Conversation 460-029

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Thank you.

What's that?

Yeah.

I'm going to call the chair.

I was talking to John Burris on this.

I was thinking how we should handle the question on the federal takeover on, you know, the stories on the federal takeover of .

Burns is the main chief.

I'm trying to attempt to say that he even knows.

I'm thinking that he was four people more.

I'm trying to pull away from that.

I'm trying to take over.

I can't.

I don't get to where I need to be.

Or if you say it, then he's not.

No, that's why I'm going to call him.

All right.

That's why I'm going to ask you.

That question is definitely one that's going to be asked.

How does he want you to handle the message?

Very good.

Okay.

We need to establish the film of yesterday, as you know, that military news report.

And I thought if you had no objections, I'd sit at the end of the meeting and get a little Welsh and a little English.

I think it's important for us to get the mills.

I'm going to deal with that, but I'll come back after the bye.

They used the...

They didn't use much of the lips of it.

I told him, I said, you can always figure a minute, and most of the time, usually a minute and a half is 0 to 7.

So I did 7 and I did 9.

Well, this is kind of a non-usual, all kind of state-of-the-art.

Yeah.

I'll stay here since I'm ready.

I'll stay ready for that.

the people there at the meeting.

I've already canceled the meeting afterwards, so he doesn't need to speak about that.

If there's nothing else, I'll see you tomorrow.

Thank you.

The ABC's motion, what the advantage of doing that, the way you did it.

Oh, yes, sir.

CBS used the intro that you read, and then another copy, another take, NBC, a combination of two takes.

But what the advantage of doing it the way you did yesterday was that it

Woe then to, under our control, with you speaking to the way that they had, they always had really different assumptions.

And they had a tool to, of course, have control over.

So I think that was an advantage on that occasion.

I don't think we should do it that way every time, but I think we should.

I mean, it's not that we need to see you.

It was about the thing.

Yes, sir.

God damn it.

I've already been to the point that you're telling me.

I told him.

I just told him.

I canceled before he got this message.

So he didn't need to see me.

That was what it was about.

He wanted to continue to pass me.

Yes, sir.

I told you on the way over that it was canceled.

Right.

Well, then he called me.

He needed to see you.

He didn't tell me the subject.

Is that what it was about?

Yes, sir.

I told him that it was about that meeting.

I got in, you were working on something else, and he said, fine.

So I said, Captain, okay.

They're all here, so push.

We'll be over here in a minute.

I'm just talking, I'm waiting.

Push.

How are you?

She's very good.

Ladies, we have a long meeting today.

But you know, this isn't a matter of business.

This is a second process.

There you go.

If you'd like to get a little photograph for your private album, we wouldn't wish for you to do that.

We have a Navy flag.

Which is the Navy flag?

Is it right?

I don't know.

We have some battle speakers now, though, and you can send those over and put them on his plan.

I thought I'd make those available.

Yes, sir.

Sit down here.

I know you're having lunch with the secretary.

All right.

It's moving up close, yeah.

Well, we, uh, I heard you two months ago.

At the present time, we are concerned about the hotspots in the world.

Actually, for us, one is Vietnam, the most immediate hotspot.

And that is a very dangerous one.

And it has been hard to spare.

And actually, one of the reasons we are here tonight

I have always believed, long before I came to this office, since I have been here, that when you look at the important rather than the urgent, there are those things at the top of the list.

And we have to realize, too, that as far as our Soviet government is concerned, that's still what they're doing.

Oh, yes, they're worried about China, but that's 10 years from now.

You know, that's a lot.

Which is that they're all over their own.

And when you look at their, whether it's, whether they're talking about soul, you look at the soul, their soul positions, their soul positions,

while it's encouraging to know they're not run cold, their salt positions aren't always trying to get our forward areas.

They know that's the move, Jim, that they had to burn the land for all these other reasons.

For that reason, at this time, we can't.

to keep the screw lines together and find a new basis, or a better basis for a future supporter.

And particularly, because I have a horrible time.

And I said, 63, if we can.

we can develop what I think is a more credible, conventional deterrent.

Because we know how much has happened even since you took over, but I remember in the high standards we could talk with great credibility about

Well, we just wanted to acknowledge this nation, as well as all the other nations, and they all do a very great job.

And we, if you wish, we hope the success is, shall we say, cooperative,

Well, we'll see you later.

I'll try to get a further response there.

Can you, can you, can you, that's all right.

You can't do anything about that.

That's, uh, that's what I've done.

You can't do that.

We're going to have to do that job.

All right.

Thank you.

All right.

But, you know, I don't have any problem with that.

Mr. President, uh, on the Middle East, where I have to say, uh, uh, this is an excellent reason to be here today.

But we've all got, uh, I have to tell you, uh, I don't know how to use it.

Mr. President, you don't have to.

Yes.

All right.

Mr. President.

All right.

... ... ... ... ...

Well, that's what I would say.

I don't understand.

I had met about a hundred and seven, let's see, three and three, right here, here we go.

And, uh, three, one, eight, nine, ten, eleven, twelve, thirteen, fifteen, sixteen, seventeen, eighteen, nineteen, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty, twenty,

Oh, yeah.

That was part of the trail that we were doing.

Oh, yeah.

That's all right.

Yeah.

I don't have any tennis balls.

Well, we certainly, sorry to keep you waiting, but we had a, quite a few things on the schedule this morning, and we had to, you know, hand out a little bit, and, well, that'd be for you two.

I think you've all been here before.

You are too.

These are the White House services.

There's a very simple office under this.

That's the White House in 1937.

That's a very, I don't know where it was, but it wasn't that close to what it is now.

But the main feature of this room, which it was probably designed, is this created.

It's the seal of the Senate, which is duplicated in drugs.

That's true through the years.

All the carpets are woven, sealed and duplicated.

And that's a very famous painting of Washington by the Oldford Field.

If you were in a concert in Washington, that was probably Washington at a younger time.

Did you clean birds?

Everything else has got history.

I just want to wish you the best.

Did you give a chairman something?

Give him something to receive.

So the next question, she doesn't know.

Now, these are doughnuts you can have.

So, we thank you for your work for the government.

Thank you very much.

We're proud of what we're all giving you.

We appreciate your wonderful work for the country.

Why don't you tell me what you think about it?

I'd like to look at defable rights.

South Dakota girls.

Mr. President, we don't need to say a word.

We need to be smart this time.

This is definitely a professional event.

Yeah, I'm voting it.

All right.

Thank you, Mr. President.

I apologize for the delays.

The meetings ran over this morning and I think it was bad to ask you to sit with me.

This is the President, the official of the Ceremonial Office.

This is the President.

Mr. White.

Yes.

Yes, sir.

Up another street.

27th and 22nd Street.

Oh, that's where my wife used to go.

She used to walk along there many times.

Right.

Yeah.

Do you still live in it?

No.

I leave my box away.

We moved up on 52nd Street.

I heard.

Yeah, she had to walk.

Yeah.

Mr. and Mrs. Cosley, they said.

Yes.

Mrs. Cosley.

Exactly.

Mrs. O'Farrell.

Hi.

Mrs. O'Farrell.

Oh, such a lovely fish.

New grasses.

Sugarcane.

Come on.

Yeah.

What a nice grass.

Oh, here.

Look at how it's growing out here.

You've never seen it before.

Nice.

Where did this little girl go?

She knows how to fly, too.

Right.

I like all kinds of things.

That's what I think.

All right.

Thank you.

Yes, sir.

We in the National Association of Presidents appreciate you signing the bill about the National Convention and appreciate making it available to Mr. Richardson, Mr. Black, right?

It was a wonderful announcement that night.

Well, I, uh, with all of you here, I must say that we, those of you who work in this area of the whole country, appreciate what you do.

It's a great labor of love.

You must get a lot out of it.

It's a great need to help and know that.

Hopefully I'll come back to that.

We just appreciate what you're doing.

I wish I could see all the people that are working and all the people you're helping.

This little girl is our child.

Thank you.

I asked her if she knew who Mr. Copperham is, and she said, America.

Right.

Well, that's interesting.

Good night, sir.

Ah, thank you.

Thank you.

We'll see what the rest of the program seems to do.

Okay.

It's a nice thing to write.

And we have those three appointments.

However, it certainly sounds fair to the town lights and everything.

They're all having lunch.

Yeah, yeah.

All right.

Well, I don't care if we get them in.

We'll target them at the receiving room.

Yeah.

Hello Bill, how are you?

We are all from Princeton.

Oh, and you're the, oh, yeah, yeah, you're part of the, you're part of the Princeton Hardcore.

Yeah, that's right, that's right.

Oh, that's good country down there.

You like Christmas?

The other thing I'm going to say is that I remember what you did supporting us.

I'm just grateful for that.

I'm just telling you, for anybody, not for anybody on the college campus, please, please, please, please, please, please, please, please, please, please, please, please, please, please, please,

I hope that you will help provide the support that you need.

We were just talking about amounts, and there's a question of how.

How do you get it?

How do you get it quickly?

Sometimes you've got to do a hard thing in order to get a good life that you want.

And I sat there and I was just...

But then we came up, you know, and it was all over with, and you were the president, and I just got, you know, I couldn't ask for anything more.

And then we, you know, I was confident in it.

And then we were, we were just hearing about the, uh, the success of Henry Klaus.

I want to throw it out there that, uh, he, I think, he's been most of the themes tonight.

Uh, I mean, like, Chris, I'm trying to get you to take that.

He is still there.

I'm trying to get the answer.

Well, this is the very thing about Donald Trump, which is, like, I mean, this is something that...

But perspective is what is.

Because I can't remember what he swooned about in Cambodia.

Yes.

And now he realized, as a result of Cambodia, the southern half of South Vietnam is secure.

Now, while this is tough, there's going to be two or three weeks of pretty bloody fighting.

We'll be out and down in Cambodia.

But in the end, the main purpose is every day the South Vietnamese are in there.

It means the less stuff goes down there, the fewer Americans who can get out in an honorable way.

That's what it's all about.

Just keep your perspective.

It's how it works at COPS.

If we could only get it some way to get it to television, why don't we just put it on every night?

You heard it.

Since I told some of you guys to go on television, I'd like you to go into that work, right?

Are you planning to do politics, television, law, politics, to see that?

Law, politics, to see that.

Thank you.

That is, this only goes to the perspective of people.

We do appreciate what you've done.

I want you to know we've had a lot of faith.

I have.

And what we talk about, you know, what you've done as a young American and so forth.

You've tried to pull, you know, to play.

But they showed 55% of them not being anyway.

That is a target.

We've got people in this country that have a golden mind.

So what do you think is going to happen?

And you heard that.

So what do they do as we get into the war?

Thank you.

Keep your courage.

Thank you.

I'll let it grab you now.

No, no, no.

Let it grab you.

Thank you.

Excuse me, excuse me.

Do you mind if I just go ahead?

Yes, right in front of you.

Mr. Pappas.

Yes, sir.

You know, I wonder about this.

I can, instead of going to 5 o'clock in the middle of Sunday, you know, I have to finish them right away, so I've got to see you.

Yes, sir.

Mr. President, Commander Stevenson.

Well, how are you?

How are you?

Good to see you again.

I'm assuming you're serious.

What do you mean?

That's just the best.

I'm very glad to have you here.

I'm sorry to catch you waiting, but we have a lot of people.

That's good.

We're going to get a picture of you.

Put your hat on.

Get on this side of me if you would.

That way we can have a balanced picture.

I'm very glad to have you here.

We need this off the air so it's

Mr. President and I, we wouldn't be what we should be if we didn't express to you the entire mission plan for making our appreciation for Maine possible.

And the fact that the original war stamp was issued in conjunction with our stamp.

I have something else that I want to give you that might be interesting and urgent.

This is a resolution which I will present to our national executive committee, Mr. Fred Stampler, meeting here in Washington over the weekend and next week.

Thank you.

Good, good, good.

I appreciate it very much.

Well, you're a great boss, anyway.

You got it.

Can I have a hold on you?

Make sure you're ready to be involved.

Sure.

I'm sorry.

All right.

This is a fine decision.

I'll give you some.

I'll go ahead and get you a WL.

This one on the side.

Stevenson, I get you.

First name, Cecil.

Cecil Rodney.

Easy, easy, easy, easy, easy, easy, easy, easy, easy, easy, easy, easy, easy.

That's right.

Come on, this side.

Thank you.

We all appreciate what you've done for your country and what you're doing now.

Thank you.

Thank you a lot.

Bye.

How are you?

Well, I understand you're going to take off, huh?

Right.

Go up to the Wicked City?

Yeah, one world.

I never thought of you being in one world.

Well, the bushes are.

You keep pushing.

There's a brainwash in those folks, huh?

You'll enjoy it.

Great assignment.

Have you ever studied a Catholic UN?

No, not very much.

This is sort of new to me.

Fascinating.

You'll love it.

I mean, you'll hate the social part of it.

Unless maybe you like to go out and pray.

Unless, as a matter of fact, they don't pray.

The social part is tough, but you can go to a lot of those things.

It's exciting to go around the snows, people talk.

But just eat very little, drink very little, and keep in shape.

That's my best advice.

And listen a lot.

Well, you mentioned presidential contracts today.

That's all we give to people who give so much of their time and effort to us.

And we appreciate it.

You'll keep in touch with Perry.

We'll keep in touch.

We've been trying to get back to the campaign for other states.

I hear all about that.

I know that.

That's right.

Thank you.

You're welcome.

You can't get rid of politics.

No, I don't want to.

Yes.

Okay.

Thanks.

Oh, that's all right.

That's all right.

Hi, how are you?

I'm sorry we kept you waiting so long.

Okay, well, you know what?

We need your support.

Well, how's it going over there?

Thanks.

By the way, I want to congratulate you on your speech yesterday.

I think this will be a tremendous help to all of your classes, including me.

It's been a lot of help, but I think it's sort of finally over.

I know you've got a heavy schedule, so I'll make this fast.

What I would like to do, Mr. President, is I'd like to have a wonderful time.

It's a great privilege.

It's a great force.

I'd like to say that if I was to this year, I'd like to go with you again in 73, if you would meet me at home.

But I would also at this point like to ask for a sabbatical in 72.

That's the year of the Mount approximately, but then that's January, for two reasons.

One is that I think the most important thing in the world today and to the world today is

as well as the United States is to see that you get re-elected in 1972.

I'd like to do what I can to... Well, you did before.

Well, I remember.

I'd like to do it again.

And the second reason is that I also would like to get my old affairs in order.

And going back, so that I can go over here and sit right here.

Right.

Go back as not as president, but as chairman of the board of my company, including the radio and TV.

Good.

And keep those.

That's what enabled me to be in a position to do anything that's necessary to be done.

So I'm only asking for about a euro.

You might wonder why I'm doing this so far in advance, but I have to make my plans.

And also, if you talk to us this end of the week, you might have no funds.

And, uh, we'll try to give some really deserving guy that opportunity.

That's a wonderful, wonderful post.

And, uh, we, uh, we can, uh, well, Delford, I can't say how much you really hope your wife enjoys it, too.

She hasn't sold my daughter for money.

I remember her asking me to give you that.

We're such loving people, such two households.

We had to make some money.

We had to find a prime minister.

I appreciate it.

We'll handle it any way you want.

As long as you are safe.

Right, you're right.

What did you say about January 37th?

Yes, sir, you're right.

All right, let's go.

Harry passed the planning and the factors.

We really want a good man for this job.

I mean, some guy deserves it, you know.

Yeah, we got a lot of new wives.

Well, these are little crates.

They're your wives.

Oh, well, that's right.

They're the first person I should talk to.

Oh, they haven't already.

How about you get down to the farm base tonight.

You're going to your wife later.

Yeah.

There's the President.

He's awful.

He doesn't know how to hurt.

Nice time to see you on the signature.

Well, I'm glad you're glad.

That way to the public, you know.

I always kid.

I said, never even to the Vice President anymore.

I take it.

I don't mind.

He's a great guy.

I thought I had none of the Bible tonight before he was...

I'll never forget that beautiful party you had at your home.

All right, so he's in here now, so we put him in some type of way, and then I was having that right here, and he wants to come back, so he can come back now.

All right, so I'm going to be sitting right here.

All right.

Oh, did you get the little note of the returning charge?

Yes, sir.

So I gave that to the marshal.

She said, who is it?

I said, it's an American.

I clapped her hand.

She smiled and said, who is it?

It's an American.

I felt that, I guess.

And I still touch her.

It's a sweet child.

And I told her she loved you.

And she was right.

And I told her the story of my girls.

And I thought I said, well, she knows.

I got that, too.

She knows me.

I can get along here, trust me.

It's fine.

No problem.

Mr. President, how do you figure that?

I will never deny it.

I just want to say.

Right, I know, I never do that.

I would never do that.

But it's valuable to me to get a feel of it.

The briefing this morning, I talked to Chairman Mill.

He said, Ron, go ahead and say it.

I didn't tell the White House that I'm going to propose anything.

He said, I talked to the White House about better control of the price of welfare.

He said, I'm for reform of it.

He said, now, move on down the line.

That'd be reform.

He said, that may have not been fine.

But he said, don't say that.

So he agreed to put the key to support the welfare reform.

How are you?

Holmes Alexander has a very good column today, too.

Well,

He's so sensitive about it.

He thinks that these are reasonable people and they're not so reasonable.

Of course, you know what I said to these guys when they said, well, there's really, you know, it's a nice report that explains the policies, but there's nothing new in it.

I say to them that that just demonstrates the thing that we've been trying to do, which you haven't come directly and don't seem to give us credit for, and that is that we must have communicated our policies damn well over the last two years if you

complete outline of our policies appear here, and you feel there's not a great deal new in it, then you know our policies.

And that kind of takes them back a bit.

Thank you for all of it.

One policy radio address.

You know, that's our position.

We're never going to get out of there without our POWs.

That's not even possible.

Have you ever tackled on that?

No.

I've...

I've said what you've said, and also I say the president's view is when U.S., as U.S. forces withdraw, the POWs come with us.

And that is, you know, the posture I've said and indicated that their forces will be there until POWs are released.

And Henry's followed that up in his background briefings.

That's what we will be doing, yes sir.

What's that?

The open-off door.

Oh, good.

What is it?

Yeah, on the last Saturday, Steve was going to try to finesse those because that came on Tom Wentz.

He was going to postpone it later again.

And now that does it.

Oh, sure.

Right here.

Because of the delay.

Yes.

So long as Steve, you know, I was just going to be down on this anyway.

So Steve was going to sort of play it by ear.

I don't know what happened.

Well, I don't mean now.

I mean, if he, at the end, he was going to say, I don't know.

I think that I was supposed to get out of here.

But, uh, something about you.

Oh, really?

Yeah.

Related to having, uh, five sons or so since he was here.

This is great.

I mean, since he said anything about that, we had to, you know, release him.

And going back to five.

Five was his name.

Very good.

I don't, Alex, I don't really see anything in the picture of the substance that he's really talking about.

I mean, it's, he wants to come in with a good guy.

I mean, I, I know there's a reason he's not concerned about the future of Jewish law.

I know that Saudi Arabia...

He's been wondering about the possibility of having him come to the U.S. in front of his financial check with somebody else behind him.

I don't know if we had him in there.

Well, he's been in other trips, yes.

He just got back from another trip.

Well, I mean, that wouldn't happen in style.

There's nothing on there.

At some point, I don't know.

But it has to come in first.

That's right.

Basically, I understand that.

I do it a lot.

Eight months.

Okay.

Why not?

Six months.

No, we've got to get it done something more often.

Well, we've got to get it done.

No, that's okay.

That's good for a while.

That's a good boy to watch.

You know what he used to say to a friend?

I don't know.

I don't see anybody who's a reporter at all.

He's writing a book, so...

Right now, we're still waiting on, uh, checks are just waiting until another situation arises, but hold on for a while.

Yeah.

Well, I can go ahead and see him, but I'm not sure this morning I can see if there's anything lost coming on the line.

He's got some hurt, but I don't want him to discuss that with me.

That's what's funny.

See, that's the kind of thing, Bob, I've got to keep your mouth off of him, right?

But he's fine.

I could go ahead and have him.

Might as well.

Might work him into the day.

I think we've cleaned up almost everybody here today, except one.

New in your crop today.

Not much.

I'm not going to campaign at my town camp.

I'm going to New York this year.

Okay.

You're going to give the colonies a chance to really be free and easy and do whatever they want.

That's a nice thing.

Oh.

Would you be sure, Alex, that somebody has a campaign with a camp captain who will stand out and block him?

He said to me in the background, I'm not going, but dog would be more convenient for him, you think?

I'm not going at all.

My point is that in view of that, I want to be sure that the cat can sit there and have their meals and ask them.

I said, okay.

He was asking for their names after they said they were the cat's staff.

The movie will be in Aspen.

So they can have their movie in Aspen.

And also they can have, I want them to use the swimming pool and the sauna mat, which are both open.

Do you mind?

Yes, sir.

So they can stay in either cottage.

They can stay in either of the two in the cottage.

It's not good.

It would have been a beat.

It would have been a beat just so they could tell if it was a brand new one.

Unless you do go outside.

Get these little fools out of here.

I think he sure gave Wilbur Nelson bloody blood.

Was he there?

Yeah.

Don't you think that was a nice touch?

Sure.

Bringing him in.

And it was a nice historical moment.

Kevin was the chief of the Senate.

And ran for governor.

Now he's, and he got president.

And then they do, they do that now.

I don't know.

I'm suggesting what you ought to do.

You should let him sit in the hallway and suggest Bush for president.

Yeah.

But don't you think that kind of thing gives people a little of a feeling of, I guess, so much better than just going out and the way, you know, the way that it's usually done on Johnson?

but you go out and praise this man, his great accomplishment, et cetera, et cetera.

It doesn't mean a thing.

It's a very serious moment in the rest.

I can give you a little levity in such moments.

Would you agree or not?

I sure do.

It has all the trimmings when you have the hail of the jeep and the superboard vessels and the flights and all that.

It's great to get a little energy to help us.

Got a Zico kick for the day anyway.

Breakfast.

Oh, shit.

that he was reading.

For the old man, yeah.

I didn't.

No, I don't think he did.

I think he was just being there.

This is a real coup, as I'm sure you know.

As she said to us, I don't know if it's pretty hard, but it's hard.

We can't pay the plankton.

The Johnsons and the Kennedys had both made all-out efforts to get these portraits to the White House and failed.

Mrs. Nixon succeeded, as she did with the documents.

It was also a real coup.

I thought it marked good.

Trisha was talking to me yesterday about the

and so forth.

I said, what if he was a teleprompter?

She said, well, part of the time.

But I want Mark to treat their television appearances with the same, you know, as much as the time.

But if it was directly complex, he should go over and help Tricia or Pat when they've got anything that might be on television.

I just think it's a damn good idea.

I feel a joy doing it.

It'll help them.

They didn't ask for it, but I just, I think it's, you know, work out your own job.

But he's very good.

He's a good boy.

He's smooth.

He's great because he's so low-key.

He's fast.

Oh, he's quick.

Very fast.

You know, I never asked.

There's no rumbles.

No, no, sorry.

There's nothing in the body that's going to send us there.

It's a very beautiful boy.

Most everybody in this business, Bob, and that business in particular, feels they have to come in and sit down and breathe.

And to make a hell of a big deal, I want to have a chat and a breath and breathe.

They think, I guess they have a feeling that's what I'm supposed to call it.

This guy has to do that.

He comes in, he tells me, whispers in my ear, I get it.

And I'll be like, that's what I want to do.

Then he doesn't interfere with my train of thought.

It's correct.

He's a good man.

He's something.

I really request him because he's got it.

He's exactly what you want, this solid confidence.

You know he knows what he's talking about, but he's not all excited about it.

And he's the first TV guy that we've had around that is excitable.

Roger is always, you know, his tie is done and all, and Roger Hillary, yeah, of course.

And Ted Rogers and Ted Rock, work over at Ted Rock, watch your sales.

They know he's always so excited about it.

And Scott was hard.

Scott was good.

Alice was very good.

But Woody wasn't nearly as fast.

He was good.

He was just like life.

He's just great with everybody.

He greets everybody.

He tells me.

He doesn't have to protect anybody.

I just know he's got a real mind there.

I think that we make it.

It's easy for him.

I see him on the scene.

When I get a guy that's good, you never have to worry.

I'll talk to him.

It's only when the guy is irritated, he's trying to voice chat or something.

I fully realize that.

That's why it's so important to get the right guy, though, because if he's not, you won't talk to him, and there's no reason why you shouldn't.

And some of the other things that are impressive about him is that he isn't the least bit abashed about being with the President of the United States.

He walked right in here on the first day.

He was basically pretty nominal.

The other night was the first time he'd ever worn a white tie in his life.

He was moving around there running the time of dinner.

Hey, talk to Bryce.

Fortunately, he was at a dinner party of the vice president's last night.

Didn't have a chance to talk to him.

It was a big party.

But the vice president asked if you could play tennis with him tonight.

And said he would like to talk to him.

He had something he wanted to talk to him about.

So he's got a session set up.

He doesn't have to take the initiative.

He can move right into it.

He's going to cover the Goodhagen thing.

Oh, yeah.

He says, I know, I remember.

Of course, Bryce likes it.

He likes to read.

Oh, yeah.

The Braggers are running the world.

Yeah.

I was their favorite movie.

See, they couldn't take it.

They never took ice power.

So they got one meeting.

But now they've got two targets.

So it's not as hard for him.

Of course, see, he said, well, I remember he used to go to those things.

He laughed.

He always enjoyed it and all that.

And, you know, I hate it.

He said, well, you know perfectly well he didn't enjoy it, but he put on a good show, and that's what the vice president's got to do.

So he's going to take that on, and also the whole intergovernmental relations business, and, you know, structure the office, and go, and the whole bit of it.

So we'll have a good time, and then we'll talk.

So you'll have a chance to talk in your live spaces.

Thank you.

Secretary Rogers wants five minutes.

Very urgent.

Come over any time.

General Hague says it's very important that Henry see the President prior to the President's returning.

The Secretary of State's caller having him come over should be visited.

He sent a message to Secretary Esselstyn Yost.

I know that.

So the question is, who do you see first?

I'm not going to Steve Rogers.

Rogers is not going to be seen this afternoon.

Okay, well, Henry comes in.

He comes back for five minutes.

Henry gets five minutes.

He comes back for ten minutes.

I'm going to have to, because I've got the Adams portrait.

So now I'll see Rogers.

No, no, no.

I want to see Rogers this afternoon.

I want to see him.

I don't tell Henry when I see Rogers.

I don't tell him anything.

Nobody's going to know.

Just say Henry, come in.

When he gets back, he comes back.

So, I have to visit him when I see him.

I never expected to see Rogers.

Rogers told me the earlier I see him, I'm prepared to talk.

said on the agriculture that in the high Murray business, which he's been working on to see if we can't get it to be open and get Murray in here, which everybody feels would be, not Dole, everybody else, that would be the answer.

What we're doing, and this sort of came out of a joint recommendation, is having Harper take more of Murray on the trip Monday at some point.

So we want to get you with Murray for a few minutes.

And then we're going to have to go back on the, he talked to the Marines on the basis of this, and it could take back to Belcher that it just, we've got to have him over here.

It's more important for the long haul for the farm and the party and the page and everything else to have him here than to just have him over there.

And see what we can do.

For Jerry Boyd about it, a way to break through this to reopen the question would be to have him go on the trip.

And he's not going to go there.

We're not taking any Congressmen.

What we might do is put

See, you can run into an airplane and say, instead of whatever it was going to come back, say, come back to the plane.

I can go.

It's the emergency.

Also, I can see people tomorrow morning.

It's better not to try and set a time tomorrow morning.

I don't want to capitalize on that, though.

I must not think that was a mistake just because I had the time.

Go ahead.

If you don't go to Camp David, he used to tell you to do the same thing here.

And you still have to.

That's what I plan to do.

You'll be the leader or something.

Oh, well, it's important.

Right.

But we've got to get this.

We won't go through the cast.

Harrisville coming out Monday.

It's very interesting.

Asked...

You're raising public confidence in the job done by the 91st Congress, the last Congress.

How would you rate how the Congress has done?

63 to 26, negative.

Job rating of the Congress, how would you rate the Congress?

That's how he does it, the same way he does it for us, an excellent, pretty good county fair report.

Only there, because it's negative.

At the same time, they asked to raise the president on his re-handling his relations with Congress.

That was low also, 59-28, but not as low as the rating of Congress itself.

Then they asked it, they thought it was better to have the Congress and the executive in control of the same party, and they said continue the way it is, opposite parties, by 49-36.

The reason is that at a time when politicians and politics are held at low esteem, most Americans feel it's good and healthy to have Congress and the executive keeping each other on their toes.

The job rating of Congress, they ask the same question over the years.

In 65, it was 64-26 positive.

In 66, it was 49-42 positive, which was higher now, but it's negative.

Yeah.

Job rating in Congress.

Yeah.

How is Congress doing?

How would you rate the job Congress did?

65, they rated 64 positive, 26 negative.

Yeah.

And 66, 49, 42.

Yeah.

And 67, 38, 55, negative.

68, 46, 46 even.

69, 34, 54, negative.

70, 34, 54, negative.

71, 26, 63, negative.

Well, he gets to that point.

He says,

This is Republicans who like to sit down and talk.

Individual's political orientation obviously makes a decisive difference in his views on having executive and legislative branches under same or different control.

This would indicate that in 72, if Nixon were to try to run a campaign based on lack of cooperation from a Democratic-run Congress, he would run the risk of fucking sharp disagreement with the independents.

Yeah.

Because the independent figures are dividing Congress by 45 to 35, divided executive and Congress.

That's pretty close, though.

Democrats favor dividing control by two to one because they're not in the White House.

The Republicans, of course, want the unified control.

He makes the point by the same token with all the possible candidates on the Democratic side now sitting members of the Senate.

Identification with their parties directly in Congress will not win any votes.

But make a note to- And all the parents hold out.

Et cetera on that, that's .

In all the Paris assentings on Congressional standing, never has the Congress been in lower review of the random trial of the people.

This is interesting too, he has underrated Congress on specific votes or issues.

Has the Congress done a good job on particular things?

Pollution-free cars, for instance, it was 76-15 favorable.

Banning cigarette advertising $64.26.

Favorable.

Sending federal aid to education $59.26.

18 year vote $55.36.

But then, this is interesting, rejecting the SSG subsidy $38.28.

Favorable one way down.

Passing the expanded ADM, 3734, they've got support on that.

Passing anti-crime, 3639, negative.

Turning down the Ainsworth and Carswell, 2635, negative.

Overriding mix and detail on hospital bill, 2635, negative.

Not passing mix and welfare reform, 2548, negative.

Good.

Not increasing Social Security, 1371, negative.

Not passing revenue, sharing 1046, negative.

Well, maybe we've got to get to work on it.

In other words, on everything where Congress did go along with major elements of your religious service program, they got a strong hand to vote.

All right.

What does Patrick feel about his ticket to the World Cup?

He seems to be happy.

Seems to be, yeah.

I only stopped for a few minutes this morning, and, uh, he knew the sky was supposed to cut the hell out of him in a dry way.

Uh, a dry way, which I expected.

You see, Mike is, uh, got a lot of attention on that, so he's actually there.

I guess you're right.

It, it, it got attention, but Mike didn't pay me, which is absolutely true.

Nothing he did.

And it wasn't anything new.

I knew that.

I mean, uh, we, uh, we, uh, we just gotta, and, and by that, we gotta be good to each other.

I strongly, strongly say to, it was too long.

Uh, that even the Times didn't cover it all.

You can't give them 60,000 words.

And you can't say something that isn't new in 60,000 words.

Yeah.

With a set of coming out.

I got it.

I didn't read the damn thing.

I said, cut it.

Goddamn Sapphire.

I told him to do it.

I don't think he will step up to anything like that.

Cut it.

He said, he could do that.

I wasn't about to.

We told him to cut it, General.

We sat in the NSC meeting there.

Rogers and Larry said, please cut it.

So he did.

Cut it.

Goddamn benefit.

I just can't understand that it's a, well, I do understand that it's just kind of this and awful and all that, but it's for its own good.

Our good.

What do you think about the coverage?

Yeah.

Looking back on it, I think they're completely green now.

The right thing to do is radio them, not to go on TV.

I go on TV, and it's loud.

Right?

Yeah.

Everybody.

You would have set yourself up to be, and try to be wild.

They could never walk you to a restaurant.

But they can walk you for saying nothing.

You know what I mean?

For simply walking.

But you can't walk people going on radio.

Oh, I don't know.

Mathematics is a great device, I still think.

Because of the advantage of the voice, everybody recognizes it.

I think we ought to use it.

Goddamn, they've got it every week.

I think we can use it.

I don't think it becomes common.

They're going to use it.

We have weekly radio.

We can buy something good every two weeks or something.

It's a way to get yourself in.

It's a way to make sure whenever we've got something you want to get recorded on a show.

Like what?

It's a way to give another kick down the road a little ways to, for instance, the health program.

The health program.

Yeah, which you don't want to get on and try to do anything.

The health program and revenue sharing.

And revenue sharing, like a message that I'm sending to this or that.

You know, revenue sharing, you can do it on each, on the segments.

Got it.

Yeah.

I can send another congress, or I can send a letter to the congress, or I can send a...

I can send...

I don't have anything to do, for instance, on the environment.

Whatever you do on the environment, what legal it is, it ought to be grandstanded.

It ought to be grandstanded.

The truck, the other kind of stuff.

Because that's all it's for.

But health care, people, they just care about you caring about it.

They don't really know what all the plans are about or care.

We've got to care about everything.

As a black student...

Now I like the idea of addressing the many thrusts of remarks to a segment.

In other words, if you want to talk to farmers or blacks or Mexicans, doing this means two Mexicans on the radio, because everybody has a radio, or can get one.

and he can set that up and announce in advance that he's going to speak to the United Nations Mexicans next week and build it up a little bit.

And the Mexicans will do it then?

It's one of the small movements, sir, that I would mention.

Tell them.

I never want, when I'm doing television, I don't want a silver card.

He's got this one guy that's sitting there and snapped his legs a couple of times when I was doing this television clip.

I don't want silver card.

We have a robot.

They're not our own either.

I think all these people...

He's the best walker ever.

They don't know that I don't want that to see.

Even our own people, I don't want them seeing it.

Because we've got to play for the big thing, and we don't give one ticker's shit whether we've got a picture of you delivering that television thing or not.

Do we?

No, they give a still shot at it.

Black person, black son.

Just tell them.

That's my commitment to her.

We know, still count in the room.

When I do it, I'll just never give it to them.

Well, so...

I told Will one time, you know, they forget it.

It's got to keep reminding them of the rules.

It is a narrative film.

And you're trying to read the five cameras.

It's all black, black, you know.

Yeah, well, it's just not the right thing to do anyway.

It is.

What they do is not going to be bad.

We could do about one minute.

No, these...

They used, uh, all of them had three minutes.

Okay, Bill, one point for another.

No, not all of them did.

So the film was really not real kind of six minutes.

No, don't you cut?

I cut six and a half minutes.

It's wrong to cut six off.

Are you, again, even on the most important thing you're going to do at all, you should, you can't go over two minutes.

This simply won't ease over two.

I cut five minutes on the Woodrow Black speech or whatever.

No, it wasn't that.

They didn't.

They used a minute.

Yeah.

The most you'll ever get is humans.

I told them this.

I told them.

Of course, I told them.

They said, well, they had an executive select.

You know, we got to select.

That's right.

We got to select what we want.

And they did it.

So each of the ABC did a damn good job.

I saw that.

And they dispersed it.

The way they did it was build it up in a very interesting way.

And Gerald did a good job of that.

And they used more than was it worth doing just for them.

That's what they were doing.

They didn't use six minutes.

On the other hand, the point was about giving them six they were able to pick up.

I don't buy that.

I don't either.

I don't buy that.

It lets us decide which two minutes we want.

Do you follow through on that, Jim?

Don't say we're exactly two minutes.

It's just wrong.

No matter what it is, if you're filming it then for the TV news, it should be normally 30 seconds.

The other thing we have to remember more than two minutes, you will argue, never let the sweet truck have anything to say with what's going on on television.

See, this is again, Bill was the one who worked on the bizarre.

He's naturally going to want his stuff down.

And I can't even want his stuff on.

That is not the way to do it.

I think one of the best things you did was when you walked in that day and said, our people don't think you should go on television.

You're right.

I would have been glad if I could have done the television almost as easily.

You know, I could sit there and read it three or four more times.

It was a better thing.

Don't you think it was much better?

Yeah.

I had some doubts yesterday.

After I heard the radio, I had some doubts because I thought it was good.

It was impressive.

It was a good speech.

And well done.

But it was not good.

But you're great.

Yeah.

So you just don't want to go on.

We're going to save up a gun now and then for, if we go on, it's going to be big.

That's the records there, you know.

Press conference, conversation.

Yeah.

The big thing like that, or the major announcement, the explaining what's happened.

Those are there, too, for all sake.

That's right.

And brief.

Well, breathe, breathe, breathe, breathe, breathe.

My God, I loved the brief speech.

I, as I repeat again, I think that radio speech gained a hell of a lot by the, by my cutting eight minutes out of it.

I'm sure it did, because another four could come out, not much more, because it would be hard to take much more out of that.

Because it had this, you know, important feature, a week, that was the title speech.

And he delivered it fast, which was good, because it made you point, you had a lot you wanted to say.

I'm disappointed in him because he doesn't feel, you know, I know how a man gets when he writes something.

I do the same thing.

I fall in love with this phrase or that phrase.

I heard it years ago when I wrote an article for the law school journal.

And I had to get it out of them.

They got up to a page and a half.

And they killed me.

But I did it.

And I've never forgotten it.

And I don't think a lot of our people here

If you get each other, you might get each other's.

And this Greg Coleman stuff is bullshit.

I'll let you know when it was.

The view of giving them a smorgasbord was wrong, too.

I agree.

We should decide what's important now.

But it was well done.

I must say, Sidebar did a damn good job writing.

He's a damn good man to work with.

Did it.

I've done it.

It's been a while.

What is the, what is the, what is the, what about the gal then?

When are they coming out?

We shouldn't, we may get her today.

They won't be out for a while, but.

Dwight called, when did they change her?

Two days, last weekend.

And he talked to them.

So curious.

Two or three times yesterday.

They said they'd have her at 4 o'clock yesterday, and at 4 they didn't have her, and they said they'd have her today.

They did be satisfied.

Why don't you just pour as much?

We just had to be heads up.

Less open, desired.

That's how long.

Okay.

I don't think so.

I mean, what's it supposed to mean, right?

I think we've been riding on the, I don't know why I'm close on the blips.

Well, I don't know.

Gallico didn't run anything, you know, and he had to.

And the security's thinking, he had to hit me by, did he?

At least that's what he told us.

And he was confirmed because he told the other guy, he told Dirks that, too, when he was up talking to him.

I know.

He's the same figure that gave the checklist.

He had a...

I didn't use that, and I didn't scroll along.

The only reason it would be interesting to see whether in history we had all this damn action, whether it means anything.

Sorry, they're always interesting to get at, to try and get at.

Take a second.

Massachusetts portals you looked at were weirder than last May.

That's not surprising.

Jesus, you got a nice face.

That was when we were in Cambodia.

We were pretty strong then.

a month ago, you know.

That's why I had serious doubts about Harris, because Beale can't come out with a 62% and Harris came out with a 48.

Do you agree?

I don't want you.

No.

Beale is the same question as Harris.

That's right.

Coach, mention quickly this morning, I forgot to follow up, but he's got something more.

You know, the Washington Post didn't carry the Harris poll that showed you ahead of Muskie on all the issues, any of those issues, and Merle was going to hit up on that yesterday.

and fired for it, I would have done it.

You know, beyond what happened to this man.

I mean, he's got a racquetball.

Why didn't he carry that?

So he didn't need it.

Yeah.

I don't know.

He said they were very, much more positive on Nixon.

On Nixon, on you.

Not given the policies and stuff, but just on Nixon.

They were much more positive than they were last year.

They were better than himself.

If we remove the war pin, that will help some.

But, and that will be removed as we make announcements.

We have no illusions that if we solve that problem, they'll beat things with us.

They're out to beat our ass off.

They use the word economy.

Come on.

Speaking of people being tired, Al Haig looked up and tired to me yesterday.

He probably is.

He's probably reading a granite lab.

Yes, sir.

Retired.

I just don't know.

Take it along.

So he doesn't have a chance to work.

I have just doubts whether, I mean, he's got the... Oh, the deal is if we can...

The boat's not going to rely on it.

He's moving on.

Covering the thing.

Otherwise, he's going to try and use a lot of stuff.

I'm not going to try to push him into it.

We'll just sit him either way as long as he wants to.

Bryce's other thought was using lunch bell in this intergovernmental relations deal, which he's going to try to sell.

He's going to try it on that and see what happens.

Which, interestingly enough, I'm still as interested in.

I can't believe some of the programs.

Well, I'll leave you in the front position.

Can I send out a message?

Sure.

Blessings.

We probably went first for the time.

I'll wait for a buzz.

So what question do they want me to ask?

Just give me a, I don't want a long talking paper because it's a very brief meeting and she's just coming in.

She's not very good.

And Bob, we can't, we just can't get these people nailed down.

Henry comes in and says Cicero and Rogers and this one have not given us all the facts.

And I don't tell you, this is a repeat.

But I think he really has what I'm concerned about, and I want it now.

What, what is he, what question does he want me to ask?

What questions?

Two or three, that's a brief conversation, and I'll ask.

I'll try to get it out, and if there's something that he feels is wrong.

Because he's, you know, he's such a good man, right?

I just know he will choose for a long time.

It's a one-sided thing, just cannot.

It's partly ridiculous, but what would happen if you put Roger Sisko Kissinger, egg in a room, with you, with me?

Oh, it will at the time.

He's .

.

wait until we get the answer, and then .

.

But I want him to know .

.

Here's a chance for me to ask some questions together directly without him being present.

Now I'm going to bring them all in together.

So, I don't know, I'm going to do what I mean by .

.

Okay.

Oh, we got the ad.

That's a big thing for Pat.

He did a good job.

He worked on it.

Yeah, it was nice.

It's a very nice cut.

Very good as he made it.

That's a very good scene.

Well, he did a superb job.

You know where I got all that?

It's a, not a serial killer, but, no, there's a, I was reading Stenberg, and there's a two-page little recap, and I'm not missing anything.

That's what I'm going to show Andrews and Price.

The whole theory of this is, they said not, they should read, read history, read history, read biography, read Stenberg, read all the old things.

All right, it's pretty good.

I'd like to just do the other thing.

Oh.

Keep going, Brandon.

Hold it, how are you?

Why don't we sit over here?

I think it would be more convenient.

Not convenient, but it would be more comfortable with this hour of the day.

I'll just finish showing you something.

I'll give you a coffee, or a Coke, or anything.

As a matter of fact, this is in the afternoon.

I don't like coffee, actually.

It's a funny thing how we are growing up, of course, anybody in the service, particularly in the naval service, you know, the manned coffee here in Baltimore.

And we've got this habit here in this country, as you know, that every time we have a meeting, it's like, yeah, I see this one, and I can't believe it.

and a coffee you're drinking, and by the time you get to your right, you get cups, you know, and you get that brown taste in your mouth, and so forth and so forth, and then tea, tea bar, well, that has the same amount of stimulus, but it's a little deeper taste, and so it happened, and I got a little bit of this,

I was thinking the last time we met, it was way back in 59 or 60.

You were doing a book, doing a piece on both the candidates.

Yes, that's right.

We had met.

No, no, no, but I remember we had met.

Yes, we had met.

Yes.

I don't know what has happened since then.

Let's see, six or seven, 11 years ago.

It must have been earlier than six years.

It was in 1959.

I was trying to anywhere.

I was also, at the time I met, I had to ask both candidates the same questions.

None of them could think better, but also to pose with me.

And you were the one who asked to pose.

Oh, yeah, the pictures.

It was pictures.

Oh, yeah.

Who did the pictures now?

I don't know about the pictures.

Are you, are you going to do, are you going to write a book or something?

Well, I'm very serious.

You just don't know?

No, I... Book writing is such a chore.

No, every time I finish, when I sit in this area, I don't know whether I use sodium or not, too.

I mean, just in general.

You just don't know how to do that?

That's all right.

This is probably the most exciting period.

I mean, I've been here in this country for over 20 years.

In over 21, it'll be 21 years from our first event.

Yeah.

Just before I wrote this.

Yeah.

You've been through some... You say it's the most exciting time.

It really is.

Why?

Because of the internal problems.

Yes.

Rather than the external problems.

Wars would always have problems.

But the internal problems... And then you see, in those days, the foreign policy was far more black and white.

At least today, therefore, decisions were easier.

I always said to President Truman, these days, we'll be the wrong men.

Yeah, all the time.

Maybe not.

Yeah, yeah.

It would be terribly difficult for him, because Truman thought very simplistically.

It's definitely in retrospect, I can say, I don't think I happened to be the right man for that time.

I couldn't disagree more with him on this subject.

Should we look at each other?

Yes, sir, I think so.

One looking out, and then I'll take one from here to there.

We'll look at each other.

He does it pretty well sometimes.

Good.

Well, you see, he used to pour on us, and I used to pour on him a little bit, looking at the terribly difficult decisions he made, and not going into the Korean War, and reintroducing her in the marching plan.

And, frankly, this must be the hardest part of the job.

It required her to do it.

At the present time, his office requires

I suggested to him that he had to internalize himself in trying to solve the problems.

Requires an individual who can think in complex terms about enormously complex problems.

And who inevitably, because he will be thinking

in those terms, and whoever he is is going to be charged with being devious and inconsistent and so on.

It's so unusually

He can speak in terms of, for example, all of us in terms.

He always brings confidence in us.

To all of us, of course, in this country or in the world, the great action of leadership in this country was courageous because it was rallying the people in great cause.

On the other hand, there was a similar problem in terms of leadership.

It took a bit of a man with his guts, charisma, and all the rest of the doing.

It was simply, here's a weaker for a team, an audition man.

And this time, in all the problems that we had,

the urgent problems of Vietnam and the Middle East and the more important problems of the two powers, East-West relations, and further down the stream, the Pacific, China, Japan, et cetera.

It simply requires an ability day to day to watch the situation, to have certain principles of guide

There are certain things we are devoted to.

We all are devoted to basic freedoms and guarantees.

But we now know that in terms of power and use, there has never been a time when it is more important

to recognize the limits of power, what it can accomplish, and its sophistication, which is, as I said yesterday, not too much, not too little.

That's the most uninspiring thing you could possibly say, but it's right.

The British would understand that better than Americans, because while the British, the British tell you the time is one thing, and go back to the Napoleon days, that was another thing, and I would say World War I was probably a pretty straight up down the field after you got in.

Looking back over British history, the British leaders, you know, we saw them through, right?

Pretty, in their core, I thought, they had to be.

I mean, Britain didn't get where it did by simply blindly following our...

I would say at present times, generally, it would be very difficult for Moses to be president.

But Moses, who was our most brilliant president, in terms of the election,

Possibly because he had a vocabulary of 67,000 words, which is twice as much as any other president.

Impossible exception.

I'm joking.

Anyway, but Wilson, Wilson,

did think of the dumb terms.

Roosevelt did not.

Neither one of them.

If you think of T.R., he's a man who said he'd lead the charge on death and tributes and all that sort of thing.

Well, true, after he left the presidency,

He led a global movement against cash, and then he, of course, was fighting for American entry into World War I and wanted to leave the division and all the rest.

He was Wilson's encounter, and it was necessary that he do black and white.

But Wilson, as the president, was a very subtle, complex man.

That is why he probably was known and praised as a progressive and as a liberal when he was president in the 30s.

And those who, in some of them I think quite unfairly, were defuncting him.

They turned him on as a grocery actionary who was just amusing the people.

And then finally, at a centennial, he began to put it back and say, well, here's what I follow.

So he was, he was decontaminated.

So I'm talking to you.

I'm talking to you.

We have some of the foreign servants who still have the capacity to do the conversation.

But it's a tremendous amount of exercise.

So, who is the mentor?

You know, it sounds like they're fine.

They're fine for today's work.

Who really?

who was ever seen in the world quite like this in the 50s.

Uh, for example, I was saying to the immediate retiring chief of the British Air Force, our naval forces, you know, I can't tell you what the command was saying there.

I'll give you.

Huh?

Uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh

And I was saying to him that in the 50s, I was a strong supporter of what we call the Eisenhower-Ross policy.

Then the policy of, and it was derided as breakmanship, it was derided also as a massive retaliation arrest, but it was a viable policy.

that when the United States had an enormous nuclear advantage, the United States could save the world if any place in the world, one of our allies or a country whose interest is under our attack, we will use, will consider to use, and might very well use our nuclear superiority to deter the attack or to answer

that European defenses should be built on assurance.

Today, and this has only happened to them in the last three years, but between 1962 and John Kennedy,

and the Cuban Missile Crisis, even though it was, they felt at the time, I understand they felt, even though they felt it was a danger, a pure war, I go, I go, I go, and so forth, the danger really,

was only great if there was a madman or a completely unrealistic leader in the Kremlin.

There was no madman there, certainly in that period.

And one thing you can say for our communists, they are enormously pragmatic and self-evident, if you ever listen.

But at that time, when the United States manages to say, well, I'm going to do 10 to 1 over the Soviets, at that time, the policy would say, well, if you do this, get out of Cuba, or do you want to act?

And the Soviet energy action, of course, would be another day.

The nuclear equation has been mounted.

You could say that either side can claim certain areas that it has an advantage.

We have an advantage in C. We have an advantage in air.

They have an advantage in throw weight.

In numbers, we're roughly equal.

they have advantage in terms of the conventional forces on the ground.

So, the D, in terms of what it needs, may have what it needs.

That's why it's sufficient because they have great land property to get a kind of military mix and lead.

That is why land mortgages for them are sanctioned for the trans- and river and sea mortgages for us.

But anyway, the NATO will live in the equation like this.

The NATO will be current.

It's not credible.

uh, without a, without a conventional force.

It does not need to be beaten with that.

So, but it must be strong enough that it would discourage uh, adventurism nibbling away, pushing, attracting, etc.

Uh, and, and uh, that it would be, uh,

A few years ago, the conventional force was necessary for other reasons.

It was necessary for the Europeans to see it there, to have the assurance that the Americans were there, and they were going to stand to get it.

And therefore, as long as there are those many American divisions there, then my gosh, it would be pretty clear that the American nuclear punch might be used.

But now, it's a different game.

That's what it in terms of the So we did a greater, or we say a more believable, conventional turn in Europe.

That was the case 50 years ago.

And certainly, it's a case that we set up a little bit 25 years ago.

Uh, then, without going into the, uh, the, uh, the change of the, uh,

and what was once the monolithic character of the communist world between the Soviet and the Chinese.

But the aberrations, although they're not nearly as great as some would say, but they are significant.

The aberrations in the Eastern European countries that were being induced by the bombings under the surface even in countries like Poland.

On our own side of the equation,

The fact that, we just talked about American leadership.

A Europe that was poor, as well as the Nazis.

That was one thing.

But a Europe that was rich, and where it was easy to keep a museum out of the on its feet.

And the

So that's why the concept of partnership we could talk about 25 years ago, now it becomes B.

Does it mean the partners are all equal in strength or well or anything like that?

But certainly...

When you say who is the man, I can say that it's very difficult to look back in British American experience and find a time when the world was quite as complex as it is today.

Certainly, certainly we can say this.

Churchill at the end of World War II did see the great new forces evolving.

And he thought that James Wooden's term was really essentially the term of military victory.

And he was right.

I'm not suggesting that everything we did was wrong and so forth, but Churchill was right to see the new situation.

I would say that at this time, of everything else, rather than being a man out of the past, it needs to be, it needs to be some, the individual who watches this is a, has to be one who can prepare himself and has prepared himself to see the world as it is.

and whose mind is open enough that he can change his past views that the situation has changed, who will not be locked in to preconceived notions

He must have, he must have a deep down and a very, in my view, particularly to leave this country, he's got to have a basic idealistic concept because this is a very idealistic country.

I mean, as you know, we're, you know, that's quite a foolish thing.

The Americans are suckers for humanity and causes any place in the world.

I don't mean suckers in the wrong sense, but you just ask a scientist, whether it's from U.S. or whatever the case might be, we'll help.

If they had a huge fan in China, a communist fan, we would help if we could get the opportunity.

We also, in terms of peace, we go overboard in thinking

In fact, problems and pieces of work can all be solved in either a conference or in the United Nations or by discussion, et cetera, et cetera.

We combine that with idealism.

The idealists are always efficient.

That's the weakness of idealism.

And the idealists being impatient, therefore, destroy the very thoughts that they so deeply believe in because they become impatient with the international organizations, impatient with the slow process that is required to

and get a kind of an alliance for how you work.

So I would say a sense of history, second, a knowledge of the world as it is, third, an enormous capacity to keep up to date.

to regulate time so whoever's here can frankly think about the problem, think about it, and by thinking about it, this is another important thing, not get tied down in the day-to-day kit-picking,

They're irrelevant sometimes.

Well, they may be relevant, but they're not very important.

Arguments that go on in this place and that part of the room doesn't matter.

Having the ability to recognize what is, what the priority really should be, what has to be done, keeping the eye on people.

And I think what I say, we can't find people in past history that we,

There are people who kind of, I would say in terms of the American president's mind, I was in the business as well, and all night, due to my mother's influence, I always had a tremendous admiration for Wilson because she was quite her passion.

Even though Wilson got us, not didn't get us, or led us before, I thought that he was a man of peace and so forth.

But as we look now at what the world may do, probably TLR as compared to Wilson, being more pragmatic and possibly just as idealistic would better fit this time.

When you get closer to our period, it's harder to judge.

I mean, I think you were very courageous in deciding to maintain American troops in the first place.

You know, and I was a female too.

And the enormous contribution to lowering the temperature.

It's been very gradually realized since then.

And it will be lowered still.

We got it now, but quite a bit.

We, again, and that's the other thing, perspective, perspective.

We constantly keep talking.

We had a security council meeting this morning, and people were worried about the wire service story, and they saw last night about this .

It is a difficult time.

This is a large, difficult movement.

And any American involvement in the way that I think we must respond

and perhaps a tribute to our peaceful world in the future.

It is very difficult to go off, but it's being done.

So the Laotians, the Laotian operation, just like Napoleon operating on that, I would never have wondered if I were thinking simply of the shark.

In fact, it's so easy, that's the great temptation.

Great temptations to sit here.

Things are going pretty well.

Nobody's really excited.

If you look down that road, things are not perfectly next year.

That again is the reason why it was necessary for the leader.

to keep respecting details.

I know that they're, that the business president wants to decide whether their mom should be involved, what's going to happen to them, turn the bullets and so forth.

And all those things, all the experts on that.

And one thing is to try to keep this perspective.

Once the ocean thing is finished, later in the spring, then we can not understand it.

And that would be why it's true as that, as far as we're concerned.

See, this is the reason why I tell someone, I remember Jerry, how old he was, 45.

I said, you were Jerry the black man voting.

Now you're Jerry now.

The important thing is how it's all going to come out in the end.

Now, it may sound bad, but if we have made a decision,

is the right decision based on the facts that were created to us.

In the end, everything that we have done will assure our being able next year to look back on a successful end of the American War and the survival of Vietnam.

How long?

That's up to that.

Now, in terms of the European thing, let me say, I think one thing I should emphasize to you.

When I talked to you before, I would never have said this.

I didn't believe it was true then.

I thought it was true today.

When Kennedy and his inaugurants said that we would fight any place anywhere in the world,

That was an appealing lie.

It frankly appealed to me.

It was my, had been my view.

That is no longer possible.

And it's not only, it is possible for the United States to do it, but the American people no longer support it.

See, that's what first Korea and then Vietnam had gone to it, has done.

Now, both actions, I think,

Once there, once we complete this one, I think this one, just like Korea, looks much better today than it did at the time we were going to be hanging in.

So this one will look better later on, I hope.

But the important thing is that the American people then

We're outward-looking.

We want our role in the forum.

We're proud of our role in the forum.

We have, of course, a potential opponent, a monolithic communist bloc that Americans should say, in 75, 80 percent, well, we'll salute you stronger than any of us.

We'll do what we can to defend those who want to stand for freedom around the rhythm of the Communism in Asia and, of course, along the great line that divides Europe and, of course, the really wealthy countries of Latin America and Africa.

There is a new isolationism.

If it's interesting enough, the strongest among those who are great Europeans

for the Washington United States, and I remember them so well.

And as I do so myself, and as experts in the American community and the rest, the majority of Republicans were in that group.

But we, along with the majority of Democrats, were a majority of the Congress, and it was a good thing that we worked.

But now, those who supported the strong American role in supporting, you know, the European policy, the OTC,

The 40s and 50s have supported the U.S. government in a character role in the world.

They slowly peel off.

Until now, there are other reasons for turning it.

The first is disillusionment with the world, getting involved in a war with a small country, losing so many people not understanding why.

There's also the fact that Americans are terribly concerned about their problems at home.

See, that's the big thing.

We have problems along the 50s.

But they weren't in the service center.

They came up with the race problem, you know, we had a little rock.

It's just a little bit of what we look back.

I said, we were out in the mountains today.

I can't remember what a certain cause, if I remember correctly, was.

But we had the race problem, we had the student problem.

That and the student problem weren't mentioned in the 1940s or 50s.

Even during the Korean War, you saw Hawaii.

People were discouraged about the war.

It was one of the factors that you saw the United States win.

Now, you have a turning number here.

It's the same turning number, it's an interesting thing, that you have all over Europe.

The French turning, the Germans turning.

The British, he comes along now at a very interesting time.

And I've got to admire his guts.

His guts are doing the right thing.

And I'm sure the British people will see now that they should support him.

any more than the American people may see now.

Why?

I don't think we have to continue to play our role in Europe, Derek.

We continue to play, you see, the next doctrine, and why it is important to me, my method of getting out of Europe, is really a method of staying in.

The only viable way we can stay in the world and play our role in aging is by expanding our forces.

The last message included the whole world.

The only way we can do it is for Americans not to be in the do-it-yourself world, but to be in the normal world, not be in the do-it-yourself world.

Again, a very complex, sophisticated approach.

Now, I understand the Chinese.

I understand these people, Richard.

And also, as they see the utter horror and unacceptable development of war in the future age, war has increased and become, for our world, an unacceptable instrument of policy.

World War I, World War II, World War III.

And the nuclear agents just kind of started to move off.

And so they said, why don't I get engaged with you?

They also, also, there's nothing in it in terms of glory, manifest destiny, all those great terms from the 19th, early 19th century, out of, out of energy group, no more.

These, the days of Wilson's salt determination against the, it's all flowered to around the world nations that insist on their independence, they insist on,

What we have is in all the developing countries,

I'm sorry, I said, one, the almost bitterness about maintaining our forces.

They'll do it.

We'll do it still here.

Georgia will still vote for an act of national defense.

If you begin to make the case, are frustrated about

and ministers in the world deeply concerned about the problems at all.

Why should we go out and help the Africans?

In Africa, why don't we help the Negroes in the United States?

Why don't you help the Indians in India?

Why don't we help our own American Indians here in the United States?

We just don't understand.

But it's, which sometimes,

which I suppose, well, it's kind of ironic, was, see, the old isolationism was bitterly attacked by many as being totally selfish.

Selfish in the sense why you're isolationist, you want to help the Europeans, you want to support 2.4 and 4.8 and all the rest, and share a lot with the rest of the world, so you're selfish.

And the new isolationism, you see, has a very different motivation.

Yet it is.

We don't follow those others.

Because there is a higher truth, a higher goal.

In other words, we turn our eyes inward to help people here.

It isn't that we don't help in the city.

We don't isolate just to recuse, perhaps by properly not wanting to help other countries because they just want to keep it open or small, as people might expect.

New isolations are not that big.

They're deeply concerned about people, but they say, our people, not others, wrong people.

Now, my approach is quite different.

Here's where we get to all those mixes, which make you know a friend is probably one of you.

Most of you are different people, and I go, what is that one?

You've got to be vocal.

I mean, if you count, like, Latin American, African, Asian, two-thirds of the people in this world, leading up to that, European, United States, you can't really sit there without assistance, help, and so forth and so on, because over a period of time,

as the world gets smaller and smaller and closer and closer together.

And that will be neighborhoods, those are the ghettos of the world.

And so at the present time, too, as you look to the real world, we still must recognize that despite the fact that we are a charging camera, we must not have the impression that

Despite that, although it can be said that the Soviet Union has changed, the Soviet leaders have changed, and they have their differences from the Communist Chinese, and possibly even they have changed,

Nevertheless, their attitude toward the world has not changed in one mistake.

It is still expansions.

Expansionists, certainly, without risking any reward, if they can put it, but still expansions, because they have a deep, they have a deep conviction that not only a part of the world which is now a communist country,

but to the extent that they can't consider their own national interest, they support those movements in the world which would break other nations.

into that same orbit.

Now, this is not a cold war, because it's quite, it's very different from one of those activities, but the leaders are different, the men are different, not only in, there's, shall we say, the more distant flights, the more pragmatic personalities,

But nevertheless, with the world, as long as that situation exists in the world, that is why, again, coming back to our central basis, what is, and that's Western Europe, which is still the most important

hard to learn as well in terms of the most blessed relations.

You know, the salt talks, one of the major problems in the salt talks is what happens to the corporations, et cetera.

But we simply have to retain this overall strength because, by the end, we have to realize that one of the reasons, I'll put it this way,

Europe is turning, the great European nations, because their colonial experience is now finished and they're frustrated and tired and so forth and so on.

The United States is turning.

We also tend to say, what is Soviet doing here?

China, not just China.

Also now, I think China.

But, for a different reason,

There is a reaction, a very pragmatic reaction to the power that was developed that we have leading to their failure to succeed.

It's true.

Once a vacuum was formed,

any place in the world.

They will fill it.

Which, I guess, is what I would be trying to say is that communism, whether it were Marxism, call it what you will, whether it's the Soviet variety, the Chinese variety, even though it's an older philosophy now, and more mature, less adventurous,

It is still a revolution.

Ours is not.

When I speak of ours, it's Western.

Western civilization.

That's the difference.

So what we do is to not draw our hands and say, here are a bunch of revolutionaries that are our enemies and so forth.

What we do on a hurry-run, active basis is to say, all right, they have certain interests, we have certain interests, and this is the case as well.

They have certain interests, we have certain interests.

We are very blessed to reconcile our interests and recognize that

It is vital for us to maintain various strength in all parts of the world now to allow vacuums to evolve in which the revelation records may move within the earth.

And that expanding regimes

Maybe you can talk about it now that the operation is closed and it ended successfully.

What were the last, say, 48 hours of your Cambodian decision?

You know, at that time, was this your most anguished decision so far?

There were two.

The period before my third speech, I had to...

I still can't state the advice of someone who goes to social center rather than asking them to withdraw or this or that or the other thing.

Say, why are you in Vietnam?

Why are you intending to see the truth?

And so if I had to do that, that was done the wrong way.

And voting was just a one-sided decision.

And by law, I'm not going to tell you which one is true and which one is not.

That's the one advantage I have.

I didn't let them all speak frankly.

My daughter was not a leader in the district, but we were still moving to the side.

But...

But if the beat has to be...

Cambodia was a natural, just as Laos was.

Laos, not as difficult, because the Americans went around and were involved.

You see, the reasons, there are two reasons why Laos hasn't reached as much love as Cambodia.

First, the Cambodian work.

So, therefore, the hell-readers figure, we've got a way to go now.

The second reason, of course, is the ground forces.

So that makes sense.

Otherwise,

As far as the employee is concerned, all the reasons for not doing it were tremendously persuasive.

The fact that there would be a great public outpouring here, I knew that.

That's why I had to do it on top.

Because I could tell from the way that it seemed to happen, it seemed that particular month before.

And also, another reason, there were dire predictions, estimates by

that if the communists stood and fought in the race that we went into, that our major American unit that we had suffered a thousand casualties, we saw a light into that.

The other side of it was that there's only one good reason for doing it.

That was, if we didn't do it, I could see that it would be worse.

Worse than the public alchemy in this country, worse than the casualties of King and Sutter, would have been the fact that the North Vietnamese would have extended the sanctions, the sanctuaries, probably toppled the handling of the government at that time, because it was very weak.

Oh, but okay, you know.

and therefore completely disrupted our program for an orderly patrol.

That was the reason it had to be done.

So I put all those reasons down, and all those on the other side, and this one on this side.

I always believe that it's a very difficult decision.

Everybody's a little different, you know.

Some people like to have a secretary.

They like to have their advisors around.

I don't know how they all stood.

We had lots of discussions.

or when it comes to a moment of truth.

And that is essential for whoever makes a decision-maker, at least for me, as a decision-maker.

It's essential for me to get away from it.

And then I sit down with my thoughts, my yellow pads, and I write down the reasons, summarize them all, and think about it.

Or you don't, too.

I do the same thing at the message station.

But like the other day, with the problems Port Cheney discovered, people's data space and actions seemed like, you know, medium as compared to the top 10.

But on the other hand, the sub-top 10, you know, gave such a powerful, politically powerful trade unions legislation.

It was very near to their hearts to what,

We had to put an argument there until I finally had it decided.

I just cleared the room.

In this case, I didn't take a couple of days.

I didn't have to.

I had to about an hour to get it decided.

And since it goes back, I suppose it goes back to a particular law school, and you talk about lawyers and you find different kinds of people.

In law school, we had fellows that loved both things.

Some of them were very good students, but the way they used to like to determine how they prepared for an examination, they'd sit around and talk about it.

and then they could look at the examination and do very well.

I've heard, I've never sat around, not when I think closely, well I probably have both sides, sit in the classrooms, have a little lively discussion and sometimes discuss the case, but I always thought that I'd think more clearly when I think in an orderly way.

I hear every point of view.

I encourage everybody to speak.

I cross their sand.

I'm pretty good at crossing sand for a long time.

I know what questions they're asking.

I'm good at listening.

But once I heard it, then I got to sit down and decide.

I've always done that.

It was about half a few years ago.

And so I...

I'd say that was a good, a good strong two days, two days, and that was great.

We had the same on November 3rd.

It was about two days, two days.

You know, I just stopped to think of it, though.

I was probably going to finish very well by the time he was reading and preparing for these receiving the Adams portraits and rereading some of the standards.

He went like, God, get from what you think of what he went through.

You know, no time to think about what you do this time, what you do that time.

But I suppose the problems were different then.

So you've got a war, you know.

Now you've got a war, you've got to do something else.

I can see how Johnson, how frustrated he must have been.

A man, basically quite a strong man.

But he sat here, and you know, he's, you know, he's a, he has done, he's the kind of person I'll even have to tell you about.

Johnson loved to have people around him.

He had those damn three television sets going, all three of them.

The picker would be going into the bedroom, I sat in the kitchen room, sat in there, and he got in and out, called, get this, and called back, and he'd hear, he'd, every time the press read, he'd say, I mean, he had a great talk on the picker, but they said, call him, he's getting a report, and I'd raise hello, and I read it, and I said...

Except at the end of the week.

Well, I know everything that is said.

I have a news center I see every morning.

But I believe in reading it in a way that the reactions are almost totally the same way that I do.

The worst decisions are those that are paid.

And I feel that my greatest responsibility in this particular life that I've been through in this call is to be told to accomplish.

It's not easy, but it's an easy task.

Particularly in these days, we see the difficulties.

But, it wasn't all on television.

It wasn't all on instant communication.

It wasn't people.

Nowadays, people do media.

The real question you see about the problems is who will be here.

It has cooled off quite a bit.

I think that any history records this administration.

What are we going to contribute?

I don't know.

I think, first, the war.

We have to move on the ground.

I have no doubt about that.

I know what we're going to be doing.

So, we have done that.

I think we've done a pretty good part on the program.

I think we're going to get through some kind of a half-assed or maybe a very good welfare program.

I think we're going to have to do that.

and a great improvement in health for us.

And I think we're also going to get something in our, some major, we don't get it now, we will lay the foundation for a massive government reorganization in the future.

You always have to start four or five years early.

Perhaps the most important contribution we've made, and it will not be something because we want it not to be, for reasons that are all supposed to be, is to get this country, the people of this country, in that period of incident,

everything of living color, including blood on the screen, to get this nation to think in cruel, reasonable, mature terms about our problems at all and about our role in the world.

I do not know whether it is possible, I do not know whether it is possible

But I do know this.

At the moment, the madness on this starts to blow.

You know, I take, I go to the press conference, and I go to the senator's place, and I say, my God, Bob Hulse said, he said, I keep talking to him, and he said, I'm going to give you a purple heart for that one.

I said, well, that's kind of crazy.

Of course they are.

But that's the machine.

I mean, they...

But the important thing is the President can be cool, unflappable, frankly, not exciting.

Exciting in terms of certainly a revolutionary new program of returning government to the people and welfare reform and health reform and cleaning up the air and water and so forth.

Maybe that.

a cool, mature sense of perspective.

This nation needs that now.

The real question is whether America can, after two frustrating wars,

And after an enormous internal agony, whether we can grow up to a sense of mature leadership.

And by leadership, I mean leadership in a subtle way that I described in my talk yesterday.

That's the real question.

And any of you who come to Roy and want to comment on it, if you wonder whether we can, let me say, this is just America.

A lot of, many European countries are going through the same traumatic experience.

The youth problem, as you know, is not limited here.

It's a problem.

But we, but it must pass.

It's got to pass.

And

Because with all of our talk, this is not my land.

The world isn't that bad.

And this is really quite a good time to be alive.

When we think about some of the things that you went through in your life and I went through, my God, we're lucky to, you know, people who work in these offices, we're lucky to be where we are.

But perhaps it's education.

That is something to do with it.

Perhaps it's the fact that, but first, it's education and also it's education.

Now, one of the things that saves me is that I'm a reader rather than a looker.

I never look at television.

But you know the way I handle television?

I read in the summer.

I read in the cold time.

I can tell, I can tell from reading.

In other words, I know Frank Wright said it last night, Tom Jarrell, Eric Severine, all the way.

Very important to know that because television is what affects the reading.

I've got a lot of people sick, but

But individuals, I think that's what I mean, in any period, and maybe it was a better period, a more concentrated period, in a period when people thought more, read more, perhaps decisions.

And the difficulty now is that this is where it sits, and this on the center.

And he doesn't watch out like me.

And I've kind of got to learn how to do pretty well.

He doesn't get so bogged down seeing me doing things.

And he has all that to torture himself night after night looking at the television or reading his press release.

He died.

Hell, I read my press release.

I didn't get to be here.

You know, I can vary more often than people of vision.

But you know, I don't.

I've come to think that it is for me more important to watch the others come to have a touch, so that I know how the next one sees you, rather than be in the strong direction, because that's only a small group.

And...

You see, I think that it will create a better atmosphere.

That was really quite important to us, the one before us.

The question was, so is it really hostile?

And I don't think it is hostile.

We'll follow that, though, with the one on, the three on one.

Listen, there's a nice forum that we could use that, and we'll have a general press conference in the future.

You've never covered one of these in the office, have you, for example?

No.

I figure what I'll do, I'll, don't, for God's sake, tell anybody.

I'll have a cigarette the next time I have it.

I'll have one of those in about three weeks, and after a week, and the next, why, I don't know.

I don't know what I'm going to do.

They're very different styles.

You know, he said, you know, through your talk, I'm going to contemplate it.

You can't be contemplating that.

The first time, you know, you ought to see the question, and there's answers around here.

I said, look here, folks.

In 28 minutes, I'm supposed to answer at least one of your 25 questions.

Now, when you figure the time, the guy that asks the question usually comes in between 15 to 20 seconds, so that's about 35 seconds in an answer.

Now, one of the answers is kind of empty in a minute and a half to two minutes, usually in the first or second.

So what is your policy there regarding RPA and RSA?

I can't.

But when you get down to that, it's like you want to be still in a sedentary mood.

I mean, try this for a sign.

If you want to get rough, just cute or something like that, the press conference becomes totally a show, and not all the time.

And so the trick here is to get the press conference around to the point where you can press everything in 35 seconds, and that's quite a mental exercise.

It's fantastic.

It's good.

Yeah, it's good.

I told his boss, Michael, hurry in here or we're going to have to follow up because we're going 40 to 50.

Well, if you've got 300, you can't follow up because you've got to make, you've got to make one that I can't have 300.

I said, why don't you answer my question?

You know?

I think all that worked out.

Well, he just spoke for 30 minutes and then took three questions.

Once a year.

I attended two of them.

But you've seen them.

I saw one on television.

What if I made contact with you now?

Remember, what happens if you withdraw from Vietnam?

You're influenced all of a sudden from that dimension.

Except one thing.

What are you doing on your system?

Would it be an alt package?

Like Thailand, we have great influence on Thailand.

We have great influence on the government.

We have great influence on the Korean government.

So we'll have standards.

But it withdraws.

It does actually reduce our rate.

But you know, what he said, what he has, is that the Chinese government is now in contact with a lot of Asia, and you know, it's all the ties.

Ties put yourself in their position.

Yeah.

So see there, they see the Chinese, they see Hanoi, they wonder about the American today.

That's another reason why they love the U.S. Go ahead.

Do they foresee the development of third forces?

countries, as a consequence of both.

Whitewash, right?

Which would be like what?

Like second or maybe third, fourth century, both Thailand or possibly, you know, like 10 years time, generally.

But I mean, the real point here is we do not want a relationship of dependence.

We don't want a relationship.

You don't want it.

The British don't want it.

It isn't going to work anymore.

These countries can't develop the capability of being able to maintain their independence.

and irrelevantly neutral stance, that is certainly a goal that we certainly quarrel with.

However, that they're just taking their time, that would be very dangerous for them to try to do.

Right.

Because they just don't get it.

Wow.

But is it who's, if you say, who you're talking about?

Yeah, who you said, I don't think it was my friend themselves,

You see, they have to let us know.

But, suppose we're down.

Let's suppose, let's just suppose all we've got is the old American prisoners.

So we've got a residual force of, who knows, about 39,000.

I won't say the number, whatever it is, but that whole part.

And they say, well, we'd like to .

We're willing to have them deliver something out in terms of .

We could deliver it.

Unless, of course, .

But once that is out, and then we're out, then they .

We don't see the future of South Korea, not the way we see the future of South Korea, which we would be destined to maintain as we move forward.

Put it this way, if we could get in South Vietnam, if we had in South Korea a total control, then we would not have to maintain American portions because we, American ministry, and the South Vietnamese, can defend themselves.

But it was so, so, it created a difference of circumstances.

Of course, you have the Chinese involved.

You have to leave the South Korean press.

Of course, we are now beginning to reduce that presence.

Take a little time.

Because the South Koreans are a hell of an army.

Now, the question is, in regard to the South Vietnam might be an option when they have the resolution control to withdraw.

We're for a control to withdraw.

But, on a human basis, if they withdraw, then we'll get out of here.

because there doesn't seem to be any lack in the settlement.

There doesn't seem to be any attention to our economy.

It's true that there are a lot of problems.

But I don't want to be completely bearish.

They have problems.

They're on three fronts.

They fight in our discussions.

They don't have the friendly waters as they used to have in South Vietnam.

In South Vietnam, they used to hunt for like white-out sheep.

It's been quite remarkable what has happened there.

It's hard for me to believe, I know, I've been to Vietnam so often, and I know all the presses, not all the local presses, about the iron, about the Soviet, and the rest.

They're corrupt, they're inefficient, they won't fight.

It's changed.

That's the thing we have to bear in mind.

Well, Thomas says this.

He's my bad observer.

It's...

So, yeah, what was the challenge?

Is it, would it be possible if you were imitated by the neighbors, not because you're Mr. Spoon?

Right, yes.

and give me a hand with my book in the middle of the night.

Yes.

And would it be possible maybe in six months' time to put it in a meeting?

Six months, right, yeah.

I'd like to be more cooperative, but as you know, these guys out here, Ray, Phil, I saw one of your colleagues worse than 30.

And you know, he's around in Calgary, so of course I saw him in my eyes.

He was a guy who saw work, and he wanted to see me.

But we understand.

I'm sure we'll be glad to in six months.

But Henry, I'll be glad to hear if he wants your approval.

And you know, he's fun.

He's fun, like, about this period.

In the tiniest time, it's one-tenth of a million.

All right, it's one-tenth.

It used to be one-tenth of a million.

Henry, I just finished my talk with Henry Brandon, and I told him that we would cooperate with him, and that you would.

So in six months, he should come back and touch base again.

So I'll have you go to your office now.

We've got an interview to see.

Who are you with?

What do you have to say to him?

But no, no, no, he doesn't want to talk to you now.

I just thought you'd just stop by and say, well, maybe I finished, but I just wanted you to know I approved the procedure.

He said he'd talk to you about it.

All right, fine.

Well, it's a complicated word.

Maybe in six months we've got better news.

Yes, well, I think you probably will.

Oh, I think so.

Well, the legal system, I think it's going to work.

It may not be what it says.

Well, it is going to be great.

It is going to be.

It did nothing.

We didn't know what he expected.

It's a destruction activity.

Just like Canberra.

Nothing finishes anything in the war, in the modern world.

The only thing that would finish is to go in and take out Hanoi.

But those days are gone.

Those were the easy days, aren't they?

Not that we want to do it.

I wish we could.

Well, here's my message to your people in blood.

They ran once.

You've got them again.

I thought that was the end of the session, of course.

You don't have much harder than that, do you?

and I can't really, I can't, there's got to be something wrong with it.

I talked to Charlie York, he met over talking to Utah.

Utah told us that yesterday, the South Vietnamese,

I'm gonna call it a service.

He came in to see him and he said that he was acting under instructions from himself.

He said the ambassador told him that.

The ambassador to himself did not say exactly.

And he said that

that he'd been asked to come to talk to UConn, that they were concerned about the deteriorating situation in Laos.

And he referred to the loss of Hill 30 and presented to Hill 31.

And then he ended up, I say, that his government asked him, under the Secretary General, to have his advice.

Utah said, well, he didn't really know what advice he had in mind for the rest of the team.

Then he said that all I could do, that Utah said all I could do was ask for the ocean, ask for the community to see me, and to talk to him about the situation.

So Yutan is going to call here to ask for the ocean charge data.

Master's not here to visit New York to come see him on Tuesday.

This makes no sense at all.

First place part of anybody from South Vietnam going to see Yutan.

Yutan has been hostile to the town.

I'd like to stall it right here to take over.

First, I didn't want anybody to know about it, except for me.

Secondly, I thought I'd call the American trust in Louisiana, ask them what the hell is going on.

Then, as soon as I got the story, then probably tell them they ought to charge me and don't go.

And then we'll have Bush tell Utah that all things have been a mistake.

It's the kind of thing that Utah loves to surface.

It loves to tell the press about it.

You can't trust that slimy son of a bitch, though.

You don't know what he's up to.

Except when we tell us, he tells us.

I'm not sure that we should ever do it, but I showed it to George Bush, and they said, if we decide to change our position on China, of course, I'm not sure we should.

We've got an NCP.

But you and I talked about this one time, you know, we just definitely had an issue.

And I said, I think we should do it.

And I got a very slightly interested.

I'm telling you, if we could do it, I mean, you know, it could be, I think it probably, in any event, if we should do it, it should wait until after the Korean elections.

Because it might cause problems in the U.S.

It includes a representation of the two Vietnams, which the Russians wouldn't like at all.

But sometimes, just put a degree of ice in my cup and I'll have a look at it.

I know I'm not a radio public, but I've been doing a little thinking around the salt lake.

Before they go back to Mars, it may be that I may want to either say something,

It depends on how it feels.

Let me put it this way.

I'm not as bearish about it as some people are willing to give something back.

Right now, let me say all that for your information.

I want to talk, I don't think about it for a while.

I'm just going to let it go now.

It doesn't have to be before March 15th, I said, but I would like to do it in terms of where, if I do it here, where the human body tells him that I'm absolutely, I don't have the confidence I can do this.

I think he does as well as he can, considering the people that are there.

But I feel that he looks at this thing.

I'd rather...

Unless anybody will be involved as long as we go to the meeting.

So it's personal.

Sometimes you miss your turn.

There's just too much of a tendency sometimes to want to fight things off the paper.

However, this is a big play.

You know, if you really come down to it, you know, if you're going to agree with the Russians, this might be a, you know, big end to something else.

But if we do it, I think we've got to get it right here.

I don't think it's going to be a big end.

So give us a thought for that, but I understand that we, I don't know what I would do, but I would particularly suggest that we, we ought to keep that very close to account, you know.

I was asked about home the other day, what you, how you felt about it, basically.

My only feeling is that if we could get an agreement, which became effective at the end of this year, technically signed,

And as long as it didn't cause us to have any disadvantage, as long as we have the opportunity to develop all of these, we would develop anyway.

And really stop things that we probably wouldn't stop anyway.

I'm on the same track.

I've been thinking a lot about it.

I told her, hey, you can't do that.

We need to discuss what I can do.

I'm not going to read this stuff.

But I think something might come.

Because I think maybe they can do something, too.

I don't know.

It's just a matter of saying.

Say what you do.

Well, I don't think a lot of the same land would affect that.

Also, it would be an enormously good thing to have, if we could get something said or done, or at least some indications, in this spring, which would take a few decades, this Christmas.

But I think, I don't think there's a perfect reason to be like that.

I think we'll be on 10 miles.

Well, they never do it on television.

And it's that one of their episodes that I can see.

I don't look at it, but I read it.

And how horrible it is.

And Bill, the whole trouble is that you can't blame them.

You can't blame them.

The whole damn defense department was called PR crazy.

And I personally, I was in a lot more trouble on this thing.

Let them squeal.

Look at the bloody days after football games.

Vince Lombardi, whenever he lost a game, he would let it bite him for 30 minutes.

Ted Williams, of course, you know he never loves to press in after the baseball player loses a game for half an hour.

Oh, hell, this is war.

So the press squeals with Ted Williams.

And most of the people said he cried.

What do you think, Cooper?

I can't even, I just think we just got crazy to get ourselves beat over the head bloody.

I talked to all our experts, and he's going to do everything I can.

He will.

Jesus, you're actually ready for the war.

You never let a guy talk to the press after you've been in the battle.

What we used to do was afterwards, we took them when they were ready.

And what we used to do was when we were ready, we'd let them go talk to the press.

And we didn't do it under orders, we just did it to make sense.

I mean, that was the choice we had.

And we didn't, we just did a little talk to the press, and we were ready.

But on the, on the salt, and let us, let us develop our own strategy, but let us continue to work on the table support.

We must do that.

Because it has to be done successfully.

Okay.

Well, I'll see you.

All right, President.

Well, how's the weather today?

Oh, that hasn't been very good.

You go to camp days over the weekend?

No, no, I can't.

So I got to do some New York jobs.

I'm going to stay here to work.

Oh, say, what's another thing you want to do?

I know this damn Paul Thompson job in New York.

Yeah, what do you do about that?

Oh, yeah, I'm still in New York.

Do you ever think about the possibility of George Browning?

Yeah.

Somebody has to do these.

He's all good at it.

I don't want him to ever get the feeling that you're trying to kick it off.

He was such a salesman.

Well, you told me one time that there was a problem with civil rights issues.

Yeah, there was.

We were going to take action, though, and he didn't want that.

And now he seems to be relatively happy.

Well, that's because I had the other fellow go, thanks so much for being angry with us.

He's all terrific.

Terrific at what he's doing.

Well, it'd be good to have a half-billion dollars to spend.

Well, I don't want him to feel, you know, George is difficult.

I swear I tell a lot of other people.

He does the best he can.

It's hard for him to be able to relax over there and bring him all the time.

And you know the problem he's facing.

The whole problem of immigration.

This is the way you can do it.

Because it doesn't involve silver mining.

Open, open community.

Yes, I mean, anybody's got a right to go in.

Anybody has a sign, zones against blacks, Jews, anybody else will break it down constantly.

But you can't say to a neighborhood, here's a neighborhood of homeowners,

These little people, Pig the Little was not this rich.

He paid $25,000 for this little house.

So you go put a great, big, ugly public housing project right in the middle of it.

God damn it, you can't do that.

It destroys the property values.

You know, people live like pigs.

It is just, even as a white, an early man told me an interesting thing.

He said, in the state of Washington, they have the same problem.

And they tried to put a public housing project out in a suburban area where a lot of people who lived in Boise and other places were $20,000 to $25,000 houses.

There was a whole bunch of people.

There was a group of whites.

a white public housing project.

It's like, well, suppose where you live, for example, somebody said they're going to put a public housing project across the street.

You'd fight it, wouldn't you?

It's a value.

And that's what this is about.

It isn't black versus white.

It's economic.

Well, I'm going to have a little...

He's at Camp David.

You might give him a call.

I'll give him a call.

Mr. President, as soon as .

Sure.

I have two items, three items, and one other thing.

One is the enterprise.

Oh, yeah.

Roger says Allende went on national television yesterday.

It was coming, and that he wanted to show the American sailors authentic democracy.

Roger Spilfield said we ought to cancel it.

And we'll take a little flat.

Oh.

He's already been on television.

Authentic democracy.

See, he shows that he's using it for the worst and problematic purposes.

And he had...

Laird has already announced today that it would be operationally difficult.

And Laird said he'll take the heat for it.

We have to delay it for a while.

Why don't we put it that way?

I wouldn't pretend to.

No, we'll just say we'll do it some other time.

Yeah, we will.

We'll do it from an operational standpoint.

We've got various operations.

It's a very good point that we can't do it this time.

And he'd like to hold off with the farming authorization until next week.

He's willing to do it, but he...

I thought you said he wasn't.

Well, he now says he's willing to do it, but...

The political reason he told last night... Yeah, well, he repeats that.

He says the political reason is serious.

He just doesn't want to make it look that because we lost the hill, we now have to go and farm it.

Fair enough.

I think he's, as far as I'm concerned, I'm not too, uh, I just thought the psych, I wasn't doing it because I wasn't doing it.

I just thought that psychologically it was a damn good thing to do.

He's banned.

And also, I, I must say, the day after the tax statement, to then hit them, I'd just like to see whether we get an answer from Kosykin through your letter.

What is the, uh...

What's your evaluation of Tennessee?

My evaluation is that...

I think it's the minimum that they could do.

They would have got a hell of a lot of... Well, I think they must have had some help from Hanoi.

Why it is that they didn't make any statement of support.

And China must have attacked them.

I think it's the minimum that they can do, but maybe it indicates that they're shifting to a tougher line, I said.

I doubt it.

You couldn't draw that conclusion.

After Cambodia, they made an immediate statement.

They held a press conference.

They went into high gear.

This time, they said nothing official.

I wonder if they're doing it because they think that maybe they're going to get public support from France here and general support in this country.

I think that's one of the factors.

That's what I was thinking.

And I think that the public support is...

See, we always react to that.

But as a matter of fact, it's interesting to notice they're setting the doves at one hell of a time.

They're splitting without slamming the knee and all these other things.

What's your conversation supposed to be about at the end of the day?

Till then.

And I just wondered if you might have an answer from both on the letter and the letter.

I compare the way it's going to stop.

It's not going to stop.

It's going to stop.

I didn't have any confidence.

I didn't want him to have any discussions with me.

I said, I've been thinking greatly about this whole assault case.

I might want to make a statement or I might want to write a letter or something.

And I said, if I do, I'll tell you.

You're going to tell me, but I'm not going to let him in.

Now, you see, I figured we'd do it.

Now, if he doesn't come and get it,

I think Mr. President, if he doesn't come, you ought to make a public statement offering it publicly.

That's what I was saying.

I mean, because if we don't get an answer, then I would make a very forthcoming offer.

Before, Steve, so that we can, I told Bill, I said, we have got to get the credit actually for anything that happens in our school.

And I said, it can't be said it's going to be great.

And I said, he's a small player and had no trust.

I put it right to him.

I said, therefore, I've got to make a statement about it.

I didn't have to take a letter to him, but he...

I just, I might not write a letter the next day before the thing begins, and I will not discuss this then, because we're all set on that.

Now that we're almost here, of course, you can go over.

I hope it's a letter.

Oh, that would be spectacular.

That would be great.

That would set up the doubts a bit.

Well, how is your feeling about your state of the world coming up?

I think it's gotten very respectful attention, I don't know.

I thought that the Times and the Post and the Trials were obviously taxed.

They were really pretty small potatoes.

That's all they could get away with.

The Vietnam side, nothing new.

Well, they have the problem.

They cannot give you the reputation of being thoughtful and philosophic.

If Kennedy had put out such a document, how McNamara put out a pastoral statement on defense, it was considered the greatest intellectual innovation in government.

I met with a European correspondent last today, and they are enthusiastic.

Brands liked it.

He liked it.

Oh, they did.

The point is, as I said, don't be disappointed in the times you posed to us.

Part of what you expected.

Oh, no, last year, the post was worse.

Was it?

I don't think so.

It wasn't bad.

I just, I got it deliberately just to see what, because I knew it was good, and I knew it deserved to be retrieved.

But as it turned out, it got a lot of coverage.

It got a lot of coverage.

An arm's coverage.

And that was all that was my health.

Everybody didn't have to do anything like that.

The average person didn't care.

I thought more than well this morning.

He did that.

He did the, you know, laid it out there in a calm way.

It was pretty good.

I notice now that they're cutting out polls.

Yes, I saw it on Harry Reid, Megan.

Well, Dr. Karnes and Harry Reid.

Well, I think that the liberals are doing a slow burn.

Rexon called me up.

I was on Cal this morning for 10 minutes, 15 minutes, to give background on the report.

Of course, I should have known that I cleared it with all the men and clients.

You were online.

Yeah, but I wasn't going to talk about substance, but I should have known this couldn't work.

So, of course, they immediately sent in a substantive question, and I said, that's the only one I'm going to answer.

But I don't want to give the impression that I'm ducking it.

Sure.

And, uh, so, of course, immediately Respa called me up and said, you know, become the public spokesman.

He said, this is the most sickening administration for...

newsman that he's ever seen.

He said, the way you're handling Laos, he said, you're invading a sovereign country.

And never even tell the foreign government, never even tell the American public, I said, you know, where you are, that you should be so much more underage than Sivana Foma, that there hasn't been one word of complaint from him, and have you, I hope, and you're right to

You're going to point out that the North Vietnamese were there five years before.

Eight years.

Over eight years before.

What did he say?

Well, he said, oh, yes, I understand, but this whole thing is just sickening.

And here it is.

A war.

Yeah, a war.

What's that mean, a war?

I think they just can't sense the thought that this might work, the thought that the war isn't ending, the thought that they have no alternative.

And the fact that the war is not ending.

And they have no alternatives to ending it.

No, the point is it is ending.

This is the end.

Anybody, if they're all they want about this, they will more succeed.

The end is quicker.

You know that.

Of course.

And those four North Vietnamese divisions.

I'm glad they're pulling out these South Vietnamese ones.

That's what made me so cruisy.

I didn't believe this airborne unit was any good.

They just didn't move because they never saw him.

I think they're going to leave those North Vietnamese there, and they must have raised them, because I'm concerned.

But, you know what, Preston, I really wondered if you ought to let him manage to call like that.

Well, I had been buttering him up a bit, and I had been buttering him up, and I was very tough with him.

So this is a sickening for him to hear that?

A sickening for news management.

But he was incoherent because he accused us of the embargo.

He accused us then of the press conference.

He said that Laird held his weight.

I said, you can't be sure about Laird.

He says, how does Ehrlichman have the right to brief Republican senators and not testify before Congressional Committee?

And he said Ehrlichman is briefing Republican senators, but refuses to testify before Congressional Committee.

He briefed, why didn't you tell him Ehrlichman briefed all the Democrats at breakfast?

Yeah.

And I didn't tell him our calling back.

He briefed all the Democrats and referenced exactly the same briefing.

And he has offered to brief all of the Democrats.

He can't testify before the committees.

That's the job of the Kavanaugh, but he's also has offered to brief the Democratic caucus.

They're going through it.

Of course, if we should pull off this...

Yeah, good luck.

It's, uh, so... Don't worry about it.

Well, I'll tell you, don't... As far as your report is concerned, don't worry about it.

Well, I'm the owner of the bus that was pulled.

I don't think it got that good of an outreach.

But as I said, the editorial is really pretty goddamn stupid.

Those people have to give some credit.

It's a damn report.

It's a damn good report.

Kid Bob needs it.

I expect it.

I don't think you're getting...

I'm not doing you any good on the Middle East, and I don't want to be a... No, no, no.

You come and sit in the Middle East like everybody else.

Nobody has an answer.

I don't have an answer either.

But I just think you've got to listen to everybody you have to see it through.

That's the deal then.

I don't know.

I've seen it.

I don't know.

Because he had to see me again at Secretary Buck, to give you an opportunity to reaffirm your commitment to the Adrian, Dr. Peterson, etc., in the best way possible.

I mean, in March, I didn't know what a water station was, and I didn't know what a line station was.

Well, probably since the President, well, no, we didn't know how long those are.

This credential says I'm on post-October for about a month, month or two.

We've got it too, we've got it in.

What's this?

and forget why there's one of them that has to be done.

So they were doing the other two, and then we are knocking on dirt.

I just sit there all of a sudden, and they ask, and I just do them all, and they're like, oh, there's a three-month spot.

Well, I don't like to be next to a nine-and-a-half.

You guys have a problem with stacking, you know, you've got to have an unaccredited picture, right?

And also the iron.

We have to do those again.

Yeah, we've got a backplug still, but we're not going to do it.

We're going too far.

Don't think we've done everything.

Do us a favor on this.

You want to start shifting some back to the beginning.

We've done that.

We can do this one.

We've got another batch of them.

Let's do this one.

Let's do those.

Okay.

Let's do this one.

But I do not want to, I don't want press coverage on the ceremony.

You understand?

Live or otherwise, okay?

Just keep it, make it a private ceremony.

But why is it still the same thing?

It's not a particularly good thing to be on the press.

I don't want to be talking about it.

Just tell them, make it a private ceremony, clear it.

I may have all my way.

All right.

He just wants to run.

That's all.

What does Al think?

Isn't that brilliant that he's just pissed off that he isn't running?

And I said, Rogers is gonna run this one.

He doesn't really know how to cope with it himself.

Did they get the questions to be in motion?

And I asked all the questions and got answers and everything.

Why?

Because basically it didn't bear out of speeders.

And he said, well, you can call and do this and that.

And I called him and he asked me a few questions.

I said, is that it?

Henry wasn't.

Where'd it all come from?

Well, he was concerned about the way Henry was reacting to the track.

He didn't want to do anything.

And he said he'd give you questions.

No, no, no, no, no, no.

It's not a black cat.

It wasn't like, no, no, no, there was a Kevin.

I mean, no, no, no, there was a Kevin who saluted with his left hand.

Now, God damn it, there were at least eight staff people in that room.

Everybody laughed when he said it.

And then his brother said it.

He said that I was the one.

And this is what I thought they were going to find out.

It wasn't that easy.

He slew with his left hand on something.

And second, he said, he said, this is mine.

He was reciting his name in a quiet voice.

And the little boy spoke up real loud and said, no, his name is Skinner.

Now tell somebody to search his memory.

It's on the right side of about the third down as they went down on the left side.

It was a white kid.

Was he about that age, six or eight years young?

The incident was so amusing.

That's the whole point.

If anybody didn't get there on time, it'd be an argument.

All I need was the third guy on the ground.

I didn't know if there was a third N88 down there.

If I didn't see anybody, it would be an argument.

It was a very amusing incident.

I don't remember the guy that's

and somebody else in there.

I'm sure they will.

I didn't do the math.

I want to say hello to Perry.

I want to thank him for his work.

Dick Perry, who's been recruiting.

President.

Yes, how are you?

Good to see you, sir.

Good to see you.

After all your work, we ought to at least say hello to you.

I understand you're going to leave.

Yes, I am.

I'm actually on a full-time base.

Well, this all needs help.

He's the meanest man.

I know.

Well, listen, you've done a terrific job.

You have, too.

You've got some excellent reports on the whole thing.

I just wanted you to know that I'm very grateful.

Well, thank you very much.

Get this train cleaned up.

We've got enough time.

I'll be back to work with you at 73-0.

Good.

All right.

Do that.

We're working close to the track.

We're working on the interior.

Good.

Is he leaving after the show?

Yes, he is.

He's leaving after the show.

I'm most grateful and we will appreciate your help this time of the month.

Thank you for your help.

We have great reports on it.

And he's great at getting these guys, you know, get something like $60,000 a year or something.

I don't know.

It's amazing.

I like this guy.

He says, well, you've got to help us for a while.

And he gets three months' worth of it.

And some of it doesn't pay any benefit.

He's obviously a man who shoots the way you describe.

He goes to the best.

And by that, he could.

I mean, I see Pete coming to the end.

He opened his name.

He made it work.

That damn job.

I think that Hoffman job put down the people.

I just want to put a good friend of mine in the damn job.

It's an asshole job.

I mean, you know, they give away a half-billion dollars a year.

We just always come up with the same old establishment names of people who are never particularly our friends.

And Pete, I know.

It's hard to relate to Harriet, but it ain't mine.

What are you doing with him?

No.

He isn't really, you're really smart about it.

Right.

I talked to Roy Ash about, I was talking about some of the things, and I raised a hard question.

I said, you talked to me a couple years ago about talking about, would he be interested in this?

And they said, yeah.

I'll poke around and eat.

So this person said, yeah.

Yeah.

He said, what he'd really love to do is be an ambassador.

And he said, you know where he'd really love to go?

Australia.

Is Australia or Mexico.

And I said, well, that's very interesting.

I just loved it at the time.

What would an ambassador do?

You know, why not marry up to Australia?

If Bill wants an ambassador, why not?

So can he do that?

Australia or Mexico.

He could do anything.

He's using, he could, I mean, he's a billionaire.

Could he do Austrian?

He's got a terrible guy.

Yeah.

Yeah, yeah.

How about, uh, should we try to get together in the morning in a small group?

Should we say 10 o'clock?

Fine.

All right.

I, uh, yeah.

And, uh, look, mental, mental, I guess, would be good to have him with me.

Yeah.

He said it so often before.

All right.

I'll pass the mic.

Henry, Flahert, Rogers, and Holmes.

That's here.

I don't know about Israel.

But that's interesting.

That's great.

I said, well, isn't that...

Obviously, being an investor, it bothered me with his talent, not to get him into some kind of job.

It might be interesting to have a guy like that.

We don't hold anything, do we?

No, we don't hold cards or anything.

But it would be a very... That's why the investor should just be fit.

He wanted to be a very talented guy for the job.

Put his name on the list for the doctor's job, the doctor's job.

I think I'd put him on the top of the list.

I think he's an exciting man.

And he would have, if it had been undersecretary of state, I think, you know, that, you know, if we had the euro challenge, it would be very,

Roy, oh I know, another reason Roy said, the reason he got an ambassador job is because of not having to sell his stock.

He took the Hoffman job, he wouldn't have to sell his stock either.

But if he came into a post in here, he'd have to sell, and that would cost him.

Well, I don't think he has to sell his stock.

No, he wouldn't have to.

Because he's not making, you know, awarding contracts to the company and things like that, I don't think.

In other words,

I just don't think we have the kinds of people that enjoy that kind of stuff.

Let it just come naturally.

I don't think the other three.

The others are doing it because of talking about it.

It doesn't come naturally.

It's uncomfortable.

But it is done naturally.

They're getting a few of them.

You can't take a guy and make him do it, but I think you can.

point out to them.

They've been afraid to do it.

You know, talk, tell the stories about Nixon instead of outlining programs.

And if we just, each guy can push him over to do the other ones, he finds out that he gets a better speech than the substantive one, gets a better reception, makes him look better.

If you look at it now, the entire thing, all that comes out of that is process.

And it's all working hours and hours of backgrounding.

Nothing in terms of the process of just finishing the work.

You see what I mean?

Yeah.

Maybe, maybe it isn't worth it.

I just wonder if he, if he could really navigate and go ahead and live the way that's natural for us.

And we sort of went this way because confidence raised the point, actually, where it all started.

Yep, and he's absolutely right.

We shouldn't just do this naturally.

We should work the other way, and I think we can make a lot of difference.

One thing that he might do, and I do quite a bit of this stuff,

It's always interesting.

It's never dull.

Even introducing George Bush by bringing in something.

I don't think about the other middles.

I can't think of the rest.

I'm going over there and doing the other stuff.

Has anybody thought about trying to make a little something out of those things?

Or as special as they have?

Yeah.

You've got to make something out of that collective.

You've

You can create, if you've got to work this thing, you've got to say, well, you've got a nice and thoughtful man on board.

And then a skillful man that has to do some of the introductions.

Now, who does that in charge of that?

It's what's going on.

It's this whole new ever closer thing together.

stacking up the board, getting, you know, reorganized the board on the individual basis, and shifting some of the gap.

Yeah, we'll do it.

What a great job.

It's an individual basis of getting other people to do it.

He's not doing it himself.

I just started discovering some of the biases today.

Maybe that's true.

Oh, that's what he's planning on.

That's, and part of it is you've got to get it into somebody's hands before it gets into other people's.

You've got to figure it out.

He's a tiger.

into some articles and start building the, more of the idea that we can get, then get it played off on the TV.

The records, please.

That's all I need.

And I think the thing that they want to get across sometimes is that I just don't get up and read something or memorize something.

The staff does.

You know, we've mentioned that on several occasions.

That's what people appreciate.

Yet sometimes you just have an idea that you control.

Like a little reference.

I wondered if you could send over a copy of that so that I could study it tonight and take a look.

Just send it over here.

Crap.

Yeah, yeah, yeah.

And then let's try to just sort of think what our options are.

Okay.

You know that Henry said he'd got a call from the press today.

He said he'd been trying to work on it.

He said he didn't know how to think about the way the press agreed with him.

I imagine that he said, and to show you how Henry is totally on his death, that they're not on something that...

He said, for example, he says, why is it that Ehrlichman agrees to Republican senators and is refused to testify before the committees in regard to Republican chair?

And I said, Henry, didn't you tell him that Ehrlichman agrees to all the Democratic congressmen and senators and has agreed to go up and answer questions by the total Democratic caucus?

Oh, I'm glad that he didn't tell me.

See, he doesn't know.

He has no...

He isn't the best man to talk to.

Well, if he does, when he gets something like that, he should say, well, let me check.

He should get to John right away, not to you.

Why don't you go to John?

John, get Preston to call.

Say, I hear something.

Let Preston squeal at him.

I think he's got nails on the bench, right fur, right fur, as far as I'm aware.

I'm sure it is.

Yeah.

Yes, I'm sure, Dr. Kissinger, you raised this point.

I think you should know, not only have we done this, but I have offered, there's a standing offer.

We've made it to Mansfield.

We've made it to Dalbert.

We've made it to the committees and all the rest.

Obviously, the testimony has to be given to the Cabinet Office of White House staff members now.

What if you're shooting her off as if Henry went on television and said something such that it would go out loud or something, and I could give this to Henry.

Don't get in an uproar about it.

We're just working on television.

Would you agree?

And we will.

Go for it.

Call on me today, and I'll be calling you tomorrow.

Yeah, I'm trying to lose count.

I don't know what that could be about.

First time in two years he's calling me.

Maybe he wants me to balance anything, it's fine.

I don't think any of those guys want to see you, they call me.

Oh yeah, yeah.

It seems to have a secret meaning.

We'll have a little photograph talk or have a little talk from our control over the problem.

It goes far beyond that, you know what I mean?

It's basically a question of fighting on each stage of space.

All of us have gone down to, I think at the present time,

They want to get a wall.

They want to keep this city.

They see a wish.

And when I help, they really do.

You agree or not?

Yes.

Right.

This is what Henry does not understand.

And God damn it, I've got to work with him on that sort of thing.

You've got to recognize, you know, he's still running business in control of the State Department.

That's who he is.

Nobody has it before.

If it's too bad he doesn't, it'd be nice if he did.

I said the State Department people didn't leak stories that Mitch got angry, but they do.

And they always have.

Mitch is up in the White House.

He got here when he had any struggle.

I didn't state I shouldn't have him for, he said, signature approval for him to go on television.

You remember, I thought I had to say.

that Henry would not be able to deal with it.

And I'm surprised they grew up with it.

Because Henry's talked to me, usually.

And he had this one thing where he was going to go on on this background thing about the President and how the decisions were made and all that.

And then,

He came in on that, came in and told me they wanted to expand it to make it a more lengthy thing to go into substance and shoot at you.

And I said, no, sir, don't get trapped in that.

Henry said they asked only one substance in question.

It was a burnout call of all people.

He should have gone, should not have gone.

I think, I want you to check this figure and see what happened.

I think figures that I understand.

Henry Kissinger is not to go on television, period.

I don't think you should go on at all.

We have greater knowledge.

Yes, I do.

I just say it's too dangerous.

They're always going to ask you such questions.

And Henry will not refuse to answer such a question.

Why?

Because that's what he told me in this case.

That's why he answered the question.

He got into trouble.

It's a tough one to settle.

But I don't think Henry or John, either one should go on and tell me.

Either one.

I don't think a guy at all.

Either one.

George does can.

because he is subject to congressional questioning.

Also, he's a cabinet officer, and he's a cabinet officer.

I don't think your staff people belong.

No, staff, I heard that.

I think you should go on talking.

I don't think planning it should go on.

I don't think that McGregor should go on.

He might be able to.

No, I don't think he should go on.

I think you just have to, except when you do the human interest thing.

If you've got them on, you know, if they ain't going to work, well, they will.

I think Black Rose went on, you know, and did her penitentiary, I suppose, but don't have Henry go on.

They don't ask Henry any questions, and he's not even an interstitial guy.

That's where McGregor, I think, could go on, because he's not a substantive man.

He's an operational guy.

If he goes on the human stuff, not the other.

Oh, we don't know, but I just didn't see how that would prompt us.

You know, I've been trying to be so careful about it this week.

He asked me.

That's what I asked him.

He asked about a long time and I said no.

You told him yes on one.

That was the one he, at least I think that's the one he did.

Because that's the one he was trying to get into.

He asked me again.

He asked again last week whether or not he could go on college.

No.

What he asked me about was going on with that fall was here at the White House.

And I said no.

I thought that covered it all for him.

I said no, Henry, I just don't think you should go on college.

Well, shall we stop at the future?

I think the staff is a hell of a lot stronger and safer if they work in the side.

But their advice is for you, not for the world.

David, you haven't gotten the gallops up yet?

Oh, yeah.

That's not very good.

It's, uh...

They're not the final pick, but it'll be either 52 or 53.

I'm sorry, I'm sorry, but I disagree with that.

And so I said, what do you, see, their last one was 56, the one they didn't release the car.

No, but it ended at 56.

56-33.

And they didn't release it.

And when I asked him what he thought the reason for the drop was, immediately he said, locks.

And he said, but then he said he wasn't certain.

Which of course he is, he can't be.

They got a poll coming out this Sunday.

This one will not come out until next Thursday or Sunday.

They got a poll coming out this Sunday that they found that two to one people think the invasion of Laos will lengthen the war.

If it's 52, that would be the same as the December.

The one they last printed.

That's right.

So no change.

I don't think it's that surprising.

Our own, though, they didn't, well, particularly one of those.

You see, they never did reflect the upward curve, literally.

They had to go through 60, we had 60.

We had 60, 6, 5, and we had 60.

We took the two together.

Yeah, we took the two together.

Yeah, from 60 to 59.

I'm sorry.

R-66 is January 7th.

I think 52, this is about, we're going to go through this period now.

It's going to be pretty chunky with the models and all that sort of thing.

We're taking the heat.

On the other hand, we'll take it down.

We're going to take the heat.

Cambodia was a very different thing.

It sure was, because we were, well, getting into it.

So, well, knowing that there was something else, too.

They could talk all they wanted about going on the air in Cambodia.

That did it.

You see, we didn't do it online.

This is a very different thing.

There's low-key business and so forth, maybe.

Not so much.

But it definitely gives them an opportunity to come on.

That's why we didn't get these or anything out of the way.

Answering questions on how some knowledge is valid.

57 we're moving forward.

55.

5.

Now he never rented the 56, did he?

Anyway, that's not a significant change.

You were 54 before Camp Cody, and then you did an April poll that was 56, and an April poll that was 57, which wasn't released.

And then the later April was 59, which was released.

And then June went down to 55.

And July up to 61.

That was after the conversation.

And how did it happen you were out of Camp Cody?

Well, I'm sure that...

I don't think the hole this long is going to make a difference.

You know, it ain't a hole.

What do you think?

We've been through this before.

It's our economic thing now that we need to look a little better.

What was the negative on the other 15th of December?

34, so this is not the same, it's 39.

This is 52, 35, that is 52, 34.

This may be 52.

Yeah.

There's doubts, they always come out on the low side, they've never gone up.

I've seen a really aggressive bull, do you?

That makes sense.

I mean, nothing to do with it.

It doesn't measure anything specific, which is what we've tried to do with our polls.

I think we ought to, uh, maybe poll after the press conference.

If you have a nice week or if there's any event along the way.

I'm not sure.

We ought to keep polling fairly regularly.

I don't think we should think you're right.

I don't think we should, because you need to keep the trend.

Why don't we do this?

Why don't we have a poll now?

And then what happens to the press conference?

Do the same, but split it again.

Should we do that before and after and see what happens?

Yeah, we could do one over the weekend now.

Oh, for sure.

It's very nice.

Children?

Or this job, because they can't get people.

Yeah, we can do it the first year.

Yeah, do it Monday and Tuesday.

Should we do that?

So we don't do it over the weekends.

Good.