Conversation 466-002

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All right.

Say, I'm your dad.

I'm your uncle.

I don't have an hour.

He wants to get his emails.

to see Peterson flying in early yesterday and making a final decision on what we were going to take and get the input on Carlos being with Nellis.

But in a very brief form, what I understand Carlos' thing is that Nellis will, if you ask him to, and will require meeting with you and, I don't know, Burns,

Burns will, if you ask him to, and it will require a meeting with Burns, call the meeting of the minority membership of Waste and Means, and make a public caucus statement that the position of the Waste and Means Committee is clear, and that it is in favor of legislation, whatever.

In other words, that they'll unlock it, and I'll do that.

I don't have to meet with all those people.

Because there's also the question of whether you send a message or not.

Okay, now they were going to do yesterday and then held up.

Well, actions, apparently, or legislation, whatever it is.

No, just make a statement again.

And it's a statement, not a message, it's a statement.

I'll just give it to Burns and have Bob talk to him.

Let her hear it.

John B. at least or something.

Well, Peter still doesn't know anything.

I mean, there's so many funny people.

I don't know.

Well, why do you want to do that tomorrow morning?

Better do it today.

Let's knock off the police.

They have to have something to see.

To see if they have to, if there's anything you want to talk about, John, both of them, just... You know, a lot of things.

Maybe, uh, John can't come to me.

That'd be terrible.

The problem then is, if you have to see Burns when that time to get done.

You probably ought to see him for a minute and a half, see if you need to just get beat him for a minute right now and just find out what you do need to do.

If you don't do this in one day, it won't take an hour to move over.

That's better.

The idea of getting Henry in on this is ridiculous.

I told him.

Uh, yeah.

It's when you don't have anybody who does these that, you know, knows the people with the statistics all night long.

It's a street around this.

John, you know the sign looking all right.

Well, the thing came out of that, you know, which is kind of disturbing, but I actually don't think it's bad at all.

It came out of that, and it's the Congressional.

So, you know, it's a group of Republican powers.

You know, they want you to be honest.

You know, they're very concerned about this, and they actually need to do that.

So, that's the story.

Yes, sir.

A draft statement.

You may mark it over quickly.

Essentially saying what you want to do, and inferring.

the fact that you were going to send up legislation.

The problem with, first of all, you said we met with the industry.

They feel very strongly that they need that action by you.

They say that if it happens, they'll come out strongly against Mills.

And in your favor, I said, that is fine.

But what next?

They said that

While these leaders are for you regardless, realistically, if we're talking about 1972, that this action now isn't going to ensure support then unless it succeeds.

If this fails, by 1972, we'll probably have it solved.

You're not going to get that support unless, at that time, you've really gone all out for a textile court bill, even if it means accepting some other things, as attractive as they are.

They were purposely frank about it.

I think Peterson was concerned about that.

I'm not interested in Peterson's views or Hodgson's or Schultz's views.

I'm not interested in Peterson's views.

It is a very political decision.

and stands to feel that the water can keep out of the front of this.

stay on the front they feel you have to send this you have to say you're going to send the bill up but it does mean that if you want to keep from the political point of view the commitment if it doesn't work and if another course of action we're now taking with some other countries also doesn't work that in order to keep the commitment you're going to have to the end of this year at the beginning of next

go all the way down the road and all out of it to get quota legislation, even if it means quota legislation involving other items such as the Mills bill.

And that this action alone, if it doesn't work, as you say, probably won't, isn't going to solve the problem for 72.

It has this following problem.

Harlow met with John Burns last night, as you're suggesting, John.

Burns feels that he's going to get up on the floor and say that he introduced quota legislation last year, the chairman introduced quota legislation last year, that nothing has changed, and that one man doesn't speak either for the committee or for the Congress.

Harlow thinks

and urged Burns to caucus the minority members of the Ways and Means Committee and to get them incensed at what was done here.

He feels that if this is done, it will have a very good effect as an admonition on Mills for this end of the case.

And he says it's his memory that when this was done, he was chief of staff member to a committee, that it in fact turned the chairman of that committee around.

He said that at the end of the meeting that Burns was waffling on it, that he does not believe that Burns will do it.

This is not the speech, but rather the caucusing, unless you get him down here in a private meeting and urge him to do it.

Well, and it's even more conditional than that.

If Price doesn't think Burns will make the speech, unless you make some statement of disapproval first.

Yes, that's right, but I'm assuming that this statement of disapproval

Uh, Corey, do you want to see Burns and, and everybody?

What is it?

The main thing is what the effect that Bryce, you know, has on Mills.

What's he, uh, what's Bryce about?

Bryce, Bryce is bothered by what Mills is doing.

Bryce thinks that Mills has made a mistake.

He thinks that the way to exploit it is through the, the nuance, the conversional nuance of caucusing and minority.

And that this is the most effective way of causing for those to lose face with their Congress and to force them back down.

But this is very solid.

He says that what we didn't get with the waste of the incident.

That's why all of this other stuff is wrong.

That's the main chance.

We're talking about that, we're talking about Sato and other terms, and these people, they don't comprehend what we're talking about.

The central question, it seems to me, is do we grandstand for the text on the street by standing on the slushy?

Which, we know that we won't get through, gives Burns a stick to beat us over the head a little later.

doing nothing on legislation for the moment, holding that back as a possibility, trying to do the horrible thing.

Well, how about, how about, uh, making a statement?

Yes, must, must do.

Yeah, must do.

It is not satisfactory.

And, uh, we were continuing our own negotiations with the Japanese.

Mr. President, I think not.

That's the problem.

The politics of it, as expressed by the industry and them and Stans and Mitchell, are that it's not enough.

Admitting that more would have to be done further down the road.

the uh the industry to tell them we're continuing our negotiations with japan on the face of two years of the failure of japanese unilaterally terminating them this isn't good

The industry has a plan beyond that.

The industry's plan starts knocking down this as a viable alternative.

Two, taking a crack indirectly at mills for doing.

Three, going forward with negotiations with these other countries, which we're doing.

And four, saying you're setting up legislation with them admitting that that legislation isn't going to be passed.

What does that plan say about the timing of setting up the legislation?

Now, yes.

That's where, at least that person had a lot of trouble.

It isn't that time enough.

Because what you're setting up there is a snake which Burns can turn around and bite the president.

I don't see that he can turn around and bite the president with that anymore than if we fail in this other ploy.

We and he will go forward with legislation later.

Mills has already got the Mills bill, which he introduced both last year and this.

So I don't see that this action by the president really creates a new snake.

It's already there.

The president last year supported exactly the same kind of legislation.

I wonder how big the distinction is.

Also, in negotiating with the other three countries, if we're looking for success, to the extent that the federal legislation is removed, the chances of getting reasonable legislation when they think that Japan has gotten away with something less, reasonable monetary agreements when they think that Japan has gotten away with something less, is inhibitive.

There are going to be tough negotiations.

I certainly wouldn't remove the federal legislation.

Okay.

Diminished.

Less visible.

There is a feeling abroad that when this problem was up last year with textile quotas involved and a lot of other quotas, we were glad to get out from under them.

Of course we were.

But for those who

The foreigners who are worried about voter legislation, they take some solace in that.

Our own people who want legislation at all costs, they find that very distressing.

So if you look at it both from a negotiating point of view and a political point of view, there is an implication in this.

It clearly has the danger, Mr. President, that you'll find on your desk sometime next year, on Millsville,

I don't hear any of that if we don't solve the problem in other ways.

The multilateral route is a possibility.

There's a possibility of another way to go, which would involve multilateral agreements with Korea, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, which would then empower you to unilaterally impose borders on Japan.

There are a lot of questions involved.

Henry raises serious doubts as to whether you can affect the grievance of Taiwan and Korea under the present circumstances.

We know what they've gone through.

And you can't say anything about them now, about this approach.

without any legislation.

It certainly is a different state.

It takes away at the end that part of it says I'm going to monitor this and I'm sure that when you see what happens, the Congress will agree to legislation.

The legions are not going to monitor this and

I've taken appropriate action which shows that, uh, we've got these actions unsatisfactory.

John, you see the depra-code here?

You suggested it.

Yeah.

I suppose if the thing fails, the legislation has to be used to do that.

That's fine.

That's good.

I wasn't having a problem with that.

What I'm really concerned about is Mills artfully developing a legislative dilemma for you.

And sending it down there.

And he's got all the horses.

He sure has.

Is that what you're asking for?

I just always...

They will stay, in my opinion, the tactical will stay, getting as far out as he can.

We have a real chance of weakening his stroke.

How now?

Through the Burt's adulation, I think.

If Burt, if Burt don't play, unless we put up legislation.

No, no, no, no.

He'll play.

Put up a statement.

Two conditions.

Put up a statement, and you have him in the next week to do it.

There is legislation up in front of Congress now.

There is an alternative, a little wishy-washy, but reiterate your support of the textile quota legislation.

Introduced by Chairman Mills.

A portion of the bill introduced by Chairman Mills.

It isn't, it won't.

It's better than anybody's job.

I appreciate that.

Your point is that you don't want to symbolically send out a bill.

That's it.

It's our bill.

That's it.

We should reiterate our support.

I don't think that the political point of view is symbolic enough.

It's where we were.

We've done nothing.

What you just said, and for it's all I must, uh, I, uh, I'm not sure you want me to have this, uh, pay that much attention to it.

Sean, it's the way it needs to be.

I mean, I know I've seen it before.

I knew it in the first part.

I'm not sure I knew it in the second part.

You don't want the monitoring?

That's fine, but rather than on the legislation, sending the legislation, just find out the idea of something to say.

We're referring to the legislation, it's already there.

I see what you mean, and I'm trying to weigh the political impact of it.

The profit seminar that the industry wants takes out global legislation in the worst way.

And they feel that this is not a commitment to it.

Whereas your thing, you didn't set it up last year, they say.

You didn't.

You supported a portion of the bill.

They have the feeling that you were greatly relieved not to get any of the bill because it was

an initiative on what they think is the key solution, the only real, long-term way to solve that problem.

And politically, I think it tracks.

It's part of the bill that's there.

It's in it.

legislation that's there.

They will say that's what we did last year and of course nothing came of it.

That's it.

I see.

The reason it's similar is because you want the waiver provisions in there.

What about the attitude of this town, the attitude of the chairman?

I'm just trying to get a part of that.

You've got a thought in there, haven't you?

without saying, as a result, I will now submit a text report to Legislation.

You see that line out?

Then you move on those through Burns.

And when people come to you and say, well, what are you going to do now?

You say, what do you say?

You say, well, don't come to the other street right now to say how you're going to move on to Nelson's.

So that's a big gap in my hand.

Yes, sir.

If you want to lose that option, it will get burned.

and do say I will continue to support, as I did last year, the textile quota provisions of the legislation.

Now last week, as you said, supposedly you said to the industry, look, there are a lot of arrows in our quarter today.

Don't be quite as dumb.

You guys just have to make time for this program.

Make it, I would rather than hire you than my people, that you make this program.

I don't want to be blinded.

I'm making it clear that this program is not, is not, you get my point?

Yes.

Don't put in the money.

You just send the deficiencies of this program around.

Well, again, because the industry is, once this made clear to the Congress that it is not so good at the job, and showed this...

I just, what I meant is, I'm like, we shouldn't say that.

We should be, we consider this, and don't talk about it a lot.

You mean...

Their program, things that they want done, include several things you're doing there.

Plus they want it monitored against what we had agreed and they wanted legislation.

In fact, we're just reading the legislation.

Make it quiet.

What I can add is don't say, just say as little as you can about what we are going to do.

Just say that this is an unacceptable situation.

And then, we will do... Look at the cost of this thing.

It first comes down to your cost to the president.

Eventually, that's going to be enough.

That means, you know, it goes up on the floor of a house.

First of all, he talks to them like potatoes on the floor of the house, and he makes a statement that the Japanese formula is unsatisfactory, and there are three bills pending to include the Texas rules, which he supports, which the chairman introduced, and that that's where the Ways and Means Committee is.

which could be the next day or so.

You can move several times, it seems to me.

But we're not going to.

We're not going to move, I would guess, at the earliest until the end of this year.

We're going to go and try and negotiate these other things, which are going to take months and months and months in the interim.

This congressional boy was a clear to us, but not to them.

What I'm simply saying is that what John's point is,

We know all those things.

They can't possibly get to us until the end of this period.

We're going to be sent for a monitor.

And if it doesn't work, we are then.

We just have to push this.

But you don't need to throw it all at one time.

It doesn't.

They're quite able to do it.

The solution is completely unacceptable.

That puts us very gladly on the side.

The fact that we are not going to be satisfied with it, we're going to work for other solutions.

The industry wants solutions in various ways.

They'd like for us to monitor the present agreement.

They think that will help some.

They'd like for us to work with the other countries.

They think that might help some.

And, of course, in extremis, they want us to support a quota bill.

And they know damn well that not everybody gets through.

They want us to support them.

We might do the last.

We probably will have to do the last part.

I would not be surprised when January comes around, we might do it.

It's too late for them to get through.

The part that I make is that I think that we, I'd like to have this rewritten that way, that somebody says,

The efficiencies are clear.

I don't accept it.

We must, therefore, pursue, and as much as you can, pursue the other, uh, the, uh, the, uh, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the,

There's a bill already.

We don't have to introduce one.

Now, that's one way to get out of time.

I'm sure that they're asking the Secretary of Commerce.

Do they want us to put in that in the State Department?

Yes, sir.

I want you to indicate that there's something good about the agreement.

The burn scene.

Thank you.

Two hours.

Wow.

Okay.

I'm trying to do that this morning.

What else?

If we're going to send a statement this afternoon, we don't need 11.

Yeah, we see what we're able to do otherwise, John.

Well, I think that's what you said.

This is about to be done today.

Yes, it is.

Yeah, that's right.

Or 11.

At 11 o'clock.

No, I don't think.

Yeah, on 11.

But you were telling me that I have a limited amount of time.

What I would like to do, if you would, it would be very helpful, and don't get everybody in, don't get in deep, because if you do, it's very close.

You, my daughter, me, the Burns, and Bryce.

10, 13, how that'd be fine.

That way you could sort of get off the rough edges and get it down there and get both of these views before us.

At 11 o'clock, how do we decide?

Can we tell them that I have to intervalle on the 30th?

Yes.

Well, yeah, yeah.

It's just about a question of how it's coming in.

It might be just as well that...

I'm used to talking to you about it.

He gets ahead of it.

He wants the hard line.

He wants the hard line, and he's for second legislation.

He's for second legislation.

However, I, you know, like, John had a pretty rough ready, so he... Yeah, well, he wants to be active, but, you know, he may end up that way.

He may end up that way.

We will have the legislation back on our desk.

I'll take it, except that...

if it weren't such a horribly confused lobby that you've got the whole eastern establishment, you've got some jettison that might settle all of us for months, and I just want to see us get to trade a lot of different trades.

As a matter of fact, I personally think that the history is actually irrational.

I personally think the legislative bloc

It's pretty goddamn meaningless for the Japanese.

They're smart enough to know that it's going to be hard selling a good shirt.

They're a sure thing by the likes of Chavez and the rest of the Nilsson family.

Do you see my point of view?

That is why, however, I think you might consider, that's why I've been arguing both sides of this thing, why it's going to make the industry feel better to say we're standing up like a soldier.

Do you see my point?

I just hesitate to underestimate Wilbur Bell's ability

to consider us to construct a legislative monster for you.

And you have me lying on the weeds just waiting for you to get started.

But that's why I've got to go off on hand and say this about what I had already suggested about the chairman controlling the legislation.

I would put it in the terms of the Congress.

You know what I mean?

Just put it that way.

They all know.

He's in control of seven or eight key pieces of legislation, and he's in a position to trade with the Senate.

He could make Jack Javis jump through a hoop for some things if he had the wants.

Does that sound like a good plan?

Let's look at that view.

Do you know all the Schultz's and Peterson's arguments?

Do you know theirs?

I mean, we all know their arguments.

I mean, we're all in the same wavelength, but there's no use to get involved in the merits.

They are delighted with this solution, though.

Why?

They are delighted with this solution.

Send it, but it should be held without sending it away.

Well, they don't do anything.

Well, they want to knock you down to the east, and they want to say that this is nothing.

No, I mean they don't want to do anything on the legislative class.

That's correct, because they're afraid to float a thing.

I understand that.

The point is that we're in a box.

Okay.

I'm afraid you can't.

Well, I'm going to write a little letter to stop a lesson here.

It's something that I want to... What?

While I agree that it's weak to say I will continue to support the legislation that's before you, as far as example is concerned, I don't think you give away anything on your own.

How about saying that, John?

In fact, there's a nice twist to that.

How about saying that?

Therefore, I must continue to give my strong support that I have stated over and over again

to the TEXTO quote of the portion of the bill that is presently before the .

And that has been passed or approved by the .

And then for the last paragraph.

Now, that's the way I think we can do it.

See if you can get that .

Now, I think that's a little better than the new bill.

I think it's better than the new bill.

And that doesn't pose any problem to Peterson and .

Oh, I don't think so.

Well, they know the bill is there.

Yeah, because the area doesn't have to know.

I guess you're wrong standing position.

Well, they have to argue for the other support.

I know that.

Well, the reason to listen to the president is what?

Is he going to get it solved next year?

Or if you want that, then we have to get out and draw on full legislation, which has a lot of years.

I think this is the best we can do now.

We shouldn't fool ourselves into thinking that this body...

I would not have any...

I would not...

I do not trust...

I do not give up on the fact that we can still get an involuntary agreement with the Japanese.

We simply are not going to accept this.

non-sensory effect of what the Japanese would be nice to us about our, and as the State Department said to us, well, they'll start being nice to us about what they, whether they help the Indonesians.

Well, now come, they're going to help the Indonesians because they ought to.

This is, this is, this is, this is all we've heard in a row.

I think you and me, Bryce, and John Burns,

If you don't have R, we might get through it in an hour.

Those are our best.

Fair enough.

All right.

Okay.

It's kind of a problem.

You see, John, about the reason I blew out the larger meetings, they didn't have these large meetings, that's why I can't present at C meetings.

You get eight, ten, three people in a row.

And so Pete Peterson's got to make a little speech about the necessity of free trade.

I know about the necessity of free trade.

George Holtz has got to be concerned about that.

Henry Gibson's got to be concerned about that.

He's got to have a good relationship with Sato and Korea, the Communist China.

It should be boiled down to where one guy can give you

Well, I know all those of you.

I know they were down.

But I'm just trying to get everything in here.

We've got Peterson and this and that.

I heard it from those.

And here you get other people who started thinking about solving the problem.

We all know the situation.

Don't you think so?

It's pretty damn hard not to, you know, they're all making well on it, but it's a hell of a tough problem.

All right.

That's the way it is.

That's why they expect it from us.

That's it.

Senators

There's and somebody else.

And one congressman who are on the program, they're at the table with some, they're supposed to be here, so they're getting them down there.

We're taking on these down at Mitchell's request to just give them a little time.

What have you got in terms of?

I don't think it's really much of a race.

You've got to do the television.

I don't think it's much of a race.

I agree with the reporter.

The other two, I remember Hoffman and Paywell.

I agree.

I was listening to Paywell there, just trying to have a little chat, and then I can pull up and talk to him.

Plus, you know, because of doing the CDF, the NBC TV thing, it was more, when you were just doing this, the radio made more sense than it does when you're doing the other two.

No, I, you know, I'll report on it in a while.

I mean, I don't think my voice is great.

is necessary on this one here.

And did you get the suggestion you had on this one?

I know that it was screwed up, but it's all right.

I've got it.

I've lost it in the machine here.

It's perfectly all right.

No problem.

I'm just giving it my all.

I don't know what it is.

I don't know.

Well, he had a hell of a lead on it.

And that's what's scary, a big part of the story.

This is the last war.

And it's interesting the way it stirred up an interesting discussion about is it going to be

Uh, with the General T. Francis in the general context it is.

If they read his notes, they were fine, I would say, but the last year, well, you know, I, I, I went on to say they're going to be brushing our order.

I mean, you know, we have first and so on and so on.

And then that's the way it's being interpreted.

That's what I said, but I don't know if he had it down or not.

I don't know if he really did or not.

That's what I was talking as far as the United States is concerned.

It's recognized as that.

That's right.

You know, I put a little note in the news summary that Dick Barrow handled it all well.

He said that, I know that's where he said it appeared, because he's

The whole press conference.

What the hell is he talking about?

Is that a lie?

He seems to be out of step with the others.

This is one he's been trying to put together, a case that we had at the press conference.

He said, you called the press conference because of the drop in the poll, because of the credibility thing in the poll.

And I told him, you didn't know?

Yes, he had the poll.

The poll was released after the press conference.

Accrediting Al O'Connor to meet with him to decide the press conference.

And he'll be sent to the Senate on the days before, except for some time before.

And that has nothing to do with O'Connor.

I concur with you, Al.

Our neighbors probably did.

Al O'Connor, we made the deal with Solberg four months ago.

At least four months ago.

Do you remember he wrote it?

Yeah, it was made a long time ago.

He said it was going to come in, it was going to be in, and I said I would see when he came in.

It's a good point.

I would get it across with the honest people, but rather it's not a kick of trying to weave this whole thing together.

We're reacting and...

He's trying to also build a thing on our selling of the domestic program, and take that into a negative, like the selling of the Pentagon.

And he gets on these wickets, and he throws stuff, calls the church, doesn't go down, you know, hammering down.

Nothing you can do about it.

You know, the idea that common press cameras weren't the only thing, because everything else wasn't the only thing.

Well, that's the advantage there is to be on television.

That's right.

So you don't want to be cranked about that.

The Magruder Group knew who happened and all that sort of thing.

Yeah.

We got CBS on it.

They really squirted on that and said, hey, what happened at 8 a.m.?

And last night they said it was not true.

Well, they put it on the pletcher live.

It caught him in the hall after his hearing in Texas.

And they got him on film, and he finally denied it.

He said he had never talked to you about the ABM, and he said he supported you on the ABM.

He said, I don't know anything about the ABM, so I would have no reason to talk to the president about it.

I have never talked to the president about it or anything else.

He confirmed that point.

Then they said, well, in other words, you're saying you wouldn't have supported the ABM.

He said, no, that's not right.

I said, I do support the ABM.

And I always had to support the President's safeguarding.

He obviously had some restriction.

He is obviously not all out APM and quality, but he came on damn well yesterday.

And nobody can read that in except, you know, Mr. Podesta.

That is what Daniels saw.

And he said, well, this very car seems to be, and he looked at Barrison and said,

reporter to become part of the story, because we won't do that, but all I can say is that he did not apparently, there is something, I'll probably wedge this out somewhere, where this guy was in some group that met with you at some point way back on APN, maybe in some science advisory committee or something like that.

But Shore wasn't very clear on that either.

He was just kind of wobbling around it.

And he said, well, he had said this a long time.

And he said, but at that time, of course, he didn't know he was going to be a presidential appointee.

That's how he tried to wobble off the fact.

Then they came all this, and Cropback came on with Ziggler's statement, just knocking the whole of Jesus out of the plane, saying, wow, that is the end of the story.

How is he getting along with the Congressman?

I think he's pretty good.

I think he's very well.

He's, well, I gotta remember.

He kind of has to be far away.

I think he's probably, well, maybe he's, I don't know.

They'll probably have him sit in the conference.

Well, I won't be going down there.

Oh, yeah.

See if he's here, though.

I'm not leaving that yet.

Yeah, I'll stay.

I'll stay.

All right.

Don't you think it was a little bit of a crack?

It was a little bit short.

Oh, it didn't run.

Oh.

See if the bear is here.

Yes, sir.

Please.

Get two hours on a helicopter so you can get early and I just want to be so I can use those two hours for everything.

I want your meetings until I go.

This is funny.

In fact, he is a piece of sage.

Catch up, he's as good as to see birds at death.

But, Senator Pastore, as usual, flourishingly wants to come.

No, he needs a very great honor.

Doc, how are you?

Fine, sir.

I get the law.

Well, I've never worked 100 hours under water, so I think we're going to have more fun than that.

Yeah, but I've got to talk to this guy.

Hey, talk to your nurse.

Hey.

I wonder if you can help me prepare so that I can have everything lost before I go to the court.

Well, if you're, uh, what, uh, what do you recommend?

You know, we've not done all of our breakfast for the matches.

What's the next thing that we need for a productive relationship?

First of the next thing, I said that he's gonna have dinner for dinner, so that's no problem.

But there is just so much you can do from here.

I think there are a few individual things I can do on the Democratic side.

I've got to get Russell in and listen to him for an hour and a half.

So we play off against Mills.

We're going to get Johnny Burns in today for other reasons.

The only thing you want to do is to keep the main thing, is to keep the fighting morale of the troops up, because you don't like that there's these guys and so forth.

And they're in that sort of way, because the Democrats are divided and they're fighting for themselves.

You know, that's the kind of thing that you can have.

You can add something there that's really very effective.

You know, Tony was very good at that.

I mean, did you have him at the meeting with Congress?

Yes.

Did he do well?

Yes.

He told us.

Well, he tells the Republicans, you know, you've got a great opportunity here.

You've got a progressive program that's consistent with, really consistent with conservative philosophy.

You ought to be selling the President of the United States.

He's going to be a party program.

His program ought to be enthusiastic.

I think, sir, to answer your question correctly, I think now we're, you've done a number of things.

You've done a bit, you've done a match.

You don't have anything particularly awkward if you start on a particular program and you start on a different team.

First thing is a tough one, and that is a visit between you and Senator Russell Long.

Why did you have to do that?

I don't know.

I'll bring him in.

I'll bring him in and try to get a call.

And I may.

I don't know.

I've got to find.

You see the leaders, they're rather uninspiring.

In fact, that's one of the bunches, Jerry.

You know, Jerry will pop up and hit one now, but most of them are...

You sort of get the feeling that you're sort of crying, or what is your feeling about our leaders?

Well, having just had, I don't know, Andrews has got a little spark, I don't know, having had some serious...

He's been crying about his projects.

He's been saying he didn't get adequately consulted about Undersecretary-designate Schlesinger.

I would like to suggest to you, sir, that starting with Russell Austin, perhaps Senator McClellan, because Senator McClellan has initiated a favorable attitude toward your reorganization proposal,

Oh, is the business with the next one?

Yes.

All right.

You know what I agree about, you know.

Our tour, the main thing is why don't you figure out places where three or four would come in together.

I'm going to call them.

I'd like to come in, but.

he might be comfortable with the center you know the moment you start to say the individual has got so much time what i do is do that at five o'clock in the afternoon i never drive right in here

We know he's got a job to do.

What about Republicans?

Do we need to do anything there?

Not the leaders, but God, if I don't do any of these leaders.

What about Paul's like Baker and that good group in the House and others?

I've seen a lot of home guys.

Are you working on those?

Yes, I'm working on those.

We have a proposal I mentioned to you again that has to move into the House.

The curtain's off.

We're heading there.

They're going to have to sell your program.

Dinner?

Yeah, I think dinner is good.

It doesn't have to be dinner.

Dinner was suggested as a format that might be... Of any partner.

Or about 45.

See, there's 15.

They're the leaders.

They're three-man teams.

They're 15.

Now they're 16, Mr. President.

They're 16 captains or co-captains of three-man teams.

So you've got an option of 16 or 48.

Well, I guess...

I'm going to say if you want to have a man, you can have 48.

I don't know if it's a...

Of course, we just gave them the same thing we gave them at breakfast, but it's something else.

What do you have to do about it?

Having had a breakfast for the conference, I guess now we have to have an end for it.

No.

It doesn't have to be that.

It could be a 5 o'clock meeting here or at 48.

He could have 16 at here.

Or 16 in the Roosevelt Room where he could have a...

You could have 16 in here very nicely.

How would that be reported?

Well, not too that fast.

That might be more good than having the mask in there.

I'll tell you what you need or getting is our case in this case.

Now, on the other hand, you can't have 48.

48's got to be dinner or breakfast.

So, I don't know.

We've already had a breakfast at a meeting.

Do you know these people who sell dollars or cents to a big club?

Or do you?

It's hard to picture.

At the first time, there would be some...

There might be some negatives to having just a 16.

Yeah.

But let me...

I don't mind running them in forever.

Basically, Bob, the best thing to do is to have them all in for breakfast.

What the hell, it's the best time of day.

It really is better for me.

And frankly, the difference would be you could talk to them a lot differently.

The other thing was the selling thing.

This is networking together.

I can't say pause.

That's right.

I can't have them for breakfast.

And have an 8 o'clock breakfast and say, that's going to be over at 9.30.

Thank you very much.

Let's go.

All 48.

And you can get a few of them to report to the president on how the thing's going huge.

And that's what I said.

I want us back and forth.

That's good.

All right.

That's what they do.

They do their regular things.

Now, the whole purpose of this, as you know, is not to sell the program.

The whole purpose of this is to get them all inside.

I think that's really true.

The purpose, we hope, is the right one.

So, good process.

Would it be more good, and maybe you wouldn't want it to, but would it be more good for the president to go up to the hill to their records?

Well, I'm going to give you a request.

I'm going to put these down.

Frank Boll, for example, would like very much for you in May to come up and have lunch at their records.

But you see, so that's the Appropriations Committee, and then there's the Armed Services Committee, and then there's the other committee, and then there's terrible justice.

And I can do the leaders.

I do go up.

I would go up with Alvarez if I didn't get a percent.

I would hesitate on the appropriations thing.

I don't want to be, I'm not complying with anything, I don't know if you think you'll.

What do you think?

I'm making the most of it.

I'm reporting the point with the Kirkendall Group, that it would be more to them for you to come up and meet with them on their grounds than it is for you.

These are your own team.

These are your own failures.

Do you think they'd have a breakfast tonight?

They'd eat the breakfast.

That's what they did with Connie.

They had a breakfast meeting up there.

And Connie went out.

They would plan another one.

They hoped to initiate their program.

They were on the show.

They gave you a chance.

You were between having a hand and a breakfast.

So therefore, that's a different place.

I wouldn't mind.

I don't mind going up there.

I'm just trying to think of how we go.

The way it's more complimentary to them is that you go up there, or is it not?

Yes, in a way it is.

In a way it is.

Yeah, that's how a lot of people come to the White House.

They all look for the White House.

Don't irritate yourself.

Like John Connally would say, after those breakfasts where they had a great time, he said, listen, you don't know what it means for any of us.

You don't know what it's like going right into the White House.

That's a great trip.

It means a lot.

And no matter how many times they come, they like to say, I went to the White House.

So I'm not so sure that it means all that to run under the hill.

The main thing is this.

You sit down and work out what you need.

And we'll rifle shop these things and we'll do some individuals.

Mr. President, what they would really like is not for you to sit down

The thing that would be exciting to them is an unannounced drop-in, where you would just come in and talk for two or three minutes and tell them you appreciate what they're doing and, boy, that's what they really get.

Your telephone call is great.

Oh, that's easy.

We can do that.

Just a drop-in.

Not so that you get seated down.

Yeah.

Yeah, it doesn't look like we've been going around here.

Good luck running in, Steve.

You're doing a great job running out.

That's cool.

Just found out we were meeting up there.

Follow us when I'm dropping in.

All right, good.

Let's try one like that.

Let's try to do a mix.

Try to change the place.

Clarkson, the place where it's down there.

The meeting's set.

Hold on.

They're meeting up.

Can you do it, then?

That's 11.

I got it.

That's it.

It isn't entirely hand-holding.

I'm sure, Mr. President, that, you know, I sat in on your meeting with Barry Goldwater.

I know that Barry went back and said, boy, this is the greatest thing I've ever said to the President.

We talked about the Air and Space Museum and, of course, other Senators.

I think a little...

I know.

Well, Barry's got...

Which one's if you die?

And you better hear me.

Peter Dominick wants to come in and visit with you, but he wants to come in and visit with you about the Senatorial Campaign Committee and... Well, I'd like to have it with the old venture, but it's not a bad idea.

I want you to set up a meeting.

I cannot call all that long at one time.

I don't want to meet him.

He might as well bring Wilson.

No.

Leave Wilson.

I don't want to meet him.

I hope you know how it feels, our leaders meeting.

Everybody's concerned about it.

It's Hugh Scott, so let's face it.

But when I say it's Hugh Scott, I don't want to be quite there.

That is our information.

Apparently somebody on his staff leaks.

But forget it.

Just forget it.

I did say this.

I've said to Peter Donahue, I've said to Peter Donahue, he doesn't, it's something that I know he has to deal with and I can't prevent it.

And another thing too, this is not that important.

Well, but there's Peter Donahue.

The other thing I wonder is, well, how about some of our new Congress, how about the likes of, how about the new, newly elected?

And the, in other words, broke, we got nobody, we had broke a few months ago, a couple of months ago, 60 days ago.

People like that, I guess you're visited with a lot of them.

You got to have the left, you see the trouble with, you started having senators, so you got the 45.

And you'd have one, you got the left and the right.

I haven't had Goldwater, you got to have, I have broke.

They said, oh, my name talks about going to Seattle.

Oh, all right.

I think it was Senator Aitken, George Aitken, and George has talked to me about that and appreciates that very much.

One of the things that you might want to do, Mr. President, is to meet with the so-called Wednesday group in the Senate.

There are about 10 or 11 of them, and they generally are in support of your legislative program.

And then back with us, Chuck Percy and others are saying, gee, we could do a lot more, you know.

But if you do that, you've got to bring in, you've got to do also, you've got to balance that with a little of the hard iron boys, you know.

Sam Devine is not, he's asked me a ton of times, can we have dinner with the president or a meeting with the president?

for our so-called Republican regulars and so-called conservatives in the House.

If you had a meeting with the Wednesday group in the Senate and conservatives in the House, it bounces off in a very different way because the Republicans and conservatives in the Senate, they're basically here.

Well, they're going to leave you, Chuck.

No, he's got to be here.

You know the guys, the stalwarts, too.

Cotton and Tower and all those guys that we got.

Well, you've got Cotton.

Cotton and the leadership.

Yeah.

Tower.

And we saw Tower.

I've seen Tower.

Yes.

I've had that in mind.

Who else?

You saw Tower and then they're close to space or something.

Maybe.

Yeah.

We're trying to close that down.

Yeah, well, rather than...

I didn't want to give you something.

Thank you for... No, the office is a problem.

It's a terrible problem.

There's a very bad headline in the Dulles Lake paper.

Mel was here right after you were so gracious to the North Dakota legislators.

He went back to North Dakota and was critical of revenue sharing.

Of course, they loved it.

Those people loved to play.

And...

I wish I could suggest to you that he doesn't have his spark.

There are all sorts of mappers out there.

I just, to be fair to you, don't worry.

There's nothing to do with it.

I did everything for him.

I'm his legislator tonight.

I know you were not a great one, Ed.

They're all happy to know I had it done again a couple days later or something.

I think he came every Sunday morning from North Dakota.

He does stand well.

I believe I've been all that time.

The French Bennett did stuff, but it doesn't make any difference, you see, the current manager.

But I do say this is a divine group.

I don't know how you're going to get them in, whatever they ought to do.

If they have a meeting, what about just having Sam in?

That's a volatile meeting.

Or is that not a good idea?

Well, Sam is specifically asked to see the whole group.

How many are there?

There are, I don't know, Sam says 60, but there are probably 35 or 40.

Senator was worried about the war.

Senator was worried about... You're right, those are the two sticking points with each.

Senator Carl Curtis would like to come in and see you.

Carl is very much a gentleman, but he said, Clark, I don't want you to bother the President.

But, you know, sometime, I'd like...

He said, I'd like to come in and visit with the President.

But don't you send a memorandum to the President saying... All right.

That's the kind of guy that I want to come in.

He's a people-lover.

We do our best.

But then Charles said, don't worry, I just want to... That's the other loyalist type that we... See, you don't want to overlook those guys that are driving you.

And you're just working on trying to work the month thing out.

So, yeah, I mean, you know, you're driving.

No change in the car's condition.

I see.

Right.

There's never going to be a change.

They keep putting out that he's getting better.

He's not in a lot of trouble.

He hasn't apparently had a ride out.

It's better than I say, let's do the Divining Room before you do the Wednesday.

And follow up with that.

So that's what I do with the Divining Room.

And I do your House Loyalists first.

And I do the Divining Room.

And whack around.

And then getting Russell on.

George Mayhunt is nothing.

It's worth getting in.

He's a good man.

He is, and you should know that George Mayhunt is.

very disturbed right now at Wilbur Mills, not just about the textual matter, but about the fact that George Mayon believes that Wilbur Mills is pulling the strings behind Colonel Albert, and Wilbur is responsible for loading up George Mayon's committee with the six new military whistles.

That's great.

And George Mayon gets to be tied with Wilbur Mills.

Mills is playing a big, big part in this.

Mills is not going anywhere.

I have a very interesting meeting.

I asked Jerry Ford yesterday morning if he'd get together in his office, Les Aaron's, Johnny Rhodes, Wilbur, or Johnny Burns, and Charlie Jonas, because Charlie is kind of the spokesman for the Texas Air Force on the Republican side.

John Rhodes felt that you ought to crack Wilbur correctly.

Jerry Ford and Johnny Burns did not.

They felt you ought to crack

the Washington lobbyists and indirectly to remove immigrants.

That's exactly it.

Look, you work here, Neil, out here.

We're going to try to see if you have to remember that we also have cat offices that have their hands held.

And actually, there's blocks.

Black people and so forth and so on.

The blacks are cranking up for us.

What about the 12 blacks that have been arranged?

I'll make one of these 23rd, 24th, and 25th.

All right.

This is a happy oasis.

This is Russell, not me.

Smart.

He doesn't want you to be associated with what he's on.

We want to get our, you know, us talking to the blacks in first and the, and the, I mean, I can't do any of these.

I mean, I mean, with our own, you know, with our own administration on the channel, either before or after the prospect of the war.

Purpose.

Why don't you come with me together?

No, the other way is,

Yeah, I've been accomplished.

I'm just trying to get the kind of boy that you need as well.

The other one is, it's really important to start with purpose.

If it's our pleasure, it's good if we want to start doing something like that.

What the hell is this, Dr. Burns?

No, no, no, it's John Burns.

All right, don't worry about that.

We'll make sure to get you out of the way.

I should have hit him.

Now he is, yeah.

That's right.

All right.

All right, drill.

Press the water.

Now we have all our albums, but the main thing is to keep them balanced in order to end the war situation.

It's a question of how those come out.

It's coming along well.

And the same on the economy and the rest.

I mean, not the hair comes out of all white roses, but the white is.

You've got to figure, what are they going to do?

The other side's got a hell of a problem, too.

You'll consider the deterioration of the position of the North Vietnamese, of course, in the West.

In talking briefly yesterday with this Yale political union, I've been saying no, no, no, no, no to all these groups, but I got pushed into this one.

And they said to me, well, what about this alternative and this alternative and this alternative?

And I said, you know,

The raising of all these alternatives is a tribute to the power of the President's legislative program.

If the program weren't a solid, sound program, the Democrats would just be opposed to the program.

But as it is, they're coming up suggesting all these alternatives, which means that they realize that the President's legislative program has great validity and popular appeal throughout the country.

Thank you.

Otherwise, why in this adversary proceeding that we call a market two-party system?

Why would the majority in Congress be voting both of those alternatives if they weren't concerned with it?

By the way, Mr. Daly, I've talked, I think, a few of his presses over.

I would, when you're talking to the press, I would try to avoid talking very much about congressional relations.

You've always got to be in a position where you never say anything about Republicans or Democrats to work with.

But you also, on the other hand, you're in a good position to talk about this, about security.

I think we'll have the Wednesday Senators see you after the next troop withdrawal announcement, don't you think?

Wait a little while for that.

It's inappropriate, isn't it?

No, no, wait a little while.

They're, uh, they're basically, uh, they're all just...

They're all, they're all an employee of the school, you know.

We have a Chinese attack in town.

What if the... We don't understand it.

I understand it.

They're basically people that, that, that drank the urine.

You really get down into them.

They are people that lack the strength to face reality.

And so they lack the luxury of, you know, I know them all.

They won't be all right.

Chuck Percy is planning to use your reorganization plan as his principal vehicle for relaxation.

I don't think he's going to be able to move the organization in.

He's going to get many people having orgasms over that.

I don't think he is, but we'll hope so.

It may be that Chuck is the last guy to take these countries.

At least that's good for the monsters.

Now I get the ones you've been talking about.

They're talking about the war that we saw, the ones with the total control, but he's going to just say what's going to happen.

And they are, they know it too.

They know it too.

They just have to speak into their audiences at home.

They have to say the same fashionable thing.

Well, we're not sure, and therefore we've got to be sure, and so therefore we're going to pass resolutions.

The first one was a little water we bargained for in the morning.

It was going to make a lot of money, but yeah.

Yeah, well, I don't know so much.

We tried to serve the company large as tight as we possibly could, but we couldn't get any food for anyone.

We got mail that was never done.

We got a head start on Dick.

I don't know Dick, but I'll draw a piece.

He's a delightful call.

And he's usually for his Martin Carter comments.

Well, I've been coming here on various schemes these days.

I think we're making some progress.

My name is Gregor.

Yeah, true, yeah.

He's gonna have to, he's been awfully good about it.

I can't see every individual senator or congressman cry baby to the ones from the same class.

But he's much better at that than anybody we've ever had.

That's right.

He doesn't believe you should see him, and that's what helps, thank God.

I mean, he knows that he should only have so much .

Bryce always took the route, which he honestly believed also.

The more you saw him, the better off you'd be.

That's right.

And Clark doesn't really believe that.

He knows.

Well, he's right.

Well, I'm just wondering if that worked for you or not.

They might have called me to Camp David.

They probably did.

Well, what are your, what are your, what are your, what are your, what are your, what are your, what are your, what are your,

If it keeps going according to plan, I don't know whether it will, but Howard Baker yesterday gave a speech on the floor, announced in advance he was going to do it, in which he attacked me for side coverage, referred to the fact that there was a project underway in Manitoba.

and called once again upon the media to make their tapes available to the Library of Congress, which of course they consistently refuse to do.

His aim yesterday was to suck some of the Doves into defendant networks.

They didn't do it.

Today, we're repeating it, but we're having Baker, Brock, Colward, Dominick, and others pick up the same chant.

I can't announce in advance that we're running this.

We're trying to get a Governor in the county of Mansfield and others to come over to the Fender Networks at 3 o'clock tonight, this afternoon.

Hopefully, if they've risen to the date, the Senators will invite all the Senators and all the press from the galleries from downtown.

So tomorrow morning, I witness a continuous showing of CBS and NBC news broadcasts involving us for the three weeks preceding your press conference.

We had reviewed this and made it available by selling it.

We were good at it.

Is it bad or not?

Oh, it's great.

There's no problem with that.

No, it might have gone well from there, but I don't think it's bad or not.

Now, there's no question about it.

We could have done it today, but we'd like to try to trap these guys into rising to the defense so far to heaven.

It may not.

We may even put it off until the first of next week in the hopes that we can get them to defend it.

Because it's not going to take it by itself.

It doesn't have to be any editorial.

It doesn't have to be anyone else.

The case is very well made.

Like I said, you can watch a continuous reel of what the news coverage has been of the past three weeks.

The fundamental head of the shop is on the networks.

Yeah.

Because once they know that

any time we want to have their coverage down in Cambridgeshire, which they don't know at the moment.

I think it's got to have something that could be effective.

At least we'll be able to edit it.

Totally make it full.

Yeah.

We're just taking all of the war coverage and splicing it together.

You know, it runs...

Fast thing, it runs two and a half out of ten and it'd be safe for a full week period.

Sure.

And it's likely what they're gonna need to come before the elections run out.

They're very clever and they have some impact.

The whole, the whole game if we, if this thing can be escalated into enough of an issue is to shift the burden of credibility, credibility issue, credibility gap issue, shift it over to their corner instead of ours.

And if you get a lot of credibility, yeah, they should certainly continue to exist a lot here.

You always have it.

Nobody ever believes in it.

A lot of people don't believe that a lot of it should be disclosed.

And there are certain orders involved.

But I've got to remember, too, that people, as people's concern about the war and what the damn thing over there arises with the credibility of it, right?

So we just have to live through it.

and remember that it will wash out as we move on.

That's all there is to it.

But, on the other hand, I believe that we demonstrated when we took them on November 3rd, you know, on Agnew Day, after that, that you can fix the issue.

And I don't think you can do it to the same extent now you could then, because you're a year further into the war.

People are a lot more tired of it.

And so they, on the other hand, it's worth trying.

I think it's, also I think it's worth trying to understand why they keep the numbers.

You know, we think it was CBS on Dan Shore.

I just can't figure out the crap.

This is a goddamn lie.

There was no such thing.

I mean, of any kind.

Following your first answer, Mr. President, instead of the networks reacting as they first thought they were going to,

and the coverage this week on the war.

Admittedly, there's been better news with the report, but the coverage on the war has been very, very different than it was before.

These both things have made it back to the CNBC last night.

Yeah.

Because this is incredible.

The good news is that Brent Lee comes on this while we, you know, in just a couple seconds with no film or backup, he said we quickly record some of the good news.

But then there's still a problem.

And they go into a long fell thing on that Cambodian oil refinery, which is, what, a week or ten days older than that.

And this has been a terrible setback because we've lost all those oil refineries.

Seventy percent of the other, remember, there will be other battles, too, in which the networks will be spread to seize them all.

That's our real problem.

The real problem, the real answer, we have to remember, too, is long range.

Yet, fight it day by day.

I think this next year, really, how is the morale, basically?

of your people you know we have to remember you know the uh the i noticed that dan brandon was being kicked as well that we had the press conference because the whole wasn't going down or something and then the other thing that somebody said here today and said that i

Now, I want you to be sure to cover this, Bob, with regard to sex holders.

I had an interview with Slope, called him up and had him come over and had an interview.

I made the deal three months ago.

Slope heard you were about to say he was going to be in this contractor this week and couldn't see the president.

That's right.

I've seen him here for about eight years.

That's right.

Yeah.

That'd be good to know.

But, uh, should he?

Sure.

I just, uh, I have a feeling that sometimes that, uh, well, the mayor can't help it.

We gave our executives a good shift.

They had a good time here.

And they had nothing to complain about.

They got the message.

No, from a dollars and cents standpoint, which basically these folks care about, it's what they care about, this group.

They heard what they wanted to hear.

Yeah.

And I wasn't any, and it's no use for me to go, I didn't pick with Bailey and Stan and argue about it.

Did you think so?

No, you gave them a number of opportunities to raise it.

They wouldn't go if they didn't.

And they wouldn't?

They wouldn't rise from the bay.

You could see he was the boss in that game.

I could see he's much stronger than any of them.

I didn't realize that for the years.

I had the same experience.

I can see why he's the number one guy.

It was worth doing, don't you think?

Absolutely.

My own feeling is that when we built the truck up, I just said, you steal it in.

That was scary.

When we walked into the road, Stan said to me, how soon can I get rid of it?

He said I got equal time for all the rest.

And I expected that he would treat us with the same fairness he treated us with when we were out of power.

He said that.

What the President said that does the most devastating to that thing is dull.

And he also, he said, the President made it funny.

He said, Chuck knows this area hand.

Chuck is a lawyer.

And I could see, I could see Stan in his personal language, he said,

But that's exactly the right way to put it.

But I also told them we would stand with them on their private enterprise attitude.

We would stand with them against the tentative nuts to come in and insist on equal time on advertising.

And we would stand with them against stability for the .

So we're not going to be with them on self-detection.

So if you have any questions, what we've done too now with the NBC, I don't know if I'm good at that.

Thank you, sir.

I had a fascinating meeting yesterday with Mr. President, but I had no chance to go even till the left of Blue Paris.

Oh, I'm the art here, up in New York.

I didn't want to have this particular meeting here, but he finally made his proposition to us.

I'm sorry, Mr. President.

No.

and asked to see me, and I decided if he wanted to make a deal, but I didn't want it made here in the West, I wanted to see him in New York.

And he didn't say anything that I could actually nail him with, but he made it pretty damn clear.

He started a conversation with me saying, you know, since you both have been in the office, you haven't had a good time.

I had a single job in the family.

And he...

He said, you know, it's going to change your hair a little bit.

And I said, gee, that's a coincidence, obviously.

And then he said, I've been thinking about going into the business, doing a little political research, he said.

And this may fool you, or this may surprise you, but I really agree with the President on those things.

I think he's heading in the right direction in this country.

And he said, I'm just disarming my hand.

He's bold, isn't he?

He can be bold.

We can buy.

Dermot cleared from that meeting yesterday.

Well, my view, Bob, is if we don't get a thing, maybe we don't buy anything out of Water City except an active poll.

We continue to do that.

But do you remember what I have said?

I said, let's serve the field of California with Lou Harris.

Remember, I wrote a memorandum to you six months ago, and I said, have Finch talk to Harris.

This was before you were working on it.

And let's see what we can get him to do some coding for us.

I agree with him.

But not what I would like to bring you to do.

The main thing about Harris is this.

He's a smart little son of a bitch.

He does do polling in depth better than ORC.

His questions are better.

No, they're not.

They are wrong.

What he does are better than Gallup.

His questions are better.

His answers are worse.

He does better than Bob.

You look at his questions compared to Gallup.

That was Gallup.

Gallup was built in there.

Well, I have a debt that Harris does.

I spent two hours on it.

I don't care if it's true or not.

Gallup is more fair.

And Harris will load it.

But Harris is smart.

Harris has the, what he does is screen out things afterwards.

Now, for example, he explained yesterday that the reason that I finally found this out, the basic reason that he is always different from Gallup is that he goes in a tender-sit and he grew up in a particular block.

Gallop goes in six because only six because it's all my fault.

Gallop goes voters and Harris goes popular.

That's a matter of how he wants to do it.

Did Harris indicate the degree of friendship in the event that we wanted to play ball?

He never said, here's my age, but he did.

But your message came through very, very quickly.

All right, make the date.

And that's been due and it's worth a hell of a lot of attention to us.

Hell of a lot of money.

Let's see what he would like to do.

When Harris is, when Harris is, and he is a, he is a clever little bastard, I dislike him, but he's, that's all right.

He takes one poll, and he makes six different press releases.

I know, it says Gallup.

Gallup, let's do it with Harris.

Gallup, that's Bob.

Harris, a little bit more.

Harris, we're running for a month.

Oh, yeah, and he, and he, yeah, he never gives a date, so we're going to have to go with Gallup.

And it's very honest.

And Gallup is very honest about the second I took it.

Then, then, then, then, then.

negative interpretation in his copy.

It's the worst one he's ever done.

And he gave it to me before it was sent out.

I think if I'd said to him yesterday, let's throw some turkey in the wood, it might not have gone out.

But we're not ready for that.

It's gonna take a little period to work into the wood.

You got some time to switch?

What we have to do, of course, is to keep our heads and remember that we've got some things going for us this year that didn't last.

We've got an economy that at least is moving up and not down, maybe not as fast as we want.

We're not going to start off with a 900 and say, yeah, and we have a pretty close to 900.

But beyond that, we've got a war that we know now is going to be coming.

Now how, God knows how, but we're going to exploit that for all it's worth.

One of the reasons why is, I still don't think we can bank on that very much except maybe, but I understand, I understand what I mean.

But I mean, I mean in terms of the drop in the polls, it was slowly in the poll.

That's right.

the economy.

Do you recall?

Sure.

We got 10 points in the polls last year in February and March.

The only thing was the economy.

Remember, it was before Cambodia.

Before Cambodia.

And then Cambodia has backed up.

Now, the one dish here is due solely to Laos for three weeks of pounding on Laos, right?

Now, my point is that...

As Laos becomes a non-issue, as it becomes a non-issue within a month, then the economy takes over.

Then the economy takes over.

Then the economy continues to bubble along, and then our domestic perverts and then other things.

Personality, a lot of other things.

I'll add a few other points.

Yeah, we might have some initiatives.

You see, that is our problem.

Just look at, for example, the reaction we get to a...

One little story with the side solstice.

I mean, I agree with Steve.

About three months ago, probably, we gave an interview, talking about these and so forth.

So everybody's, you know, Steve, and all I could go about, well, that's good.

And there's a lot of reaction.

What do you think?

You'll get a lot of reaction here, Steve.

What do you think?

I mean, the point is, every sophisticated person knows that with no beer, that no beer ain't sure it's going to be another war.

And a couple of the next to die.

Yes.

Those are good things to stick it out there.

What do you think?

Absolutely.

And I think that the network coverage last night, at least I didn't see it every evening, is great.

Thank you.

All set.

We've been able to say that we're going to return flight.

Great.

Uh, you are going to have to just bridge them directly.

I will give you these copies.

Great.

Okay.

Great.

Thank you.

Have a good one.

All right.

Get ready.

I'm going to hold it here.

Okay.

All right.