the plan.
But I think it's the most important thing.
There's a strong sense of duty.
This is just a problem.
Another problem.
This is getting out of hand.
A good year.
Mitchell also told me.
into his personal office.
That's all Rupert can ask his manager.
And he says that he agreed with the move in Mitchell's office.
I mean, you may have prior to getting tested.
I mean, it was after the event.
Now, before Goodyear went to the FBI or the mandatory, what is the location of where he was placed at the beginning?
that Magruder and Dean, in Mitchell's presence, originally on this division, perhaps would agree that the purpose of the meeting still ahead of the Attorney General's office in January of 71, of 72, were to go over Corrupt Practices Act and that campaign spent was, and that's everything.
Mitchell says also that that Bart Porter talked to Dean about his testimony regarding accounting for the purposes of money, cash, that Porter gave to living.
That Porter was a keeper of a revolving cash fund and was instructed to and did give amounts of cash to living.
discussed what the purpose of that would be and how it was a catapult song with me.
Before he went up to give his testimony, he was happy with some testimony.
I don't know.
I'm not sure.
Well, he was in a criminal case.
Oh, but did he mention that sort of thing?
But he said this, indeed, and that's all public.
He worked this out to me ahead of time.
What he was to say, probably this Porter perjured himself.
So did the Bruder.
But what they're both saying is that they worked out their perjury with, or with the agent.
The Bruder and Porter also talked to Mitchell and to their lawyer about their testimony.
Now, you're going to be raised to some certain age with facts.
Most probably.
He says that we did present that they have a problem on those two meetings.
I mean, if he was honest, he could vote Mitchelman, and we would have specifically testified that there were no meetings, which are not what our agents are proposing.
He says he has to testify that there were.
And there, again, lies what I may or may not have said.
This may be the typewriter to find out.
What I said in all of this is, this is obviously something that you and John, I told you about, I talked to John, I called John and asked him to come down, and he agreed.
So this is something I know nothing about.
But,
The point is, though, after the meetings, when he came in with elaborately prepared plans, he, according to Magruder, was told that he would have an $80 budget for intelligence operations and to develop plans for how he was going to handle them.
And that's what he did.
And then he came in with big charts that showed what they were going to do and all sorts of stuff.
That's exactly the point.
Who did it?
says that he did not and that Magruder did not.
And they can only assume that he told them that.
Or possibly told them.
Magruder will have his authority.
All right.
I said, how could they?
But he said, well, OK, that's still an interesting question.
Then there's another interesting question, which is apparently Magruder hired Lee.
a general counsel for the campaign with no responsibility for intelligence.
But he was a very peculiar guy, and there was indeed a very peculiar mess of things around the area, which was weird.
And he's not the likeness, he's not the customer, in seeing who decided to fire him.
Which he did.
In April.
And, he's been rude, and I have no justification for it.
I mean, you can't really only work with Scott.
Like Seth from Hooters fired me.
You can't do that with Basha or anything like that.
I was supposed to be with him in the college this summer.
And Scott told me that Hooters wanted to rehire me, which he did.
It's true, and I guess I've got to find out.
There's definitely an education development.
And I don't know why.
It's not important.
That is not important.
Now, he also says that there is a problem that Porter is going to have to testify on when they haul him up to the Senate or somewhere.
So what he did was a lot of cash payments.
He made a lot of cash payments.
3807, mostly.
And one specific man of $8,000 is Dick Howard, which Howard is, you know, been trying to get him to cover up.
And the leader says, you've got to cover it up because it's a very embarrassing situation.
I said, well, what is it?
He said he was getting Howard in to have $8,000 to buy some books.
It's almost embarrassing by the fact that Samaris can't let him get out.
I said, well, you know, I'm sure what that was.
He said he was going out to bookstores all over town buying up a lot of books for some reason.
Well, obviously, what that was was post-pandemic.
I go to the sales of the effort, care on the best side of the list.
So I didn't see any problem with that.
He said this was a vote that we thought a lot of people would have had.
We wanted to take some money and get it out of the district.
I mean, who's going to get upset about that sort of dead business right now?
He says there were a lot of other campaigns that caused it.
Almost all of them were ads.
And he said they were all, I'm told, legal.
But some of them were out of the community.
And it was like they were purposed.
They also did, they gave Colson the money, that was pre-1997, yeah.
They gave Colson the money to pay for the hand-mailing of the rancher, which Colson, importantly, was ordered by the president.
And that was why Colson had told him to make the bail, and Depp said, I won't, I'm not, that's what we should be involved in.
Colson said, this was ordered by the president, honestly.
That was this guy here who ran away from Kennedy.
How would we handle that?
How would we handle that?
How would we handle that?
The committee was working at the committee on January, February, and March, but he wasn't working for the committee.
He was doing things in other people's direction.
Jeff doesn't know what he was doing.
But he was traveling some and he was making a lot of activities.
You know, I would be surprised, I would be surprised if most of them were working in the cold.
If they were going to fire or anything.
Well, I was absolutely challenged by that.
I said, Devin, I know that certain is not true.
I said, even if that were the case, and I can't concede that it would be the case, and if it were not the case, I know it didn't do that kind of thing.
And they both laughed, and they said, that only returns you a lot of knowledge.
Because it did not make much sense.
I mean, in other words, do you think they'd be close if they used their presence in Santa Claus?
Now, Magruder also says that, after an agreement with John Dean, I testified, and I have consistently testified, that there was only one meeting in the initial office, and that this was after the hiring by the committee that was discussed in the role of the committee.
He said it was the anxiety that I so desperately wanted.
And I did.
That dean also told me to destroy my diary, which I did not do because they had already subpoenaed it and they had it in me.
And my diary shows that there were several things.
So I have to say one of those things was canceled.
I'm sure that my diary wouldn't have been scrapped if it was canceled so early on in my life.
Mitchell interjected at that point, said, there's no question that I asked about the meeting in our director's office in one of your, well, pardon me, his office, this is after one of these, where we discussed how to testify regarding the meeting.
I said, yes, that's very important.
Jeff said, I could have very easily said we did have a meeting, but I didn't, because he's going after me.
And he said, so he cannot as well have said that we did have a meeting.
Because that is, it's either his credibility or mine, and we've got a problem.
And a realtor's point is, everybody's, I don't want anybody to corroborate what I said, but I sure don't want anybody to repeat it.
So I think I know more about this when we go to the festival.
Well, it's not the page, it's not, it's something.
well yeah i mean what i mean is that's what i can't say i don't see the airport is
And Mitchell feels this strongly that if they had meant to a presentation of an intelligence plan, that would have been spread around the boardroom.
Even though Mitchell says flatly, and the leader is kind of shaky on that part, there was no specific mention of bugging the Democratic headquarters in that intelligence plan.
But there was included in the function operations.
They probably just flannel.
They rejected the plan, and that's the other plan.
So they rejected the plan.
One of the things they're worried about is if a court who is working on budget stuff probably may not have copies of the charts and stuff.
They're probably working with them on it.
Because they said, I have $1 million.
I've got to work out a budget.
Now I've utilized the $1 million.
The court probably worked with them on it.
Of course, it's not an off meeting.
No.
But of course, hey, if Lily could very well come back, she'd be able to shout it out.
But if Lily did get approval for $250,000, maybe it's $250,000.
where she carried out whatever activities he carried out.
I don't know what they were doing.
It's not bad, even if they thought it was not good.
But it's worse than what they asked for.
They got it three months later, so I don't know if they want to prove anything after so many times.
But Jack intends to say that this story, which is the question we asked him there,
He realizes that he's done his part and he's going on and on about things.
He has, there's no question in his mind about staying with his story.
His concern is that somebody else should be sure that someone's going to screw him on his story.
And that you're going to have, in other words, a court has now heard the most of this as part of the record review of Kamala.
And I heard of a huge recruiter, a person,
I think I've got to explore that.
And that hangs on, you know, some of the preaching of Reuters' testimony.
I think if our people go up to the counter testimony, they're going to get a lot of weight for their friends in the church and the Reuters.
And the Reuters' point is, no defecation.
So who's going to defecate in this post?
I told him, I don't think you have any problem with pulsing, because pulsing has already testified that you're able to do nothing, and that you're able to do so, so obviously you should try to be strong.
I said, I can't try to be strong.
Well, he's in his position as a leader, and I'd rather that's what he's doing, and I'd say that's his position, but you should know how to describe it.
And somehow, Luther has confidence in all of his testimony, including his grand jury testimony.
And the river says, it says, go down.
I said, no, of course not.
Uh, Scott, Pete, thank you.
Why did you want to talk to me?
Because you and John Mitchell are the only two people I trust in all this.
I just want you to understand the problems that I'm faced with with many of these people.
I want you to know what my view of the truth is as well as my view of the testimony.
The other thing he wanted to talk about was what would happen to his wife and children if he died.
And what would happen to him?
He would be taken care of.
He would be taken care of.
He would be taken care of.
He would be taken care of.
to do that, not in terms of any question of what he said or doesn't say, but in terms of his decency and what that is, and, you know, is that different as to how he did it.
And that I'm trying to say there was no way that anybody could make any comment under implication of the doubt on that, or not getting involved, that he must understand that, that he must further understand that in my regard, when she's held by all of us,
I did it that way and he tried to keep on and on and on.
And I can understand that.
I'm sure it was really bad.
That's nice.
I said, yeah, but I can't say more than that.
And he said, well, would you, I said, I'm sitting here as an assistant to the president.
I'm not in a position to make any such thing.
I said, on a personal basis, as a friend of yours, I can assure you that I would help you personally in any way that I could, in any proper way that I could.
Uh, can't do it.
Uh, Johnny, please.
Call her.
Let her make sure to say hello.
Well, I'll talk to you when you get out of town.
Yeah.
Well, these aren't true.
We have a lot of people
I just don't want him to be in a position to be able to hang us for conspiracy if we comply with it.
That's right.
And I also carefully reiterated that I didn't know anything of the facts of what he said.
I had to listen to what he was testifying to.
It's true.
And I don't think any of these other things at this time here you're saying is speculation.
I don't agree with this.
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But Mitchell kind of lapsed that office, and you're trying to narrow it down to a technicality, and I ain't going to learn.
Especially with the Senate, we're going to explore all campaign irregularities, not just the one we can fix.
And I guess this is one of the reasons that Mitchell was so anxious to have Colson out of the White House.
He's not going to sit in the back of the Senate.
He's not going to sit in the White House.
On your checklist, John feels very strongly that we should try to work in a combination of urban that would put us in a position of not fearing to be afraid to testify in any form, unimpeded to the branch.
He totally agrees that under no circumstances, and he says he bent back last week when he raised his hand.
here that under no circumstances should we permit senior white house people to go up to the hill on television and testify here so what he's saying you gotta work out something back from that he's not sure you have to go as far as this meeting with the whole committee and it's anything that that substantively meets the test of providing them with the information
His opening from another viewpoint, so all we should do is kind of rescue him with a hammer.
I believe before the sanctuary, he's complete concurrence that we should make no blanket way to recruit him.
The rest of us can check out the rest of us in the instructions and stuff.
And everybody else can just do what's better.
The thing that we may do is don't involve us in the case.
The same thing that I had on the phone, but just frankly blank.
I'm just thinking out loud here.
Maybe I don't know how to be honest with you.
We cannot go out and listen to what other people tell us.
And I think rather than that, I'm saying you go out and listen to what other people tell you, rather than just watch what other people tell you.
And I said, maybe that's the way you solve your problem of this discrepancy.
This takes a very narrow, hard-hunting position.
Testifies as to his non-equality.
I did not acknowledge the trap of the water game and refuses to go into anything else because as counsel in the FOA House he was engaged as has been reported in doing a report for the vessel which obviously got into the questions of where people had been charged and whether it was pending and everything else.
that his investigation of White House involvement also obviously brought in information regarding other involvement, and it's clear that there were people who weren't involved, who weren't even convicted.
So we've asked about the conversion of those people, and that's all privileged information, is gathering that.
John says it's his video, and may I be able to hang it up?
Okay.
Okay.
Oh, I think we've got it lined up.
Oh, I think we've got it lined up.
Oh, I think we've got it lined up.
Oh, I think we've got it lined up.
Oh, I think we've got it lined up.
I feel it.
There's no problem, really, because Colson has signed the testimony.
He's already filled the problem.
He should be concluded that whether somebody comes up with something is a question of what he said.
I can't do that, because I don't know how I'm supposed to.
I can't do it, because it's already justified by the law.
God, the stars possibly gave them all, and that's just history.
Get that clear, the stars.
The heat of the stars.
I don't know how that stands.
I don't know how it all plays out.
They just mentioned that.
I don't see the problem with giving me the money.
I want what he wants.
I want all of it.
But it screws the whole case out of me.
Including down there, there's a computer business.
It's a lot out there.
It's a lot.
But as much as it is now, I don't know.
There is no question now, in case you want to know about that.
There is no question.
He didn't touch me.
Yes, he did.
What he said.
He said, the mistake I made was when I found out what they were actually doing, and I turned it off.
We, in general, when there is something that's not specific, and something that's not specific.
So his testimony.
All right, I guess, now we have to give him some more experience.
I tried that on a couple of computer games and said, you know what, I would do it, I would do it.
So I'm the best friend of a lawyer in the country, and I feel for the family.
I'm a leader in Facebook, and of course, I jailed myself for a good long time for coercion.
I'm totally in a insecurity of my family and all that sort of thing.
I would feel like, and I'm recognizing that this will end the session that same way.
I would feel that first time I gave him just the same thing, because I wouldn't care about anything else, and I could screw it up.
My wife.
And when he's still going to be reassured by the river that he's not going to get undercut, he will be given five seconds in order to take the test.
In his undercut, he was willing to give up because he knew about it.
He was going for it.
He was going to do it next July.
He was going to go tomorrow.
He was going to do it.
And I don't know if he's going to give up.
He's very afraid to give up.
I don't want to go to jail, but I'm not physically afraid.
I mean, he is.
For very interesting reasons.
He's a very good looking guy.
He's afraid of the homosexuals.
The stuff that was leaked to the L.A. Times wasn't being cleared, and that's all we know so far.
This testimony today was made by Billy Miller, who was the director of the federal law firm.
That's one of the things that I should have told you.
But the law isn't in there.
According to our position, we'll report the testimony.
We won't know what he said.
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According to the source, Senate investigators are now tracking the patterns of events leading back into the 1960s, with political operations similar to the one of Heath Bogan and the original organized spy in the back here with body of that man now in high administration positions.
There is, however, an inherent concern among some members of the investigators that they should not be rushed into the momentaries early on this chapter, and that they should not be forced.
Well, the one thing that came under the campaign, which is the only thing I can think of, is going back to that lawsuit in California.
Oh, and on that, to make for the preservation of the Democratic Party, which I got hit on all the time.
And, you know, that was a lot of business.
I guess it was somewhat like that.
I don't feel it, but it's nice.
Yeah.
The action is to decide, look, how are we going to approach Europe, and what are we going to do about that?
And that, it seems to me, the way to do it is to have findings, because he already tried to set up before all this stuff broke, and the findings are not here.
In fact, there's no rush on that, in the sense that, well, it doesn't have to happen.
They didn't want to get the story out, but the attendance for us at that time was others reacting to their hearing on the floor.
Right.
And, uh, getting to where a client needs to ask to meet with Irma Baker and says, you know, explore this.
This is what I was trying to do with you on last week.
Right.
That will take you over the weekend with John.
That's not what takes us on, Matt, but he is gone.
No.
Well, our testimony on the Hill states on what did John Steele do?
Probably come from power or that bunch.
Or just a little bit of that.
I've heard a lot more of that.
I'm not sure if any of you is going to satisfy him or not.
Wiker won't be satisfied unless we can help him.
Wiker will really get screwed in court.
That's the only one that you did.
You put it in on the base of the ship and you're in executive session.
Close session.
You heard that.
Correct me if I'm wrong.
Why is it here in closed session?
Because I never believed it.
And I'm putting that on the witness stand in public so nobody's going to say it.
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It seemed to me that we have nothing to do with this weekend, knock her down.
I think that's better than anyone's defending a mom going to court.
Of course she does.
You will not know unless we play decisively, which I don't think any of it.
There are very severe criticism.
White or
I would guess this is a Voyager.
Yeah.
What does that say here?
If he was some of the committee's staff, bringing a chair to the hearing might result in a full story not being told if they take the position that the White House would prefer to have charges loaded against lower echelon states rather than them.
Close to the present, I may fear that the bigger fish in the presidential lot may escape the net of the investigators or the committee who's not given time to follow the lead in the case.
White House, this is Blum's Watergate.
Not still, you could put out, still on yesterday, I was going to say you could put out and put it in turn.
And he was fine.
He was fine.
He was fine.
He was fine.
He was fine.
He was fine.
He was fine.
He was fine.
He was fine.
Do you have a separate room?
Well, if you follow this, then you'll find that I understand how to skip that, but now that the Watergate will be gone, intelligence will be the thing.
The Watergate will be gone.
I do feel that we are cooperating with the earth, and that makes a lot of sense on our side.
Sure, I hope to watch it.
But I can understand why those guys are doing what they're doing.
Well, you know, this is an accident, this is a violation, and that's where these guys are going.
We draw a line on that.
And I'm advised that you go up there.
And the department says, no, go down.
The firehouse says, go up there.
That's exactly what I have.
If you're being leashed, you go to the biggest... See, you could start... You could do it two different ways.
You could say, we're willing...
Start with what they want to happen.
Which is probably the best way.
Might as well get off with the... Well, he told me that there's... See, that, of course, is what Mike was supposed to have done first.
Yeah.
He did not.
He just got there.
He said, look, they want to call the attorney.
Well, of course, they want to call the attorney.
He could argue about all of that, too.
So what he's got to say now is we can't do that.
What can we work out?
For example, let's take a starting point.
Any of the White House people will be perfectly willing to meet in private.
with the majority and minority council of the committee and a recorder.
All right.
And submit to whatever question they wish to ask.
I'm Senator Boyle.
I will meet with the chairman and the ranking member.
Right.
Close council if you want council.
Right.
And he says, no, don't put the full committee.
He says, okay, so we've got the full committee at the warehouse on the record.
And with counsel.
And, uh, totally open.
With D, I have laid somewhat of a foundation for that.
As you know, we're in the category of saying, of course, I'm not going to stand up on the committee when I'm certain.
And I said, with the president's counsel, and I quote the president's question.
I'm not going to testify to hearsay, because the hearsay that I pick up is related to my job, which is privilege.
People are communicating with me on the basis of things they may want the president to know.
Right.
And vice versa.
You would testify about your own actions.
If they tried to sit me in my notes, I would refuse to deliver my notes because my notes are based on my conversation with the president.
Right.
I don't have a diary, so I can't use it on everybody.
I don't really have a diary.
Well, just a, not a diary, a day book.
Day book, yeah.
The way that those are made, and the way that we're, we're, we've got to stand firm.
We've got to be reassured.
We've got to be reassured.
We've got to be put on the place where they can reassure us.
Right.
Now what it needs is a strong, reassurance from a strong team.
And they aren't that strong.
Each is different.
Yeah, I'm sure it will.
It's better if I can stay in my restaurant.
He didn't get involved.
He isn't going to.
And I was better than him to say, yeah, let's discuss this in Iraq.
There's no reason to.
Now, I have all my reports to hold for this time.
And of course, to fill in for Atlanta, that there was nothing put about it.
There was no action.
So they will ask you for the .
I don't have to fight it.
I don't keep any money.
I called John.
It was the one that I was just drawing.
It was like I tossed a money paper.
It was a nice loose or something.
I tossed a loose something and we didn't get it.
Yeah, like the one that you said.
It was the one that you were drawing.
It was the one that you were drawing.
It was the one that you were drawing.
It was the one that you were drawing.
It was the one that you were drawing.
There was no point in keeping the files.
They were sort of, they were bogged down.
I think we don't, of course, this is nothing of any interest to anyone.
That wasn't even on the record, though.
And as long as, actually, there were explanations, right?
There was some information, I don't know if you got it.
We got piles of that stuff.
And they can't, they would promise to be able to do it.
It was tons of stuff.
We had to go all the way from about, how many budgets, how many plans,
The telephone law of Christ, we had set that thing on all the telephone people.
It was kept, that kind of stuff.
And here, we caused a product to be kept for you, and all that sort of thing.
A call that's not really confidential, but just a standard routine.
There's a whole campaign behind that.
I don't know how long he did it, but I don't know.
Let me see.
He talks to the, I don't think, the nurse.
That's what he was calling.
I don't know.
I told him, I told you I was going home.
He said, well, we'll just throw that television camera outside my house and I'll just walk by.
We're going to have to do it Sunday.
I said, well, we're going to throw it down.
He said, well, we're going to throw it down.
I said, well, we're going to throw it down.
He said, well, we're going to throw it down.
But why does he have to eat?
He doesn't have to go out and eat with his son.
He doesn't have to go out and eat with his friends.
He doesn't have to go out the back door.
He doesn't have to go around.
He doesn't have to go out the back door.
He doesn't have to be able to get in his car and drive.
He doesn't have to be able to get in his car and drive.
He doesn't have to be able to get in his car and drive.
He doesn't have to be able to get in his car and drive.
He doesn't have to be able to get in his car and drive.
He doesn't have to be able to get in his car and drive.
He doesn't have to be able to get in his car and drive.
He doesn't have to be able to get in his car and drive.
He doesn't have to be able to get in his car and drive.
He doesn't have to be able to get in his car and drive.
He doesn't have to be able to get in
I don't want to go on.
I agree with that.
I don't want to go on.
Uh, it's a fairly sound position that you can't use counsel to corroborate the testimony of other people.
You don't want to use counsel to testify in his own defense.
To testify in his own defense.
That's all.
But he's got a better chance to be privileged than anybody else.
That's why he's in the position he is, because everybody assumed he was privileged.
I do the best, frankly, the best thing for them to do on this earth.
They should learn.
They want to learn.
They can't defend themselves in this person.
Except to go to mitigating circumstances, and that's what they try to do.
But he was ordered to hire us.
Colson was a friend.
And he'll go through and do that for sure.
I cannot believe the story.
I cannot believe the story.
It couldn't be true.
I do want you to ask Colson about this.
Most of them tell me he didn't do it for a bailout.
I thought it was a hell of a good idea.
What he told me was he had a guy who was a Democrat who wanted to do it.
I could have let that go out.
That's just, I think that's a terrible deal.
What the hell's wrong with that?
Hell, yes, we needed the medic to die.
We wanted to do it.
He raised funds for us.
Excellent campaign.
Thank you for having me right here.
Right.
I don't think that's bad.
What is probably not good, but hell, it's no worse than what's now.
What is bad is that the president ordered Colson to go to heaven.
He said that.
Well, yeah, Jim won't say that.
I mean, Jim uses that in general.
What kind of a case?
What?
Shuttles?
Pulse theory, maybe?
What?
Of course, the Ziegler problem, the Ziegler's concern, is the unraveling of others.
That's the question.
That's the question.
That's the question.
And still, we didn't know about the weather.
And that's a big technicality, but what he was arguing was the objective, not the means.
I didn't vote on Brian.
I knew it was O'Brien, but I didn't vote on him.
Okay, good.
How are you doing?
over and over again.
I agree, uh, that you're, uh, that we should, uh, know, uh, uh,
... ... ...
I'm sorry.