On February 17, 1971, President Richard M. Nixon and White House photographer met in the Oval Office of the White House from 4:04 pm to 4:51 pm. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 450-020 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
OK, power is going off to the right.
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We'll make this on prayer today, and the mic is going to be so that transparency will be recognized by the press, and there will be no silence, and there will be no silence, and there will be no silence.
There will be no silence.
The next flight will set in South East Asia.
It would seem to be South East Asia forces moving into the southern part of the North East now, to the same regions that they moved into.
Why would this happen?
Would our policy move out of support for this type of move?
Well, I won't speculate on that, but that's obviously not a strategy to do with regard to a possible incursion in our Vietnam in order to defend their security.
However, I will restate our policy.
I stated that policy on the 3rd and appreciated it, but it's not a good one.
It's probably worked since that time.
I stated that at a time when we are withdrawing our forces, if I...
was that I thought I'd stand to be true to my faith.
In a way, it was a threat on our remaining forces, and I would be a strong man to deal with the situation.
And recall, I reiterated at the second I stand, that his act would include the use of air guard against the infiltration groups of the very complex supply depot, that is our home.
The policy of the President taking action if he finds that the North Vietnamese are not getting access to our remaining forces in South Vietnam.
Mr. President, under that guide, is there any limit to what we might do to protect our forces in South Vietnam?
We then indicated several different limits.
For example, we are not going to use ground forces in Laos.
We are not going to use advisors in Laos with the south Vietnamese forces.
We are not going to use ground forces in Laos.
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I'm not going to take any limitation on the use of anti-tank weapons.
That's part of the rule of law, rather.
Ridiculous suggestion to save your time counting the latest might-have targets, though, then.
Our air force may include these, under the use of anti-tank weapons.
You know what I'm saying?
In fact, there's often 35 years, 97, or 35 years, and it's not a good word.
Under the use of anti-tank weapons in any form, the use of anti-tank weapons would be wise.
As far as our aircraft are, they will be directed against, and I don't know the research, they will be centered against those military activities which our aircraft are directed against, and thereby our aircraft are driven towards them.
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I'm looking at this situation, I recall as some of you were here in 1965, and a lot of our military people and civilians for that matter, were then saying that the way to stop the North Vietnamese infiltration into South Vietnam was to have an oceanic trail.
It was not undertaken during the previous administration, as I understand, and I can't speak for this administration, it was not undertaken until now, for a reason that some of the entities, and for that matter the United States, had enough on our plate to stop the amount.
A lot of what would not have been possible had it not been for the employee.
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against France, released them for underage, but they are not underage even, they come and hurt all their own in the Laos with only U.S. air support.
The decision to do it now, or I think perhaps the decision not to do it before is to get back to the United States,
Neither the United States nor the Saudis felt that they apparently had the capability to do it.
The fact that the decision to do it now was based on the fact that the Saudis in the knees, because of the confidence and training they gained as a result of their attitude and their actions, and the ability of the Saudis in the knees, felt that they were able to undertake it.
Our commanders agreed, and therefore we can take it.
This is what I had to say to them.
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Let me refer to the situation that currently exists rather than the hypothesis of what's going on in the United States.
As far as the actions in Southern House are concerned, they present no threat to the economy in China, and do not be interpreted by the economy in China.
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who are pointing towards something they cannot manage, or they can't believe.
And how does my lady, I do not believe that these economy companies have any reason to personally distract themselves from their thoughts, therefore they can't react to it.
Mr. President, could you give us your evaluation of how many liabilities and operations you are doing in this early stage of the pandemic?
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I read the police report from General Abrams this morning.
The operation has gone through.
The South Vietnamese have already cut trees.
The major owners of, we call them cradles, which lead from Hong Kong down into Cambodia and later, of course, to Vietnam, the Saudi-Indonesians have run into very heavy resistance.
The road going this way, we expected that to be put in in the context of the earlier reply.
And voting action in May and June cut one lifeline.
A lifeline between a million and seven and a half helicopters.
This action would either cut or seriously disrupt another lifeline or lifeline.
The lifeline coming from down through Laos, the Ho Chi Minh Trail, into the northern half of South Vietnam.
Therefore, we expected the North Vietnamese fighters, that have the fighter, or give up the struggle to conquer South Vietnam, I believe.
And, uh, and there has gone into other parts of Southeast Asia.
Uh, finally,
I think it was quite important to note now that in this evaluation, which I specifically have, in the beginning of my video, which is going on, in the evaluation, Paul and Sophie and me are inviting themselves.
They are inviting themselves in a superior way.
I use the word he used.
They are receiving...
in a way that he believes is in accordance with the plan, and holding their own against any attack.
And he also pointed out another aspect, of course, that's been overridden by other railings, actually.
The operation in the top-line station, led by General Tree, is going along and is actually much better than was expected, with a great number of enemy casualties, and a, as General Reavers put it, a heck of a lot of damage in the apartment building.
By the time the operation will be limited,
to a time that is necessary to accomplish the attack.
Defending is not to occupy any part of Laos.
The Southeast Indies are not there to stay.
They're there to disrupt the enemy's lines of communication, their supply lines, their infiltration routes, and they get out.
Once that is accomplished, if it's accomplished early, they will get out, and if it takes longer time, they will stay here.
There is also another limitation in terms of time, and that is the weather.
In the latter part of April, or the early part of May, the rain has come, and they would have to get out then, because then our enemies also would pose no threat.
In terms of area space, it is limited to the specific area that you see on the map here.
In terms of cutting across the trails, and it's more than one trail, there are three or four trails, the trails that are the supply lines that are being stopped.
Would you have any further word on troop withdrawals for us at this time?
I'm trying to tell us about troop withdrawals.
I will make a closure announcement on the withdrawal in the coming days before the main first period, when the last year's withdrawal period will have expired.
By that I mean, you know, the 265-year-old bulletin was drawn, and the further withdrawal announcement will be made, and I can say today that as a result, largely, of our success in Amherst,
And based on, also, the prevalent concerns on the Laotian operation, that the Prove Withdrawal Program will go further on the claim.
I should also point out, however, that as far as it here is concerned, even with the Laotian,
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The number of ground combat troops that we will have to cover.
This is a great success that could go next year much faster.
I'll write it down.
I made the announcement about moving into Cancun, and I said that the purpose was to ensure our troops were normal, to reduce our tanking, and to hold the charge normal.
It has had those effects.
Our campaign team in the next half week, in which we have moved in, which we have moved in with air support, has supported us off in the Mace, and has started some air losses.
We're only half of what they were in...
The same week before Cambodia.
So the casualties are down a half, and I can point out that the casualties in the first month as we came to the office were by kind, straight as they were in the month of January.
One or two minutes, but it's not a least of progress.
In terms of casualties, in terms of troop withdrawals, the Cambodians were hurt.
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Is it possible to say now, we are talking about numbers, when the United States might be able to forego a ground combat role in the South China Sea?
There will be an announcement on that score at some point.
I am not going to give it to them now.
At this time, when the negotiations are going on in Paris still, in my case, which is a private...
We are going to remove any consenting for a possible negotiation by announcing what our plans are for the government.
Mr. President, my question to you is how far are you going to draw US troops without a resolution of the Christian War?
Well, I've indicated that, sir.
Everyone I hear would agree that long as an argument means that any Americans as prisoners of war, they will be Americans in some way or another.
Any non-Americans should give them the right to be prisoners.
Mr. President, the President of the United States has suggested in a resolution saying that it is our intention to withdraw all prisoners from the United States.
In my October 23rd call, I call for a ceasefire.
I call for a political settlement.
And I also call for a total withdrawal of all forces in this union.
So the policy of this government is for a total withdrawal, provided there is a withdrawal at the end of time.
Is that what that means?
I talked to Senator Brooks about that, and asked him to speak to Congress.
who had made this request.
As you know, I've seen a great number of congressmen, and of course, not only these 12, but all the members of Congress by the time I finish the breakfast tomorrow when I'm invited to the White House, and some of the congressmen here.
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I think I don't know about it.
I have no indication of any attack you saw with regard to the Supreme Court's decisions.
I don't believe that I used to even comment upon those idiots and their sins.
I have great confidence in those who I have appointed to the court, and I have great respect to others who are on the court list, and I have to disagree with that.
I have great respect for those who are on the court list.
On December 10th, you may recall, I said that if a nuclear supplement were served from children, or even children, that this would be a violation of our understanding with regard to
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We are watching it very closely.
The Soviet Union is aware of the fact that we consider that there is an understanding, and we will, of course, bring the matter to their attention if we find that there is any chance of violence.
Mr. President, now I feel about the racial integration of suburban housing, a subject that seems to be quite discerning.
I express your opposition towards integration, and I expect that this is what the law requires.
In the meantime, I was the third sergeant commander down in the division, which remains to put an increased burden on HUD, who will publicize in the suburbs a major case of the incident in Blackjack, Missouri.
The federal government has yet to announce its intention in regard to either of those cases.
Will you agree or will you enter the Blackjack case?
And what do you see as the overall role of the national administration in this area?
Well, they were trying to answer all the questions.
First, we had with the administration, like we had with the Black Jack case, the...
The Attorney General and the ATV currently are considering the Blackjack case, and I understand within approximately 30 days we'll have a recommendation to meet as to what action should be taken with regard to the compliance of that case.
I will not indicate anything further than that, but we'll have something more to say when I get the recommendation from the Attorney General on the ATV.
With regard to what you call, and what I call, you did not say this, but what I call forced integration, let me just spend a moment indicating what I believe is the law of this country.
This administration will enforce the law of the land which provides for open houses.
Open cities, open suburbs, open neighborhoods are now a right for every American.
Second, however, this administration will not go beyond the law.
or in violation of by using federal power, federal coercion, or federal money to force economic integration of the neighborhoods.
Now,
What we will do, however, and what we are doing, is to try to give every American, and particularly American minorities, they bring an opportunity to exercise their rights.
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I will not speculate on what South Vietnam may do to defend its national security.
South Vietnam now, as we withdraw,
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And for much longer does it matter if my argument is just something that we've been discussing constantly in the administration.
As a matter of fact, I've been talking to Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, Secretary of State, and others in formal meetings.
I have not even intended to report today, but I do want to say that I...
We will continue to pursue diplomacy for a primary reason.
The primary reason being to negotiate some sort of a POW.
And we have to realize that as far as the negotiation affecting the political side of my personality and honesty,
The responsibility for the Soviet Union.
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It's very far-reaching, it's very comprehensive, it's a very fair proposal, and we stand on that.
I do not want to suggest that there are no requirements for sections coming from our side of North Vietnam.
We're not going to make any requirements for sections.
None of this is for damage negotiations.
On the principles as we've laid out.
Mr. President, I have a question on the economy, sir.
The construction unions of the industry, apparently, are not going to be able to come up with a voluntary one-act industry.
We'll hold down, wait for the credit to increase, and one-act is what we say.
Secretary Hodge, I have a question.
You're reporting on the mining industry in America.
I have to pray for LDS to be the leader of the construction industry.
Uh...
I will not indicate now what I actually want to say until I get it recorded, but there will be action.
The reason there has to be action in this game over, and in the face of the situation, is that all of you have to be very strong and important.
I will put it very simply.
The construction industry is the second...
It's the same industry, not because of the quality of the construction, and I would say because it's the highest quality of construction in the world, but because it's had to wait to die.
When you find that weight increases, weight increases at a high in a number of industries, but when they are an average of 16%,
What has happened is that that has not helped the workers in the construction industry, except those who are employed.
So we find that under the form of the construction industry, it's doubled in actual energy.
And we also find that the federal government has a major stake in this, because looking at this part of time, we've found that $14 billion of our budget in the next 50 years will go into construction.
Now, if that kind of financial interest in construction is essential, and the federal government uses its power to do as many as it can to bring about more reasonable settlements within that industry, when given price development, that particular goal, if you're all aware of some of the actions that have been discussed,
I will clear them all and make a decision when we'll announce them.
Mr. President, may I ask a question?
I can get back into the conversation for a minute.
There has been quite a bit of regulation about the possibility of the Army to be coming down through to DMC.
Would this draft any obligations you may have on the farms that have to do with that?
And would you be interested in having to retaliate when he crosses out of the area?
My action in turn in cases that happen, and I do not believe it will happen, but my action will be guided by the training principles that I have laid out before.
I would use the power of the United States, and particularly its power in the air, to the extent that I consider it necessary for them to already support me in our Vietnam.
We have a considerable number of forces that we know on the defensive,
The bonding of horses is a long way to go before you get to the border of Laos or primarily America.
I will not allow those forces to be indicted on a nasty drug use and be encouraged to take one to be undertaken.
I think the very fact that the Nardi enemies know that I intend to take a strong action to deal with any person needing to take or not to take, if they do, I can assure you that
I don't want to leave you.
I simply want to make a record clear that I would not be bound, of course, by any so-called understanding, which they have already violated at the time of the bombing.
A few minutes ago, in response to the score of our question, you required me to be in Washington, D.C., where I had said to you before,
Where does this line come from, between those three concepts?
In one case, the laws in the book, the people as they accomplish service,
Human rights, the rights of the individual to find a house or an apartment, or rent a house or an apartment, without regard cannot be barred because it is racial or religious in the background.
In the other case, what we are talking about is economic considerations that have to do primarily with sewing.
Where it isn't involved, there is immediately clear distinction.
The law does not require, and it does not require in life, it does not allow the federal government.
to use this monetary and other power, policy power, for the purpose of changing the economic patterns of any group.
I think what the law does require is that there be open neighborhoods.
And the law does not require that.
So that's what the federal government is supposed to do.
And a lot of the neighborhoods, the type of housing that an individual could afford to live in, that's what they're supposed to do.
We have a plan in the background, and we carry it around to far and general.
The Secretary of Health had a long discussion with me and with other leaders of the industry prior to this going down.
We developed a plan, and we also made several lines that he discussed with the leaders of these labor unions.
He's a very persuasive man.
I'm not going to concede that he struck out.
But whether he has, and will he have the factor, I'm going to press the red button.
I'm going to press the red button.
I'm going to press the red button.
Oh, I understand.
All reforms that must be made, when we consider reforms, we must remember that they're always supported by the government.
And by the establishment, I don't refer to that what we used to talk about in 1964, some people talk about the eastern establishment.
I am referring to the establishment of Congress, the establishment of the Federal Reliance.
And also, the drinking organizations, labor organizations, farmers, business organizations, all have got to do with dealing with government as it is, and they're always afraid of a change.
As far as our economy is concerned, bureaucracy is concerned, what about the state of the union?
They are very, very reluctant to give up power.
We expect them to give it all time, and get rid of it very soon.
But let me put it like that, we can watch the government live at the very sun, and here we do find opposition.
or for just a little change or for putting more money into existing programs rather than refunding.
That's the case here.
But that's what's happening.
That's what is happening.
Down in the valley where the people live, you will find that
That the people in the front lines, the leaders in the front lines, the governments, the mayors, the county officials, an overwhelming majority of them are Florida citizens.
Both Colorado and the other, and also an overwhelming majority of the people of this country are Florida citizens.
Now, eventually, then, it will be approved.
I'm not suggesting exactly the form we have submitted, but it will be approved, because those of us who are in Washington have to reflect eventually what the majority of the people of this country feel.
As I look at the situation now, I would say I expected that we would have this kind of opposition.
However, I must say that the behavioral reaction that we've had
At the Grand Proof, and among governors and mayors and county officials, has been greater than I expected, and that will be precisely the fact.
We are convinced by this that we are going to accomplish a procedure that will ensure that GA will be able to control the people of Mississippi State, and not just the city of Mississippi State.
Let us not distinguish the procedures with regard to civil rights humanity.
Those procedures, of course, will be set up in our relevant programs that civil rights laws,
and requirements will be enforced.
We cannot have programs that are paid for by the tax money of all people benefiting from it.
Second, with regard to the accounting procedures, I can assure you that despite the speculation on this story, we don't intend to set up a huge network of bureaucrats to go down and examine the
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I don't think it would be helpful for him to speculate here that we refuse power situations if we don't work with the United Nations or work on the Middle East.
Let me say this.
I have been encouraged
I'm not overly optimistic about polyamory, because it's incredibly ever-vulnerable to the world.
As I pointed out in previous trust arms, it's a hatred that goes back over centuries, and they're not going to be removed very soon.
Hatreds make an enemy.
But live and let live.
But I am encouraged by the developments that have occurred so far.
The future is more forthcoming than we had expected.
And I believe that Israel has been somewhat more forthcoming.
I have hopes that when the new presidency expires, it will be extended.
I will say that neither side has your name.
It is a war in which either side will be elusive.
And so, as far as I'm concerned, I don't know if I'm going to be able to tell you this, but as far as I'm concerned, it's difficult.
There is going to be a blast on one side or the other, or sections by one side or the other.
It's going to be boring, and it actually is tough this week.
But for the United States public, we will move there and indicate what is going to be done.
What we're telling you is going to be so awful.
Mr. President, I'm going to tell you what I think is the important part on it now.
Give us a chance to see if the Pentagon regime is making the decision.
as to what it will do in its own interest, and particularly in reference to crossing the DMZ.
Most Americans believe that the decision to go into Laos was made in Washington, and decisions like crossing the DMZ would have necessities to be made here as well, because of the use of American air power.
Could you straighten out for us where the line is between the decisions that the Saigon regime will make in this government in Washington?
Any decision that you wish to honor, that call for apparent participation, would have to be approved in Washington.
The decision with regard to Laos was one that was approved, of course.
I approved the operation, and I approved the decision to use American aircraft.
The operation itself was jointly involved primarily by the South Vietnamese, but with, of course, a very close cooperation and consultation between the laborers and the staff.
But wherever American participation was,
To any extent it's required, you can be sure that that decision will be made here.
Now, when you put it in terms of what will happen in the event of the fall of the enemy when the North is gone,
I'm not going to speculate on what they will or will not do.
I will only say that my name of Maryland has to be appreciated.
And if some of the announcements are significant with regard to what we do,
would depend upon American cooperation, then, of course, it could not be undertaken without our approval.
Thank you.
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The difficulty with this format for you is actually still alive in knowledge.
The reason that we had to do it on a snap is
is that if Ziegler had only 150 plants before, we'd have 300 here in each room.
So we will use this format, and it's one of the reasons that we will use it again like this.
We may vary it at times with, let's say, domestic plants like flora, and mostly flora, I can see.
But it will have to be done on a snap basis in order to avoid the big restaurants.
We will, I will, of course, continue to have adult risers from time to time.
And one of the things Ron has discussed, and he's discussed this with you, one of the things he has discussed is that
It's a possibility, and this we have made no progress on, so that you can have more chance to follow up on the pool.
Everybody thinks it's great that he's in the pool, and so we've been unable to find an agreement on that score.
But the other thing that we've also been concerned, and all of these matters you haven't even suggested to me, and I would be grateful if you gave recommendations,
We have also had discussions with the networks,
with the possibility of doing a one-on-one, but some of that is over a period of time, but that's not yet been worked out.
But this is in connection with our desire to attempt to find formats that will provide more opportunities to follow-up, perhaps more informal meetings, that I would suggest it would be easier to do together,
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He could have asked for wealth, he could have asked for power, he said no, he said...
He was my servant and understanding heart.
And after that, he got the wealth and power.
So we just hope you have the understanding heart.
I hope you get the wealth and power too.
I can't see.
It looks like I just picked up my, uh, friend.
I can't say sorry.
I can't say sorry.
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The desire to read, to recognize the history.
The history, of course, is not what old man did.
But the history also provides a greater respect for the people, or women in history.
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