On May 18, 1973, President Richard M. Nixon, Alexander M. Haig, Jr., and Ronald L. Ziegler met in the President's office in the Old Executive Office Building from 1:55 pm to 2:55 pm. The Old Executive Office Building taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 437-012 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
I know.
I was ready to come in if you want.
I'm in.
I'm in.
I'll let anybody in.
I want to go to the hospital.
I believe.
Put everything out.
Put everything out.
Can you get it out today or tomorrow?
No, I think I'll wait.
Now?
I was trying to think about that Tuesday.
Why the hell wait?
Well, I think we should have sent them to the mobile over there, but... Well, I don't even have one for you, so...
I thought about it.
There was nothing that was on our thing.
There must have been something.
Something.
I must have told her.
What we have, what we have, is for you to lay it off.
Me?
Yes.
Why not?
Of course, you're going to do both of them.
I think the presidential picture is fine.
The American people don't know details.
There's just many not even concerned.
The leaders press.
They are concerned.
They are concerned.
Well, we can talk to Tanky some of the time, but I don't think they have any concept.
We've got to start at the beginning.
The very, I've got the folded Houston operation, how it developed, even the Kissinger caps.
The Kissinger caps again, I agree.
Just right at the climate of the time, what we did up again.
What was done, lay it out in their agency group.
In fact, it was put out and it was pulled back.
That's what unanimously recommended to them.
Okay.
And you got out.
You introduced it.
They got pretty good proof on that withdrawal thing.
Sorry, at least we worked that out.
We would strive in a country that, from the outset, you would be guided by the principle that security
of the nation, and its security, and charges have been made with regard to this, that, and the other thing.
It is time that the American people know all the facts, and here they are.
That's what, and the explanation for the point, you have limited disposition, which is important.
Those are the institutions, you know, and those things are moving a little cold on the plane, and shall therefore, you know,
It would appear that you could not speak up further at this time to the institutions that you were involved with and that you were convinced it wasn't the best course of defense at all.
John, if this is done, let me say, look, first let me say, I think we've got to put out the client base for what we did do badly.
The senior agencies, the government, the government has to prepare a policy.
They prepare a policy.
That policy, he objected to it.
As a result of his objections, the policy was not implemented and withdrawn.
All of those concerns say that it wasn't signed.
Thirdly, we also set up, within the mind
And I instructed all other agencies of the government to do likewise, do everything possible to stop the leaks, you know, on material that would jeopardize our board policy issues.
We had such an operation.
And under this operation, so forth, I said, Ellie, I can't take, I cannot take the responsibility for the protest.
No, no, no, no, we've got funding.
And then you go on to say, now let's look at this, there was a misconduct.
Yes, there was a meeting held about the CIA and the bond because there were, at that point in time, I didn't know what the question was.
They said, first, you mentioned the Mexican money, and second, you mentioned the fact that there was a Bay of Pigs people who were involved.
And Helms was very jerky on that, a little on the clear.
You're not concerned about the Bay of Pigs?
No, he wasn't.
And we did not want this investigation to be limited to Watergate and not to impair our national security operations.
For that very purpose, when I called the director of the FBI,
and he has a question mark and it's got that metal on that one.
He says, take it as high as it goes.
He says, question mark, rather than .
But what the hell is, I don't know.
I don't know how it was stated, but I remember what I said to Gray.
I said, take it as high as it goes.
You know, what the hell?
I'm speaking for the record, too.
I know about the people I'm talking to, like Pat Gray.
I had no idea that it was as high as Mitchell Lennon.
that the investigation was defective and that we received assurances from the FBI that the CIA was not involved.
Director Holmes was so assured.
And the investigation went forward.
John Herring, of course, said that I was the one in June who said, get the goddamn facts out.
Inspector Hall wanted me to get out the facts from the White House.
In June, June was when.
But there's another state that's involved in all this.
I don't care.
We're not ready by Monday.
This has to be, well, it's straight.
In other words, it has to be good.
The point that I wish to make is this, that it is not something that can be done.
It cannot be done because you can't get it all handled in a speech.
I think it has to be, I mean, I'm not trying to get out of a speech or anything like that, but I think that I know the importance of speech and reassurance and all that sort of thing, but I think what has to be done
Yeah.
They need to be routed.
They can't be routed.
Yes, that's a good fact.
There's concern in the nation.
I know they're very good.
Oh, I know that.
Okay.
Second of all, we are also talking to this town who enforces the nation, all of the factors in this matter.
So therefore, it's on their page.
No, I'm not sure about that.
Once we get it all down, and once we get it all down, and there's a couple of steps,
or a press conference with the President that is so effective in helping the country in saying, I contend
that in order to in terms of how we prepare for this, I think we need three people involved in not only the writing, but the whole strategy.
My view is that we need 10.
My view is that we need Christ.
And thirdly, my view is that we need a guy like Harley.
Not so much to write, but to kind of edit
and put together the strategy with us in terms of how we move, all right?
But importantly, next week, those may not be the names, but I agree with the first two.
We disagree, Carl.
I agree with the first two.
Well, I don't know whether he's, whether we all agree.
It's a lot of time, but it's all right with me.
Carl's fine.
You see, Bryce has a certain positivity to the Washington
It's good for the audience.
And Bazaar, of course, would do the same thing.
So there would be five years long.
And I'll tell you, I don't think five years, anyone would let them run the course over the committee here.
They'd stop it.
Well, they can't.
You see, the committee's going to go on.
And then the court says, hey, we're going to get a lot more time.
But it don't fit today.
Chances are they're considering right now in the Senate on the services community how to handle these connections.
I don't know why you don't know that.
Whether to get out from the other committees or whether to turn them over to Irwin.
That really makes a little difference.
They're not going to do anything over in the public.
They'll get out in the public.
This weekend?
I think we could get them to hold if we said
If you get the salary and stuff out, then you won't be able to work.
You see, where we are, I want to put it on our perspective as to what we have.
We also
The first 20 minutes of the court's testimony, through third-hand hearsay, basically, the President of the United States had been accused of raping Lacey Irwin and himself rather well at that point.
Now, Irwin handled himself rather well at that point, but also, down on the wire, no court gave a statement.
Now, I did it well today.
I did it hard.
I did all of the recitation.
I got a real positive story.
But if I could have done it a number of times, that's...
that I did very well in getting the cause of the story.
And that's what the target is.
I don't want to... Yeah, I don't hear it, see.
But we don't...
I just think, you know, whether we aren't looking at a situation where that
We're going to have to get an assessment of that and make that decision.
I think we should press, you know, as you're moving.
Well, I agree.
But all I want to do is go, all right, President, that's right.
I don't want President Elk on the line on this thing because this is it.
This is
decision, and then the president goes out one day and we rush through it with this thing, and we're rushing around trying to get it wrapped together, and we make an error, and we commit to the president.
This issue.
And then Tuesday, or Wednesday, they prove that you're a liar.
They prove you're a liar, or that you get more of the same fact.
It's where the American people say, good, you know, I've got to be here.
You see?
And, uh, all right.
All right, that's good.
Well, the question you're asking is, is it all right with the importance of this thing that you've got to be letter-per-word and totally comprehensive on every issue that we've been charged with?
Most of the bills you're studying, there's a double way to do this.
You could make a speech, and that was kind of longer.
I mean, like all the documents.
Does that critically damage the effectiveness of this?
That's my question.
On the other hand, let's face it.
So it gets up.
You can raise all sorts of questions about that, but my idea is that it's a total misinterpretation.
So you're going to put out there some very sensitive internal security documents and information on the setting of interdepartmental organs, policies, and organizations.
Now, I feel through the negative that those men problems have been one of the things
that triggered your action.
In other words, it's sort of a second one coming out.
I don't think there's a time involved where we may, if we're talking, or even if there are, the damage wouldn't be bad.
Particularly if you talk about it in the speech or the statement.
Now I'm disappointed.
You get in not only to this, but you get in to the CIA, you get in to the CIA.
Why don't you do this?
You say it.
The people that are having this battle on their right, on the channel, this doesn't involve things that go far beyond.
It's involving the national security.
The president wants to be the leader of the Congress.
There'd be more energy coming.
How does that sound to you?
It's workable if they handle this business from over there and spread it around.
The question came up with CIA involvement in June, and we're out of what we do.
We're worried about the leaders over there that have them, so that they don't go out and tell them that we're going to.
We are going to address this issue to the leaders next Tuesday, and for God's sake, show responsibility for something like that.
I think the leaders should be involved in that.
That's right.
What do you think about it?
The damage themselves.
The other things that have to be done in this case, you've got the
Elevated, you know, by God.
We've got the jury, the process underway to get this thing should be handled.
If you wanted the facts to come out, then that's fine.
Take a pitch to get this out of the National Ability Service.
They've got their goddamn word here.
If I separate the president from the president, we've got credit now, right?
We've just worked that.
And I think it's going to be necessary.
And what I'm saying is you two both have got to understand that.
If you want to talk to me, we're going to run it close.
And I'm talking about this, but I have to do a question right this morning.
There's no answer to this question.
Now, the idea
But that's all we're talking about.
That is the point.
Well, we could even consider.
Well, the point about that according to Holland, he said that the impeachment required only one member voting and one member seconding it.
Do we have impeachment?
I don't know.
I think it would go to the committee.
I'm sure it would go to the committee first.
I'd look into it because I don't know how to do it.
It's supposed to go to the committee first.
I'd like to put it in for impeachment to get some guys backed up a little bit so they can consider it.
Because, thank God, I don't want the impeachment.
Yes, sir.
Going through an impeachment.
See, if it goes to me, I have to go to trial, which I would have to do, but otherwise, I'd say it goes through it all.
But if you have an impeachment party down there, and I don't want the president of the United States or the Russians on the ship, I'm stressed.
I suppose it's not a good thing that certain
And that's been silly.
How can they, if you talk to the czars, maybe the Western leaders should be told at the present time that we'd like to see them on Tuesday when it's done.
I'm going home, and I said to me Tuesday that I pushed it the day after, and I'm going home the day after, and I'm like, do I got to have time to care for this son of a bitch?
You see, the speech should be quite simple, quite the speech itself, quite simple.
But the supplemental document should be totally complete.
See, that's what I ask.
You're never going to get all of this in one speech, in a 30-minute speech.
And I don't believe doing it in a press conference would quite do it.
I've been thinking of a move.
Surely, I'm sure I started a press conference.
I agree.
National TV seems to be just, you know, taking over that free speech.
And how, you know, they spend some time hand-arming the nation.
You know what I'm saying?
Leadership.
And the officer, I believe, you know, I believe that same way.
And then a series of things that followed up with the influential, like the, you know, the fire steward of the law.
They all saw the hard case that some of those guys, some of those guys, have been mobilizing and bringing in these types of guys.
And at any time, they can keep the lives of Schlesinger and so forth.
They're not going to keep all of these.
And then you move from this hotel house that I am in now, and I'm going to defend the hell out of you.
See, then you move all the way to this way.
Now, I was approached with the idea that you're going to get John Sands.
And he's a boss.
This is totally out of context.
He wants to meet with the leaders.
And before they make any decision in regard to the release, he may, and he's, they want to release them that time.
Or do we want to, or do you think the positive would?
Well, I think it would be wrong to say that, but I think we'd better assume that some goddamn clerk or some son of a bitch over there might already be produced, and they may come out.
What we don't want is a signing then, or somebody standing up in front of the press and starts reading it.
That's what we want to call it.
He's already screwed about it.
He's done it.
He's a great man.
He has screwed it.
We don't want any more.
We're going to leave this.
We're going to leave this.
We're going to leave this.
We're going to leave this.
We're going to leave this.
Everybody says it's important that they .
That's right.
Now, we know, going back, the president .
We also know that the only reference ever to that question was the compassionate statement in relation to hunger, which would oppose authorization.
Of course, of course.
But he, he is, uh, he is, he touched by that?
No.
I'm just saying, was, was he to say so?
I have no objection.
But it's not an authorization.
Oh, shit!
Authorize it?
Never.
No matter how many CSOs have been raised, uh, one other time, uh, uh, probably when you're walking on the beach, that's when that is, in June or July.
So, that's true.
So, there is no way .
In other words, .
I think .
I know it's not true, but I think that that indicates for me that Dean probably built Saltfield.
That's what I think.
Well, it's not for us to find out.
All we are interested in is what the president did.
Let me say, I am sure there was talk of clemency with that.
There was.
There has been.
being a European participant, but I know that nobody offered the goddamn thing.
You know what I mean?
Well, in my, I mean, nobody, I never did it.
And I'm sure Berlick never said, the president says go ahead and do it, but not too much or something like that.
You know what I mean?
Okay.
Only the whole area of coverage.
There's no document.
I mean, there's no piece of paper to have a speech like this.
Except there's none for me.
No service.
No service.
Not a God-sent piece of paper.
Nothing.
I never wrote to the... We know the only MRN that Dean has is the... What's the one he came in and reported?
It's nothing.
It's nothing.
You know what I mean?
When he came in and told us about the... That two minutes of the conversation, the balance of it was about about $1,800 or something.
It had to do with, you know, what the hell...
I don't think they did.
I don't think they did.
Dean was in charge of the gun.
I see the 350 and so forth.
He was aware of that.
All of the protections were good and so forth.
I didn't know what the 350 was.
I didn't know what the 350 was.
I didn't know what the Compact Operation was.
The President didn't ask me about launching Compact.
I didn't know about that either.
The whole business of the Fed's independence came up today in March, on March 21st, and
But that's it.
I know what the coverage for it is.
And I know the President's involvement there.
He's pleased that there's anything out there.
There ain't none of it that I know of.
That I know of.
Not a damn thing.
We've now, thank God, thanks to Al, we've searched our files on deep and we know.
Oh, absolutely.
Thank God I didn't see this on the bench on February the 28th.
And he didn't bring this on the bench to watch my person.
He was the damn manager that didn't want me to bring him up earlier.
You know.
And we also need to be more, is there a possibility that we need to bomb a job or one big job in any way that's possible?
Cover up.
Cover up.
Bob says absolutely not.
But that's a case for him to prove, of course.
That's a special case.
And also, earlier, that is a tougher case to prove because of the documents.
But that is a case for him to prove, of course.
But let's just assume.
Sorry.
Let's assume the person is a student.
I think it's working.
I know what he told me.
I said, Bob, I said, you know what I mean?
I just wondered.
I know I didn't have, I have no, nothing on Carter, I believe.
My point is, my point is,
I don't know what the hell they might have written or done or so thinking it was in the best interest of everybody concerned.
Now, I don't think Bob 350, the champion, ever told me about that.
I didn't know about the guy that transferred that money at all.
I asked him, did I say, Bob, did I ever know about that?
He said, no.
I didn't tell you.
We didn't discuss money.
I want to see Colson in conversation.
Yes, sir.
What I'm saying is that I think that they will talk better with you than with the czar, and it's best to have it pretty close to your mouth.
As I said, John Ehrlichman did talk, I can't even say it in every way, and it's not, and
Bob says, John says he remembers walking the beach with you at San Clemente.
But it was an interesting day.
Apparently at San Clemente in June or July, just before we went over to do the trip, I got in, John and I, and I says, God damn it, Bob has got to get out or somebody, a whole statement on his water game, and get this stuff on the beach cleared out.
And then John walked to the beach, and I said, you know, I think the problem we're going to have, it may arise sometime in the future, something like clemency.
Frankly, it couldn't even occur to me as a problem.
It didn't occur to me as a problem.
That was all.
It was just like that.
One minute.
One minute.
No discussion about, oh, we'll give a promise.
We're going to do it.
I'll get Bob back on the phone and I'll ask him to talk to you.
I'll get out.
Not any other.
Go ahead.
Well, no, but I thought that's probably the end.
I'll tell you, we are all committed to this.
Not allowing any action we take to be a catalyst that is negative to the president.
What I'm saying is that if we meet with Bob and John in a court, in a trial, and they're closed to conviction for 15 years in prison, or whatever it is, it's going to be the worst term.
They collected as two witnesses.
Yeah.
They say, then, on probation, that's proven.
That's one.
You look at it.
What kind of?
What kind of penance, which is part of government, or obstruction against us.
Well, basically, paying people to be silent, or penance.
Right.
Those two issues.
Yes, sir.
That's the real critical question.
Or knowledge, which I might not have.
That's what I'm thinking.
That's what I'm thinking.
All right.
Game plan.
First, get bizarre.
See what he wants to do about Stennis.
Just say it.
Let's meet with the leaders in any event.
Chip, I don't think I want to meet with the leaders.
I can tell them, God damn it, I want to tell you what the hell happened here so that you'll have no illusions about this.
The CIA is, uh, the president of the CIA is getting a draft here.
The FBI, uh, he, uh, he, uh, he, uh, he, uh, he, uh, he, uh, he, uh, he, uh, he, uh,
Because Hoover wouldn't do it.
That's right.
And you had a total disintegration of your domestic agents.
Right on day.
And you got something on campus.
Mr. Hoover would not want to get into this because of his problems and so forth.
And therefore, I therefore ordered that there be set up within the White House the capability to do exactly the same thing that was perfect to the gentleman.
And if he did, Dan Hoover, if he did,
But I don't care.
Who cares?
You didn't approve any of our probes.
And I didn't approve any break into a psychiatrist's office.
The probe has said that.
The probe took the lead on that and he didn't.
He's already put himself in something such that he was out.
Do you have any other questions?
That's a good deadline, right?
If this clubbers take any rules that are illegal, it could be embarrassing.
Who can we check with?
That's Colson.
I'll be damned if I know.
It's not damned if I know.
You see, we've got the bills from Mr. Watts.
The clubbers.
Oh, I don't know about that.
and political activity because the same people were involved.
And we've got to explain that to these people.
Coulson's thought that I can tell you that I don't know anything about.
I've never even heard who Hans and etc.
were.
The only people I ever talked to were Crowe and Young.
And about national security.
Coulson talked to me about all kinds of political activity.
We ought to investigate Chapman, but he never talked about it in the building.
Never, never, never.
Not to me.
But Colson should be asked.
Now, point two.
First, we ought to say that, should we build up the fact that this leader's thing, I'll get out if you want to say it today.
Huh?
All right.
Thank you, sir.
I think we should let it be out, but not for what we say about the national security.
It might be better to have the leaders stay.
I think you're right.
I think, I think.
So you have weekend pieces and all of this stuff about, you know, what does this mean?
Is there a crisis?
Is the president making decisions?
That's right.
That's right.
That's right.
That's right.
It's got to be done on a 24-hour basis.
Now, I think he's right about that.
Do you agree?
Yeah.
But I think, I think the bizarre to tell the sense that there's only this private information that the president has.
He is trying to collect the facts on this, the national security facts.
The CIA is clean as a house.
The president is trying to collect the facts on this whole damn thing.
And when he gets the facts, he'll be prepared to talk to Stennis and other leaders about it.
But that he can have that in the back of his mind, but should not tell them at this point.
That must not be golden.
Now, the other thing, I don't know what the standpoint is, but how do you see this thing going to happen?
It seems to me that the two best writers are not in the role.
You can go there.
Price is the best writer.
Speak shortly.
Buchanan and Price are Price and Adams.
No, not Adams.
Buchanan and Price.
Buchanan and Price.
I agree.
I agree.
Those three are working together.
And this also means that we can plus mobilize his people.
Those are all of the new.
So that we don't, in our age here, overlook some of the things that should be addressed.
Right.
And that's one of the reasons we haven't been able to get water in the building.
Not in details on this, but they don't know what we're doing.
And then we have to move in the most powerful way.
.
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.
with a highly positive offensive talk, where we say now, these hearings have now, which began in Watergate, have dragged into, they are now the National Security Area.
Here are the facts.
The facts are that there was.
That's the way it ought to be done.
We'll put it out.
We'll put Justin up there.
That's a hard document.
You put half of it up and you screw yourself again.
This is why I put out the whole document.
Under this guy.
We have today reached the point where our agencies are being jeopardized by their future investments in China.
And even though they've talked about embassies and all the rest of it, they're out there.
They're on the risk side of the exposure I'm taking today.
Is that true?
The main thing is to put up the real substance for this thing.
But you're also starting to put up the in-house .
I just hope we can get them.
We could get, I don't know, we could get this goddamn paper up there to the bazaar.
Is he around?
I mean, rather than him running and running out to see Steny right away, they did the bazaar in a position where he could find out whether this paper can be held or whether we can, that they should not put this object.
They should put it up, they should decide to do it Wednesday.
Or with a big paper.
That would be all we could do.
That would be better.
I'm afraid that we can't ensure that we should get the best out of any of those customers, despite our best customers.
All right.
All right.
We'd just better proceed under that assumption.
And then we can get the best out of those customers.
I'm talking about that time.
What we're wishing is one item, and we are coming along with it.
We're in a perfect position, but we shouldn't be working on it at all.
We must be in a good position.
We're there.
We're in a good position.
This highly classified document is out.
We use that as a pay for going out and building a desert.
But don't comment on it over the weekend.
If it should come out tomorrow, I wouldn't comment on it.
See, we're finding that we can't really help the government, right?
If it comes out, it'll make y'all a Sunday or a Monday.
What we're really doing here is we're trying to get in here and we're starting to do it.
But listen, don't let desire go all wild on trying to stimulate
We discussed that.
We all agree completely that that's happening.
I don't see the House going to believe in that direction so far.
I'm not based on this sort of stuff.
We're doing this.
This is preventative.
Yeah, but that's not him.
The talk is going on.
I understand.
That's why we've got to do this.
Also, let's not...
I can't.
I can't guess all that.
Those things are still going to have to be answered later.
You wanted me to get the election finance and all that.
I see the relationship.
Everything has got to do with this plane and the fact that the lack of relationship has to do with this plane.
In other words, you say, the lack of relationship of this to the man watering it.
That's right.
That's got to be put in here.
It's like a council that the president didn't cover up.
Right.
And we know what we end up on is a very positive thing.
The legislation has to correct this.
Now, we've got tasks ahead, and I'm here, and we're going to do it.
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.
.
.
.
.
The only problem is he doesn't take care of any of the innuendos of God damn menopause.
Well, for a veteran who took care of the innuendos of God damn menopause, that's a mistake.
Why do you realize that?
Why do I realize he's got innuendos?
It's more important that we all go on giving to somebody else who gives.
In other words, it gives the president a chance to get out there and move against this force that's here, and the state will be here, a speech there, dealing with the Congress.
You've got to get Price to work on the thing right away.
You can get a first draft on it.
We're going to go call a meeting now with Price, and we're going to get the whole thing.
You don't take price for his life.
Just stick with his life.
Price.
Oh yes, he knows God damn well.
He didn't like this stuff.
He knows it goes on.
What you did, you had to rely on a week.
Ten days.
And rely on earlier.
And had to, what?
It's all right.
Right.
I think if you were there as involved, you wouldn't have a chance of winning.
What do you think, sir, was the map of all of it?
Oh, it took a long time.
Hold on.
Let's see.
I'm not worried about a chance of winning, because there's no one asking about a chance of winning, because they have bad commentary.
Go to this meeting.
Do you want me to have all of them over?
Okay, fine.
Trace that line.
Right.
With regard to all of them.
We've got to do what I want to do.
I feel very strong.
We cannot let anybody on the purpose of
We have got to fight the military to the limit regarding the memorandum made by a member of the staff for the president.
God damn it, when you make a memorandum sitting here with me, you're not making it for yourself.
You're making it for me.
It's a presidential document.
All the homes built by the president.
Today, therefore, I know the record.
Sir, you bring something.
Each second here, no matter what it takes.
Time, no matter what it takes.
I know you guys.
I'm talking to you this morning.
It's a great court.
You can't let that come up.
The president cannot no longer even ask you to do this.
Erdogan wants to do this.
What else?