Nixon, Haldeman & Flanigan on Textile Quotas and Congressional Relations

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Say, I'm your dad.

I'm your uncle.

.

I'd like you to see Peterson flying a girl kissing him.

I want a decision on what we were going to take and get the input on Carlos being with Nils.

But in a very brief form, what I understand Carlos' thing is that Nils will, if you ask him to, will require being with you and, I don't know, Burns.

Burns will, if you ask him to, and it will require a meeting with Burns, call the meeting of the minority membership of Waste and Means and make a public caucus statement that the position of the Waste and Means Committee is clear and that it is in favor of legislation, whatever.

In other words, that they'll unlock it and I'll do that.

I don't have to meet with all those people.

Because there's also the question of whether you send a message or not.

Okay, now they were going to be yesterday and then held up.

Well, apparently, or legislation, whatever it is, helps make a statement.

And it's a statement, not a message, it's a statement.

I don't think they can handle locking my knowledge, frankly.

I'll just get it in the burners.

I have a thought problem.

Let her hear it.

John B., at least, or something.

Well, Peter, Peter still doesn't know anything.

I mean, Doug, there's so many funny people, funny people.

I talked to him.

I haven't talked to him yet.

Well, how do you want to do that tomorrow morning?

Better do it today.

Let's knock off the police.

They have to have something to see.

to see if they have to, if there's anything that you want to talk about, John, both of them, just... You know, a lot of things, and they tell... John can't come to me.

That'd be terrible.

The problem then is that you have to see Burns when that's time to get done.

You probably ought to see him for a minute and a half.

See, they didn't need to just get beaten for a minute right now.

Just find out what you do need to do.

What we do need to do is go on the air and take an hour to move over.

That's better.

The idea of getting Henry in on this, the idea of getting Henry in on this would be ridiculous.

It would be wrong.

That's what I told him.

Uh, yeah.

It's when you don't have anybody who does these, you know, knows the people and statistics all night.

It's just screwed around.

It's not looking all right.

Well, the thing came out of that, you know, which is kind of descriptive, but actually, you know, that all came out of that because of the Congress.

So, you know, the group were above the Congress.

You know, they're very concerned that this actually is a few minutes, so.

Yes, sir.

A draft statement.

You may mark it over quickly.

Essentially saying what you want to do and inferring

the fact that you were going to send up legislation.

The problem with, first of all, you said we met with the industry.

They feel very strongly that they need that action by you.

They say that if it happens, they'll come out strongly against Mills.

And in your favor, I said, that is fine.

But what next?

They said that

While these leaders are for you regardless, realistically, if we're talking about 1972, that this action now isn't going to ensure support then unless it succeeds.

If this fails by 1972, you're not going to get that support unless that time you've really gone all out for a textile toilet bill, even if it means accepting some other things, as attractive as they are.

I'm purposely frank about it.

I'm not interested in meters and dues or hires and substitutes and hires and distributes.

It is a very political decision.

That's all right.

That's good.

You have to say you're going to send the bill up.

But it does mean that if you want to keep, from a political point of view, the commitment, if it doesn't work, and if another course of action we're now taking with some other countries also doesn't work, that in order to keep the commitment, you're going to have to, at the end of this year, at the beginning of next year,

go all the way down the road and in all out effort to get quota legislation, even if it means quota legislation involving other items such as the Mills bill.

And that this action alone, if it doesn't work, as you can say, probably won't, if he's going to solve the problem for 72.

It has this following problem.

— 1 min 26 s with no transcribed speech —

Harlow met with John Burns last night, as you're suggesting, John.

Burns feels that he's going to get up on the floor and say that he introduced quota legislation last year, the chairman introduced quota legislation last year, that nothing has changed, and that one man doesn't speak either for the committee or for the Congress.

Harlow thinks...

and urge Burns to caucus the minority members of the Ways and Means Committee and to get them incensed at what was done here.

He feels that if this is done, it will have a very good effect as an admonition on Mills for this and other things.

And he says it's his memory that when this was done, when he was chief of staff member to a committee, that it in fact turned the chairman of that committee around.

He said that at the end of the meeting that Burns was waffling on it, that he does not believe that Burns will do it.

This is not the speech, but rather the caucusing, unless you get him down here in a private meeting and urge him to do it.

Well, and it's even more conditional than that.

Price doesn't think Burns will make the speech unless you make some statement of disapproval first.

Yes, that's right, but I'm assuming that this statement of disapproval

Uh, Corey, do you want to see Burns and, and everybody?

What is it?

The main thing is what the, the effect that Bryce has on Mills.

What's he, uh, what's Bryce, uh, Bryce, Bryce is bothered by what Mills did.

Bryce thinks that Mills has made a mistake.

He thinks that the way to exploit it is through the, the nuance, the conversional nuance of prophecy and minority.

And that this is the most effective way of causing for adults to lose face with their Congress and to force them back down.

But this is a very solid .

He says that what we didn't get was a waste of .

That's why .

That's the main chance.

We're talking about that, and we're talking about Sato and other terms, and these people, they don't comprehend what we're talking about.

The central question, it seems to me, is do we grandstand for the text on the street by sending out this letter, which, we know that we won't get through, gives Burns a stick to beat us over the head a little later.

doing nothing on legislation for the moment, holding that back as a possibility, trying to do the hard work of it.

Well, how about making a statement?

Yes, we must do it.

We must do it.

It is unsatisfactory that we are continuing our own negotiation with the Japanese.

Mr. President, I think that that's the problem.

The politics of it, as expressed by the industry, and them, and Stans, and Mitchell, are that it's not enough.

Admitting that more would have to be done further down the road.

the uh the industry to tell them we're continuing our negotiations with Japan on the face of two years of failure of Japanese unilaterally terminating them just isn't the isn't the point you know that's the point

Their area of the industry has a plan beyond that.

The industry's plan starts knocking down this as a viable alternative.

Two, taking a crack indirectly at mills for doing.

Three, going forward with negotiations with the other countries, which we're doing.

And four, saying you're setting up legislation with them admitting that that legislation isn't going to be passed.

What does that plan say about the timing of setting up the legislation?

Now, that's...

That's where, at least that person had a lot of trouble.

It isn't that time now.

Because what you're setting up there is a snake which Burns can turn around and bite the president.

I don't see that he can turn around and bite the president with that anymore than if we fail in this other ploy.

We and he will go forward with legislation later.

Mills has already got the Mills bill, which he introduced both last year and this.

So I don't see that this action by the president really creates a new snake.

It's already there.

The president last year supported exactly the same kind of legislation.

I wonder how big the distinction is.

Also, in negotiating with the other three countries, if we're looking for success, to the extent that the threat of legislation is removed, the chances of getting reasonable legislation when they think that Japan has gotten away with something less, reasonable monetary agreements when they think that Japan has gotten away with something less, is inhibited.

There are going to be tough negotiations in that.

I certainly wouldn't remove the threat of legislation.

get diminished, less visible.

There is a feeling abroad that when this problem was up last year, with textile quotas involved and a lot of other quotas, we were glad to get out from under them.

Of course we were.

But for those who

The foreigners who are worried about voter legislation, they take some solace in that.

And all people who want legislation at all costs, they find that very distressing.

So if you look at it both from the negotiating point of view and the political point of view, there is an implication in this.

It clearly has the danger, Mr. President, that you'll find on your desk sometime next year, on Millsville,

I don't hear any of that if we don't solve the problem in other ways.

The multilateral route is a possibility.

There's a possibility of another way to go, which would involve multilateral agreements with Korea, Hong Kong and Taiwan, which would then empower you to unilaterally impose borders on Japan.

There are a lot of questions involved.

Henry raises serious doubts as to whether you can affect the greatness of Taiwan and Korea under the present circumstances.

We know what they've gone from.

And you can't say anything about them now, about this approach.

without any legislation.

It certainly is a different state.

It takes away at the end that part which says I'm going to monitor this and I'm sure that when you see what happens, the Congress will agree to legislation.

It leaves it so to hang that I'm going to monitor this

I haven't taken appropriate action, which shows that we've got these actions unsatisfactory.

John, you see that there's a call here?

You suggested it.

Yeah.

I suppose the thing fails, the legislation has to keep us do nothing.

That's fine.

That's good.

I was having a problem with that.

What I'm really concerned about is Mills artfully developing a legislative dilemma for you.

And sending it down there.

And he's got all the horses.

He sure has.

Is that the answer?

I just always...

It's a mistake, in my opinion.

A tactical mistake.

Getting as far out as he can.

We have a real chance of weakening his stroke.

How now?

Through the bird's agglutination, in my opinion.

The bird won't play unless we put up legislation.

No, no, no, no.

He'll play.

Put up a statement.

Two conditions.

Put up a statement, and you have him in and ask him to do it.

There is legislation up in front of Congress now.

There is an alternative, a little wishy-washy, but reiterate your support of the textile quota legislation.

Introduced by Chairman Mills.

A portion of the bill introduced by Chairman Mills.

It isn't, it won't...

It's better than any legislation.

Won't sit with the... No, I appreciate that.

I appreciate that.

I don't think that from a political point of view is symbolic enough, symbolic enough.

It's where we were, we've done nothing.

What'd you just say?

After it's all I must, uh, I, uh, I'm not sure you want me to have this, uh, pay that much attention to it.

Sean, it's the way it needs to be.

I know I've seen it before.

I knew it in the first part.

I'm not sure I knew it in the second part.

You don't want the monitoring?

That's fine.

Okay.

Rather than, rather than, rather than on the legislation, sending the legislation, just find out the idea of something to say.

We've got, we're correct, the legislation's already there.

I see what you mean, and I'm trying to weigh the political impact of it.

I thought the seminar that the industry wants takes out global legislation in the worst way.

And they feel that this is not a commitment to it.

Whereas your thing, you didn't set it up last year, they say.

You supported a portion of the bill.

They have the feeling that you were greatly relieved not to get any of the bill because it was

an initiative on what they think is the key solution, the only real long-term way to solve that problem.

And politically, I think it tracks.

In the case of the part of the bill that's there, it's hidden.

of the legislation that's there.

They will say that's what we did last year and of course nothing came of it.

That's it.

I see.

The reason it's similar is because you want the waiver provisions in there.

What about the attitude of this town?

The attitude of the chairman?

I'll just strike that part.

You've got the law in there, haven't you?

without saying, as a result, I will announce that I'm gonna text the court of legislation to see that line out.

Then you move on those through Burns.

And when people come to you and say, well, what are you gonna do now?

You say, wait and see.

Don't run the other street right now to see how you're gonna move on to Nelson's.

So that's a big gap in my history.

If you want to lose that option, you can't forget Burns.

Uh...

You do say, I will continue to support as I did last year, the textile quota provisions of the legislation before you.

And last week, as you said, supposing you did, Peter, supposing you said that, you said to the industry, look, there are a lot of, there are a lot of arrows in that river today.

Don't be quite as dumb.

If you're interested in the evidence, I may not include this program.

Make it, uh, I would rather than hire you than mind me.

Uh, if you're interested in this program, I, I want to be blunt.

It is, it, it, I, I do make it clear that this program is not, is not, you get my point?

Yes.

Don't put it in the monitor.

Correct.

You just said that the efficiency of this program are out.

Well, again, because the industry is lost, this made clear to the Congress that it is not so good.

Yeah.

And I showed this TV and I just, I'm like, we shouldn't say that.

We should be, we consider this, and don't talk about it.

You know what I mean?

Their program, things that they want done, include several things you're doing there.

Plus they want it monitored against what we had agreed and they wanted legislation.

In fact, we're just reading the legislation page.

Quiet.

What I'm getting at is don't say, just say as little as you can about what we are going to do.

Just say that this is an unacceptable situation.

And then we'll do... We'll work on first.

Look at the cost of this thing.

It first comes down to your cost to the president.

Eventually that's gonna be enough.

That means, you know, he goes up on the floor of a house.

First of all, he talks to the money.

Then he goes on the floor of the House and he makes a statement that the Japanese formula is unsatisfactory, and there are trade bills pending to include Texas rules, which he supports, which the chairman introduced, and that that's where the Ways and Means Committee is.

which could be in the next day or so.

You can move several agencies, but we're not going to.

We're not going to move, I would guess, at the earliest until the end of this year.

We're going to go and try and negotiate these other things, which are going to take months and months and months in the interim.

This congressional boy was a clear to us, but not to them.

I'm simply saying, for John's point, is

We know all those things.

They can't possibly get to us until the end of this period.

We're going to need to be sent for a monitor.

And if it doesn't work, we are then.

We just have to push this.

But you don't need to throw it all at one time.

It doesn't.

They're quite easy.

The solution is completely unacceptable.

That puts us pretty gladly on the side of the fact that we are not going to be satisfied with it for a number of other solutions.

Now, the industry wants solutions in various ways.

They'd like for us to monitor the present agreement.

They think that will help some.

They'd like for us to work with the other countries.

They think that might help some.

And, of course, in extremis, they want us to support a quota bill.

And they know damn well that none of them are going to get through.

They want us to support them.

We might do the last.

We probably will have to do the last part.

I would not be surprised when January comes around, we might do it.

It's too late for them to get through.

The part that I make is that I think that we, I'd like to have this rewritten that way, that somebody says,

The efficiencies are clear.

I don't accept it.

We must, therefore, pursue, and as much as you can, pursue the other, uh, the, uh, the, uh, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the, uh, the,

There's a bill already there.

We don't have to introduce one.

Now, that's one way to get at it.

I'm not sure that they're asking the Secretary of Commerce.

Do they want us to put that in the State Department of Commerce?

Yes, sir.

There's something good about the agreement.

The burn scene.

Thank you.

Two hours.

Well, okay.

I'm trying to do that this morning.

What else?

If we're going to send a statement this afternoon, we don't need 11.

Yeah, we see what we're able to do otherwise, John.

Well, I think that's what you said.

This is about to be done today.

I guess so.

Yeah, I guess so.

Board 11.

At 11 o'clock.

No, I don't.

Yeah, on 11.

But you told me that I have a limited amount of time.

What I would like to do, if you would, would be very helpful, and don't get everybody in, don't get in deep, because if you do, it's very close.

You, my daughter, me, the Burns, and Bryce.

10, 30, how that'd be fine.

That way you could sort of get off the rubbish and get it down there and get both of these views before us.

At 11 o'clock, we'll decide.

Can we tell them that I have to eat your while I'm burning?

Yes.

Well, yeah, yeah.

It's just about quiet yet.

It might be just as well then.

I'll take it, except that

if it weren't such a horribly confused lobbyist thing.

You've got the whole eastern establishment, you've got the Javits and that much, I don't know, all of us for months, and I just want to see us get to trade a lot of different trades.

As a matter of fact, I personally think, I think the history is actually irrational.

I personally think the legislative bloc

It's pretty goddamn meaningless for the Japanese.

They're smart enough to know that it's going to be hard selling a good shirt.

They're a sure thing by the likes of Chavez and the rest of the Nilsson family.

Do you see my point?

That is why, however, I think you might consider, that's why I could argue both sides of this thing, why it's going to make the industry feel better to say we're standing up like a soldier.

Do you see my point?

I just hesitate to underestimate Woodrow Bell's ability

to construct a, uh, legislative monster for you.

And you have me, you have me lying on the weeds, just waiting for you to get started.

But that's why I've got to go on one hand and say that this is about what I had already suggested about the term, controlling legislation.

I would put it in terms of the Congress.

You know what I mean?

Just put it that way.

They'll all know.

He's in control of seven or eight key pieces of legislature, and he's in a position to trade with the Senate.

He could make Jack Javits jump through a hoop for some things that he better wants.

Does that sound like a good plan?

That's the limit that you all know.

You know all of Schultz's and Peterson's arguments.

I know theirs.

I mean, we all know their arguments.

I mean, we're all on the same wavelength, but there's no use to get involved in America.

They are delighted with this solution, though.

Why?

They are delighted with this solution.

Well, send it, but you should have come without sending it.

Well, they don't want to do anything.

Well, they want to knock the guy out of the East, and they want to say that this is nothing.

No, what I mean, they don't want to do anything on the legislative class.

That's correct, because they're afraid of the Florida thing.

I understand that.

The point is that we're in a box.

I'm afraid you can't.

Well, I'm going to write a little letter to stop a lesson here.

It's not a good time.

What?

While I agree that it's weak to say I will continue to support the legislation that's before you, as far as example issues, I don't think you give away anything on your own.

How about saying that, John?

In fact, there's a nice twist to that.

How about saying that?

Therefore, I must continue to give my strong support that I have stated over and over again

to the TEXTO quote of the portion of the bill that is presently before the 100 that has been passed or approved by the Lay's Means Committee.

And then for the last paragraph.

Now, that's the way I think we can do it.

See if you can get that, I'm trying to wing through.

We'll run that by a thousand.

Now, I think that's a little better than a new bill.

I think it's better than a new bill.

And that doesn't pose any problem to, you know, like Peterson and Schultz even.

Oh, I don't think so.

Well, they know the bill is there.

Yeah, because there is enough to know.

And that means I know.

I guess you're in a long-standing position.

Well, they have to argue for the other support.

I know that.

I know.

Well, the reason to listen to the president is what?

Is he going to get it solved next year?

Or if you want that, then we have to get out and promise him on a full legislation, which has a lot of years.

This is the best we can do now.

We shouldn't fool ourselves into thinking that this body...

I would not have any...

I would not...

I do not trust...

I do not give up on the fact that we can still get an apology agreement with the Japanese.

We simply are not going to accept this.

non-sensitively effective.

Well, if you have anything to be nice to us about our, in the State Department's attitude, well, they'll start being nice to us about whether they help the Indonesians.

Well, now, come, they're going to help the Indonesians because they ought to.

And this is, you're, the States aren't going to follow you around.

I think you and me, Bryce, and John Burns,

Just to give you an on-the-half, or we might get through it in an hour.

We'll do our best.

Fair enough.

All right.

Okay.

It doesn't take long.

You can come in at 1145 when he gets here.

Sure.

Absolutely.

Walk right in.

And I can tell you what we've done.

Okay.

I don't want to talk to you about it anyway.

Okay.

It's kind of a problem.

You see, John, Bob, the reason I flew out of the larger meetings, they didn't have these large meetings, that's why I can't present at sea meetings.

You get eight, ten, three people in a row.

And so Pete Peterson's got to make a little speech about the necessity of free trade.

I know about the necessity of free trade.

George Olsen's got to be concerned about that.

Henry Gibson's got to be concerned about what that is going to have on our relations with South Korea, the Communist China side.

I mean, it should be boiled down to where one guy can give you

Well, I know all those of you.

Yeah.

See, I know those.

Yeah.

But I'm just not sure everything's here.

We've got Peterson, this, the activists, I heard it from those.

Yeah, but then here you get down to people who started thinking about still solving the problem.

We all know the situation.

Don't you think so?

Mm-hm.

It's pretty damn hard not to, you know, they're all mean, well, and it's a hell of a tough problem.

Mm-hm.

All right.

That's the way it is.

That's why they expect it from us.

That's it.

Senators

There's and somebody else.

And one congressman who are on the program.

They're at the table with some, they're supposed to be there.

So they're getting them down there.

We're taking on these down at Mitchell's request to just give them a little time.

What have you got?

I don't think it's really much of a race.

If you're going to do television, I don't think it's much of a race.

I agree with the reporter there.

The other two.

I remember Hoffman and Paywell.

I agree.

That's me and Paywell there just doing a little chat and then I can pull up and talk to them.

Less need of it because of doing the CD at the NBC TV thing.

It was more, when you were just doing this, the radio made more sense than it does when you're doing the other two.

No, I, you know, I'll report on it in a while.

I mean, I don't think my voice is great.

is necessary on this picture or something.

And did you get the suggestion you made on this one?

I know that it was screwed up, but Senator, it's all right.

I'll read it.

So I've got to tell you, I've lost it in the machine here.

It's the perfect era.

No problem.

I just give it my all.

I don't know what it is.

Sure, I agree with that.

Well, he had a hell of a lead on it.

And that's what's scary, a big part of the story.

Nixon said, there's going to be any more.

This is the last war.

What do you think?

And it's interesting, the way it stirred up an interesting discussion about is it going to be or isn't it going to be?

Uh, with the general context, in the general context it is.

If they read his notes, and they were fine, I would say, but last year, well, you know, I, I, I went on to say they're going to be brushing our water, you know, we have to, and so on and so on.

And then that's the way it's being interpreted.

That's what I said.

I don't know what he did.

That's what I was talking as far as the United States.

That's right.

You know, I put a little note in the news summary that the girl handled it all well.

He said that because he's

The whole press conference.

What the hell is he talking about?

Is that a lie?

He seems to be out of step with the others.

This is one he's been trying to put together.

A case that we had at the press conference.

He said, you called the press conference because of the drop in the poll.

Because of the credibility thing in the poll.

And I told him, you didn't know?

Yes, he had a poll.

He said, polls released after the press conference.

that credit the Gallup, O'Rourke, Dean, and Guzman for leaving the side of the press conference and helping the session through the center of the days before the session, sometime before, and had nothing to do with O'Rourke.

I concur with you with the Gallup.

Our figures probably did.

You know, Ron, we made the deal with Salt River four months ago.

At least four months ago.

Do you remember he wrote in?

Yeah, it was a long time ago.

He said he was going to come in, he was going to be in, and I said I would see him when he came in.

It's a good point to get across.

I would get across with the honest people, but rather it's not a kick of trying to weave this whole thing together.

We're reacting and...

He's trying to also build a thing up on our selling of the domestic program and take that into a negative, like the selling of the men and women, they did.

And he gets on these wickets, and he runs off and calls the church, doesn't go down, you know, hammering down.

I don't even do that.

You know, the idea that common press cameras weren't the whole thing, but they did everything else, and it wasn't the whole thing.

Well, that's the advantage there is to be on television.

That's right.

So you don't want to be cranky about that.

The Magruder Group knew who happened and all that sort of thing.

Yeah.

We got CBS on it.

They really squirted on that and said, hey, what happened at 8 a.m.?

And last night they said it was not true.

Well, they put it right.

First they put on a lecture, live.

It caught me in the hall after this hearing in Texas.

And they got him on film.

And he, flatly denied it.

He said he had never talked to you about the ABM.

And he said he supported you on the ABM.

He said, I don't know anything about the ABM.

So, you know, I would have no reason to talk to the president about it.

I have never talked to the president about it or anything else.

And he confirmed that point.

Then they said, well, in other words, you're saying you wouldn't have supported the ABM.

He said, no, that's not right.

I said, I do support the ABM.

And I always have supported the President's safeguarding.

He obviously had some restrictions.

He is obviously not all out on APM and quality, but he came on damn well yesterday.

And nobody can read that in, except, you know, Mr. Podesta.

That is what Daniel Shaw wrote.

And he said, well, this very car seems to be, and he looked embarrassed at that.

for a reporter to become part of the story, because we don't do that, but all I can say is that he did not apparently, there is something, I'll probably wedge this out somewhere, where this guy was in some group that met with you at some point way back on APS, maybe in some science advisory committee or something like that.

But Shore wasn't very clear on that either.

He was just kind of wobbling around.

And he said, well, he had said this a long time.

And he said, but at that time, of course, he didn't know he was going to be the presidential appointee.

That's how he tried to wobble off the fact.

Then they came all this, and Cromkite came on with Ziggler's statement, just knocking the whole of Jesus out of the plane, saying, wow, that was the end of the story for me.

How is he getting along with the Congressman?

I think he's pretty good.

I think he's very well.

He's, well, I gotta remember.

He kind of has to be far away.

I think he's probably, well, maybe he's, I don't know.

They'll probably have him sit in the conference.

Well, I won't be going down there.

Oh, okay.

See if he's here, though.

I'm not going down there yet.

Yeah, I'm going to stay.

I'm not going to stay.

All right.

So if you think we should go to the crack, we should go to the shore, and that's where we're going.

Oh, there's a dam running.

Oh.

See if the barrier's here.

Yes, sir.

Please.

Get two hours on a helicopter so you can get over to the site and use those two hours.

I want your meetings to black out.

This is funny.

In fact, he is the king of cities.

Catch up, he's as good as to see birds in death.

Hello?

Good.

Senator Pastore, as usual.

Flowering blade, once again.

No, he's a very great honor.

Doctor, how are you?

Fine, sir.

I give the law.

Well, I've never worked 500 hours.

I'm here for a minute and a half.

I've never had more fun than that.

Yeah, but I've got to talk to this guy.

He's made talking terms today.

Yeah.

I wonder if you protect your parents so that I can have them lost before I go to New Clark.

Well, if you're, uh, what, uh, what do you recommend?

You know, we've done all of our breakfasts for the matches.

What's the next step that we need for a productive relationship?

First of the next thing, you said that you'd have dinner.

Dinner's the best.

Oh, God.

But there is just so much you can do from here.

I think there are a few individual things I can do on the Democratic side.

I've got to get Russell in and listen to him for an hour and a half.

So we can play him off against Mills.

I've got to get Johnny Burns in today for other reasons.

Mr. President, I would like to...

The only thing you want to do is to keep the main thing, is to keep the fighting morale of the troops up, because you don't like these guys and so forth.

And they're in a sort of way that the Democrats are divided and they're fighting for themselves.

You know, that's the kind of thing that you can have.

You can have something there that you're really very effective.

They told me Conley was very good at that.

That would mean that you have him in the meeting with Congress.

Yes.

They do well.

Yes.

He's over the top.

Yes, he's involved.

He tells the Republicans, you know, you've got a great opportunity here.

You've got a progressive program that's consistent with, really consistent with conservative philosophy.

You ought to be selling it.

You ought to be selling the President of the United States.

He's going to be a party program.

It's his program.

You ought to be enthusiastic about it.

I think, sir, to answer your question correctly, I think now we're, you've done a number of things.

You've done a bit, you've done a match.

You don't have anything particularly awkward if you start on a particular program and you start on a different team.

The first thing is a tough one, and that is a visit between you and Senator Russell Long.

Why do you think that?

I don't know.

I'll bring him in.

I'll bring him in and try to get a call.

And I may.

I don't know.

I've got to find.

You see the leaders, they're rather uninspiring.

In fact, that's one of the bunches, Jerry.

You know, Jerry will pop up and hit one now, but most of them are...

You sort of get the feeling that you're sort of crying, or what is your feeling about our leaders?

Well, having just had, uh, having had some serious problems with Gordon Hallett, uh,

He's been crying about his projects.

He's been saying he didn't get adequately consulted about Undersecretary-designate Schlesinger.

I'm sure your advice is good.

I would like to suggest to you, sir, that starting with Russell off, perhaps Senator McClellan, because Senator McClellan has initiated a favorable attitude toward your reorganization proposal.

Oh, is the business with the- With the next one?

Committee Chairman, yes.

All right.

You know what I read about, you know.

Our tour, the main thing is why don't you figure out places where three or four would come in together.

Now, McClellan might like to come in,

He might be comfortable with the center.

The moment you start to say the individual has got so much time, what I do is do that five o'clock in the afternoon.

I never drive him to have a good drink.

I'm right in here.

I just sit in and talk to him for a long time.

All right, so I'll do it.

We know he's got a job.

What about Republicans?

Do we need to do anything there?

Not the leaders.

God, if I don't do any of these leaders.

What about Paul Slyker-Maker and that good group in the House and others?

I've seen a lot of old guys.

Are you working on those?

Yes, I'm working on those.

We have a proposal I mentioned to you again.

We have to move him from the House to Kirkendall.

We're ahead of him.

They're going to have to sell your program.

Dinner?

Yeah, I think dinner is good.

It doesn't have to be dinner.

Dinner was suggested as a format that might be... Of any partner.

About 45.

It was 15.

They're three-man teams.

They're 15, now they're 16, Mr. President.

They're 16 captains or co-captains of three-man teams.

So you've got an option of 16 or 48.

Well, I'm going to say if you want to have them in, you can have 48.

I don't know if it's a...

Of course, we just gave you the same thing we gave you in the breakfast, but it's something else.

What do you have to do about it?

Having had a breakfast for the conference, I guess now we have to have an answer again.

No.

It doesn't have to be that.

It could be a 5 o'clock meeting here.

48 is pretty hard to do.

You could have 16 hands here.

Or you could have 48 and 16 in the Roosevelt Room, or you could have 16.

You're like the people in the big office, you know.

You'd have 16 in here very nicely.

How would that be reported?

Well, not to do that fast.

That might be more good than having the mask in there.

I'll tell you what you need or getting is our case in this case.

Now, on the other hand, you can't have 48.

48's got to be an interim practice.

So, I don't know.

We've already had a practice on the meeting.

Do you know these people who sell dollars and cents to a big club?

Or do you?

That's the first time there would be some.

There might be some negatives to having just a 16.

Yeah.

But let me...

I don't mind running in for a...

I think the best thing to do is to have them all in for breakfast.

That's the best time of day.

It really is what's better for me.

And frankly, the difference would be you could talk to them a lot differently.

The other thing was the selling thing.

This is networking together.

I can say, boss, I can just have him for breakfast.

And have a lot of breakfast and say, is that going to be over at 930?

Thank you very much.

Let's go to Charlie.

And you can get a few of them to report to the president on how the thing's going, too.

And that's what I said.

I want us back and forth.

Absolutely.

All right.

That's what they do.

They do their regular things.

Now, the whole purpose of this, as you know, is not to sell a program.

The whole purpose of this is to get them involved in science.

I think that's really true.

The purpose, we hope, is the right one.

Would it be more good, and you may think you would want to do this, but would it be more good for the president to go up to the Hill to their records?

Well, I'm going to give you a request.

I'm going to put these down.

Frank Boll, for example, would like very much for you in May to come up and have lunch at their records.

But you see, so that's the Appropriations Committee, and then there's the Armed Services Committee, and then there's the other committee, and then there's terrible justice.

And I can do the leaders.

I do go up.

I would go up if Alpert's invited me up or something.

I would hesitate on the appropriations thing.

I don't want to be, I'm not complying with the thing running up in the hill.

But I mean, most of all, they're not supporting the point with the Kirkendall Group.

It would be more to them for you to come up and meet with them on their grounds than it is to

These are your own team.

These are your own failures.

Do you think they'd have a breakfast tonight?

They'd eat the breakfast.

That's what they did with Connie.

They had a breakfast meeting up there.

And Connie went up.

They would plan another one.

They hoped to initiate their program.

So the first thing was to have a breakfast.

They were on the show.

They gave you a charge.

They gave you what they're doing.

They had a breakfast.

So therefore, that's a different place.

I wouldn't mind.

I don't mind going up there and just trying to think of how we go.

The way it's more complimentary to them is that you go up there, or is it not?

Yes, in a way it is.

In a way it is.

Yeah, it's outlawed.

I mean, come to the White House.

They all look for the White House.

Don't irritate yourself.

Like John Connick was saying, after those breakfasts where they had a great time, he said, listen, you don't know what it means for any of us.

You don't know until that point.

Right?

Come to the White House.

That's a great trip.

It means a lot.

And no matter how many times they come, they like to say, I went to the White House.

So I'm not so sure that it means all that, Bob.

I'm going to run over the hill.

The main thing is this.

You sit down and work out what you need.

And we'll rifle shop these things and we'll do some individuals.

Mr. President, what they would really like is not for you to sit down

The thing that would be exciting to them is an unannounced drop-in where you would just come in and talk for two or three minutes and tell them you appreciate what they're doing and, boy, that's the whole thing.

What they're having a meeting is.

That's what they really need.

Your telephone call is great.

Oh, that's easy.

We can do that.

Just to drop it.

Not so that you get seated down.

Yeah.

Yeah, it doesn't look like we've been going around here.

We're about to run in, Steve.

You're doing a great job running out.

That's awesome.

I just found out we were meeting up there, Carlos, and I'm driving in.

All right, good.

Let's try one like that.

Let's try to do a mix, try to change the place.

Clarkson, the place where it's down there, the meeting's set.

Hold on, hold on.

They're meeting up.

Steve, you attend at 11.

I know.

That's it.

It isn't entirely hand-holding.

I'm sure, Mr. President, that, you know, I sat in on your meeting with Barry Goldwater.

I know that Barry went back and said, boy, this is the greatest thing I've ever said to the President.

We talked about the Air and Space Museum and, of course, other Senators.

I think a little... Barry's got a story.

But which ones if you die?

Peter Dominick wants to come in and visit with you, but he wants to come in and visit with you about the Senatorial Campaign Committee and... Well, I'd like to have it with the old venture, but it's not a bad idea.

I don't want to just set up a meeting.

I can knock all of that off at one time.

I don't want to be in that.

He might as well bring Wilson.

No.

Leave Wilson.

I don't want to be in that.

Peter Dominick feels are leaks from the leaders meeting.

Everybody's concerned about it.

It's Hugh Scott, so let's face it.

But when I say it's Hugh Scott, I don't want to be quite that correct.

That is our information.

Apparently somebody on his staff leaks.

But forget it.

Just forget it.

I just say this.

I've said to Peter Donahue, I've said to Peter Donahue, he doesn't, it's something that I've dealt with and I can't prevent it.

And another thing too, this is not that important.

Well, but there's Peter Donahue.

The other thing I wonder is, well, how about some of our new Congress, how about the likes of, how about the new newly elected?

And the, in other words, Brooke, we got to know, we had Brooke a few months ago, a couple months ago, 60 days ago.

People like that.

Yes, you visited with them.

A lot of them.

You got to have the left.

You see the trouble with, you started having senators, so you got the 45.

And you'd have one.

You got the left and the right.

Having had Goldwater, you got to have Brooke.

They said, oh, my name talks about going to Seattle.

Oh, all right.

I think it was Senator Aitken, George Aitken, and George has talked to me about that and appreciates that very much.

One of the things that you might want to do, Mr. President, is to meet with the so-called Wednesday group in the Senate.

There are about 10 or 11 of them, and they generally are in support of your legislative program.

And then back with us, Chuck Percy and others are saying, gee, we could do a lot more, you know.

But if you do that, you've got to bring in, you've got to do also, you've got to balance that with a little of the hard-on boys, you know.

Sam Devine is not, he's asked me a ton of times, can we have dinner with the president or a meeting with the president?

for our so-called Republican regulars and so-called conservatives in the House.

Have you had a meeting with the Wednesdays?

I might give that idea.

The Wednesdays were for the Senate and the conservatives in the House.

That balances off in a very different way because the Republicans and conservatives in the Senate, they're basically here.

Well, they're going to leave you, Chuck.

No, he's got it.

Did he get it?

You know the guys, the stalwarts too, Cotton and Taller and all those guys that we got?

Well, you've got Cotton.

Cotton and the leadership.

Yeah.

Taller.

And we saw Taller.

I've seen Taller.

Yes.

I have that in mind.

Who else?

You saw Taller and then they were close to spaces on it.

Maybe.

Yeah.

They're trying to close that down.

Yeah, both of them.

Captain, what if it's really something that he doesn't?

Thank you for... Um, Milt Bianchi is a problem.

It's a terrible problem.

There's a very bad headline in the Devil's Lake paper.

Milt was here right after you were so gracious to the North Dakota legislators.

He went back to North Dakota and was critical of revenue sharing because they loved it.

Those people love to play this stuff.

I know.

Hannah...

I wish I could suggest to you that he doesn't have his spark.

There are all sorts of manners out there.

I just, to be fair to you, don't worry.

There's nothing to do with it.

I did everything for him.

I just laid it to him.

I know you were not very good at it.

They're all happy to know that.

I ended up getting a few, a couple days later or something like that.

He came every Sunday morning from North Dakota.

He does stand well.

I believe he helped get all that done.

The French Bennett did stuff, but it doesn't make any difference, you see, to the current manager.

But I do say this is a divine group.

It's a good group.

Yeah, I don't know how you're going to get them in, whatever they ought to do.

If they have a meeting, what about just having Sam in?

It's a volatile meeting.

Or is that not a good idea?

Well, Sam is specifically asked to see the whole room.

To have a group?

To have a whole group.

How many are there?

There are, I don't know, Sam says 60, but there are really probably 35 or 40.

Senator was worried about the war.

Senator was worried about... You're right.

Those are the two sticking points with each.

Senator Carl Curtis would like to come in and see you.

Carl is very much a gentleman of body.

He said, Clark, I don't want you to bother the President, but, you know, sometime, I'd like...

He said, I'd like to come in and visit with the President, but don't you send a memorandum to the President saying... All right.

That's the kind of guy that would want to come in and see these people over there.

You are best.

But then Charles said, don't worry, I just want to... That's the other loyalist type, isn't it?

You see, you don't want to overlook those guys.

And you're just working on trying to work the month thing out.

So, yeah, I mean, you know, you're right.

No change in Carl's condition.

I see.

There's never going to be a change.

They keep putting him out, but he's getting better.

He's not in a lot.

He hasn't apparently had a ride out.

It's better than I say, let's do the, do, do the, do the Divining Room before you do the Wednesday.

And follow up with that.

That's what I do.

I do the Divining Room.

And I do your House Loyalists first.

And I do the Divining Room.

And back around.

And then getting Russell on.

George Mayhunt is nothing.

It's worth getting in.

He's a good man.

He is.

And you should know that George Mayhunt is.

very disturbed right now at Wilbur Mills, not just about the textual matter, but about the fact that George Mayon believes that Wilbur Mills is pulling the strings behind Colonel Albert, and Wilbur is responsible for loading up George Mayon's committee with these six new Democratic liberals.

That's great.

And George Mayon gets to be tied with Wilbur Mills.

Mills is playing a big, big part in this.

Mills is, he's not gone anywhere.

I have a very interesting meeting.

I asked Jerry Ford yesterday morning if he'd get together in his office, Les Aarons, Johnny Rhodes, Wilbur, or Johnny Burns, and Charlie Jonas, because Charlie is kind of the spokesman for the Texas Senators on the Republican side.

John Rhodes felt that you ought to crack Wilbur correctly.

Jerry Ford and Johnny Burns did not.

They felt you ought to crack

to watch the lobbyists and indirectly to remove the immigrants.

That's exactly it.

There's no doubt about it.

I mean, that's what we're out there.

We would work on it.

Yeah.

Look, you work here.

Neil out here.

We have a courtesy name.

You have to remember that we also have cataracts that have their hands held.

And actually, they're blocks.

Black people and so forth and so on.

The blacks are cranking up for us.

What about the 12 blacks in that thin range?

Oh, they have one of these 23rd, 24th, and 25th of this one.

All right.

This is an aviator.

Smart.

He doesn't want you to be associated with what he's on.

That's not required.

Okay.

We want to get our, you know, us talking good vibes in first, and the, and the...

I mean, I can't do any of these.

I mean, I mean, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know, with our, you know,

Yeah, I've been accomplished.

I was trying to get the kind of boy that you need as well.

The other one is, it's really important to start with purpose.

If it's our pleasure to do it, we want to start doing something like that.

No, no, no, it's John Burns.

All right, don't worry about that.

We'll make sure to get you out in a little bit.

I hear it.

How they do that.

That's right.

We know we need all our albums, but the main thing is to keep them balanced and always the end of the war situation.

The question is how those come out.

It's coming along well.

And the same on the economy and the rest.

I mean, not that error comes out of all life roses, but the fight is you've got to figure out what are they going to do.

The other side's got a hell of a problem, too.

You'll consider the deterioration of the position of the North, the other means, and, of course, the West.

And they said to me, well, what about this alternative and this alternative and this alternative?

And I said, you know,

The raising of all these alternatives is a tribute to the power of the President's legislative program.

If the program weren't a solid, sound program, the Democrats would just be opposed to the program.

But as it is, they're coming up suggesting all these alternatives, which means that they realize that the President's legislative program has great validity and popular appeal throughout the country.

Thank you.

Otherwise, why, in this adversary proceeding that we call a market two-party system,

Why would the majority in Congress be voting for those with alternatives if they weren't concerned with it?

By the way, I have talked, I think, with you in the press, or I would, when you're talking in the press, I would try to avoid talking very much about congressional relations.

You've always got to be in a position where you never say anything about Republicans or Democrats to work with.

But you also, on the other hand, you're in a position to talk about this, about security.

I think we'll have the Wednesday Senators see you after the next troop withdrawal announcement, don't we?

Wait a little while for that.

It's inappropriate, isn't it?

No, no, wait a little while, Sam.

They're, uh, they're basically, uh, they're all just...

They're all, they're all an employee of the school, you know.

We have a Chinese attack, Sam.

What if the... We don't understand it.

I understand it.

They're basically people that, that, frankly, are...

When you really get down to them, they are people that lack the strength to face reality.

And so they lack the luxury of, you know, I know them all.

They won't be all right.

Chuck Percy is planning to use your reorganization plan as his principal vehicle for re-organization.

I think it's going to be a bit of a new reorganization and it's going to get many people having orgasms over that.

I don't think it is, but we'll hope so.

It may be that Chuck is the last guy to take these costumes, isn't it?

At least that's good if he wants to.

If he wants to.

All right, get the ones you grew up in.

They're talking about the war that we saw, the ones that did the total control, but he's going to just say what's going to happen.

And they are, they know it too.

They know it too.

They're just speaking to their audiences at home.

They have to say the same fashionable thing, but we're not sure, and therefore we've got to be sure, and so therefore we're going to pass resolutions.

The first one was a little more than we bargained for.

It was a little too much.

We tried to serve the company large as tight as we possibly could, but we couldn't get it to pay for any of us.

You've got to get a start on it.

I would get a draw, please.

This is a delightful call.

It's usually for us, Mark.

Mark, call it.

You know that we appreciate it.

I call him and tell him all the time.

You know it all.

Mr. President appreciates his help so much.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Good luck.

It's going to be very helpful that way, too, you know.

All right.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Well, I've been coming here on various schemes these days.

I think we're making some progress, Mr. President.

Congress will test it.

It never goes away.

It may not be interested in the surface.

My name is Gregor.

Yeah, true, yeah.

He's gonna have to, he's gonna be good about it.

I can't see every individual senator, congressman, crybaby that wants to be seen in class.

But he's much better at that than anybody we've ever had.

That's right.

He honestly doesn't believe you should see him, and that's what helps, thank God.

I mean, he knows it.

He should only have so much more time.

Bryce always kept, which he honestly believed also.

The more you saw, the better off you did.

That's right.

And Clark doesn't really believe that.

He knows.

At least Ryan.

Well, I'm just wondering if that worked in your way.

They might have called me to Camp David.

They probably did.

Well, what are your, what are your, what are your, what are your, what are your, what are your, what are your, what are your,

If it keeps going according to plan, I don't know whether it will.

However, the actor yesterday gave a speech on the floor, announced in advance he was going to do it, in which he attacked the media for silent coverage, referred to the fact that there was a project underway in Manitoba.

and called once again upon the media to make their tapes available to the Library of Congress, which of course they consistently refuse to do.

His aim yesterday was to suck some of the Doves into defendant networks.

They didn't do it.

Today, we're repeating it, but we're having Baker, Brock, Colord, Dominick, and others pick up the same chant.

I can't announce in advance that they run this.

We're trying to get a governor in the county and Vance Field and others to come over to the Fender Networks at 3 o'clock tonight's afternoon.

Hopefully, if they've risen to the bait, the senators will invite all the senators and all the press from the galleries and from downtown.

So tomorrow morning witness a continuous showing of CBS and NBC news broadcasts involving us for the three weeks preceding your arrest, ma'am.

We had to review this to be able to make it available.

It sounds like we were good at it.

Is it bad or not?

Oh, it's great.

There's no problem with that.

That would have gone well from the different parties, bad or not.

Now, there's no question about it.

We could have done it today, but we'd like to try to trap these guys into rising to the defense so far they haven't.

They may not.

We may even put it off until the first of next week in the hopes that we can get them to defend it.

Because the show can take it by itself.

It has no to be any editorial.

It has to be counted.

The case is very well made.

Like I said, you can watch a continuous reel of what the news coverage has been of the past three weeks.

The time that will have the sharp effect is on the networks.

Yeah.

Because once they know that

any time their coverage, any time we want to have their coverage down in Cambridgeshire, which they don't know at the moment.

I think it's got to have something that could be effective.

At least we'll be able to edit it.

Totally make it full.

Yeah.

We're just taking all of the war coverage and splicing it together.

You know, it runs...

Fast thing, it runs two and a half out of ten and it'd save you for a four week period.

Sure.

And it's likely what they're gonna need to come before the elections run out.

They're very clever and they have some impact.

The whole, the whole game, if we, if this thing can be isolated into enough of an issue, is to shift the burden of the credibility, the credibility issue, the credibility cabbage, shift it over to their corner instead of ours.

And if you get a lot of credibility, that issue will certainly continue to exist a lot here.

We always have it.

Nobody ever believes in it.

A lot of people don't believe that a lot of it should be disclosed.

And there are certain orders involved.

But I've got to remember, too, that people, as people's concern and uproar and what they think over the horizons of the credibility, right?

So we just have to live through it.

and remember that it will wash out as we move on.

That's over.

It's two of the five.

On the other hand, I believe that we demonstrated when we took them on November 3rd, you know, in Agnew did, after that, that you can fix the issue.

And I don't think you can do it to the same extent now you could then because you're a year further into the war.

People are tired of it.

And so they, on the other hand, it's worth trying.

I think it's, also I think it's worth trying to understand why they keep the numbers.

You know, we may go to CBS on that shore.

I just have to figure out the crap.

This is a goddamn lie.

There was no such thing, I mean, of any kind.

Following the, following your first answer, Mr. President, instead of the networks reacting as they first thought they were going to,

in the coverage this week from the war.

Admittedly, there's been better news from the report, but the coverage from the war has been very, very different than it was before.

In fact, I just seen it last night.

This is incredible.

The good news is that Brent Lee comes on this while we, you know, in just a couple of seconds with no film or backup, he said we can quickly record some good news.

But then there's still a problem.

And they go into a long film thing on that Cambodian oil refinery, which is, what, a week or ten days old.

And this has been a terrible setback because we've lost all the oil refineries.

70% of the other, remember, there will be other battles, too, in which the networks will be square to season.

That's our real problem.

Yeah.

The real problem, the real answer, we have to remember, too, is long range.

Yeah.

Fight it day by day.

I think his next year will be a field goal.

How is the morale, basically?

of your people, you know, we have to remember, you know, the, I noticed that Dan Grant has been kicked as well, that we had the press conference because the poll wasn't going down or something, which of course was big, I think, weeks in advance.

And then the other thing that somebody said the other day, they said that I,

Now, I want you to be sure to cover this, Bob, with regard to Cy Solvers.

I had an interview with Slope, called him up, and had him come over and had an interview.

I made the deal three months ago.

Some burger wrote saying it was going to be in this contractor, this, which you couldn't see the president.

That's right.

I've seen him here for about eight years.

That's right.

Yeah.

My, that'd be good to see him.

But, uh, should he?

Should he?

Sure.

I just, uh, I have a feeling that sometimes that, uh, well, the mayor can't help it.

We gave our executives a good shift.

They had a good time here.

Yes, they did.

And they had nothing to complain about.

They got the message.

No, from a dollars and cents standpoint, which basically these folks care about.

It's what they want to hear about this group.

They heard what they wanted to hear.

Yeah.

And I wasn't any, and it's no use for me to go, I didn't pick with Bailey and Shannon to argue about it.

Did you think so?

No, you gave them a number of opportunities to raise it.

They wouldn't go if they didn't.

And they wouldn't?

They wouldn't rise from the bay.

You could see he was the boss in that game.

I could see he's much stronger than any of them.

I didn't realize that for the years.

I had the same experience.

I can see why he's the number one guy.

It was worth doing, don't you think?

Absolutely.

My own feeling is that when we built the truck up, I just said, you steal it in.

That was scary.

When we walked in, we were on the stand and said, how soon can I get rid of it?

He said, I got equal time and all the rest.

And I expected that he would again just treat us with the same fairness he treated us with when we were out of college.

He said that.

What the president said that does the most devastating to that thing is dull.

And he also, he said, the president made it funny.

He said, Chuck knows this area, and Chuck is a lawyer.

And Chuck, and I could see, I could see Stan when he was personally with me, he said,

But that's exactly the right way to go, sir.

And I also told them we would stand with them on their private enterprise attitude.

We would stand with them against the tentative nuts to come in and insist on equal time on advertising.

And we would stand with them against stability for the .

So we're not going to be with them on a separate action.

So if you, but it's just what we've done, too.

Now we have NBC.

I don't know how good of that will be.

Thank you, Simon.

I had a fascinating meeting with a guest speaker, Mr. President, who I had no chance to even tell about, but Lou Harris.

Oh, a copywriter here, up in New York.

I didn't want to have this particular meeting here, but he's finally made his proposition.

Sorry, I just want to say that.

and asked to see me, and I decided if he wanted to make a deal, but I didn't want it made here in the White House, I wanted to see him in New York.

And he didn't say anything that I could actually nail him with, but he made it pretty damn clear.

He started a conversation with me saying, you know, since you both have been in office, you haven't had to do this.

I've not had a single government encounter.

And he...

He said, you know, it's going to change your hair a little bit.

And I said, gee, that's a coincidence, obviously.

And then he said, I've been thinking about going into the business, doing a little political research, he said.

And this may fool you or this may surprise you, but I really agree with the president on most things.

I think he's heading in the right direction in this country.

And he said, I'm just disarming my hand.

He's bold as anything.

He can be bold.

We can buy.

Well, my view, Bob, is if we don't get a thing, maybe we don't buy anything out of Water City, except an active coal.

We continue to do that.

But you remember what I have said.

I said, let's serve the field of California with blue hairs.

Remember, I wrote a memorandum to you six months ago, and I said, have Finch talk to Harris.

This is before you were working on it.

And let's see what we can get him to do some coding for us.

I agree with him.

But what I would like to bring you to the main thing about Harris is this.

He's a smart little son of a bitch.

He does do polling in depth better than ORC.

His questions are better.

No, they're not, they are Bob.

What he does, or better than Gallup, his questions are better, his answers are worse.

He does better than Bob.

You look at his questions compared to Gallup.

That was Gallup's.

Gallup was doing it near the Congress.

Well, I have a debt that Harris does.

I spent two hours, but I don't care.

Gallup is not Gallup, or Gallup is more fair.

And Harris will load it.

But Harris is smart.

Harris has the, what he does is screen out things afterwards.

Now, for example, he explained yesterday that the reason that I finally found this out, the basic reason that he is always different from Gallup is that he goes in a tender-sit and he grew up in a black...

Gallop goes in six because only six because it's all my fault.

But Gallop goes voters and Harris goes popular.

That's another how he wants to address that.

Did Harris indicate the degree of friendship in the event that they wanted to play ball?

He never said, here's my age.

I understand, but he didn't.

But your message came through very, very quickly.

All right, make the date.

And that's been due, and it's worth a hell of a lot of stimulus.

Hell of a lot of money.

Let's see what he would like to do.

When Harrison, when Harrison is, and he is a clever little bastard, I dislike him, but he's a clever little bastard.

That's all right.

He takes one poll, and he makes six different press releases.

I know, it says Gallup.

Gallup, let's do it with Harrison.

Gallup, that's Bob.

Harrison, a little bit more.

Harrison, running for a month.

Oh, yeah, and he, yeah, he never gives a date, so he's going to have to go with Gallup.

And it's very honest.

And Gallup is very honest about saying, I took it then, then, then, then, then.

negative interpretation in his copy.

It's the worst one he's ever done.

And he gave it to me before it was sent out.

I think if I'd said to him yesterday, let's talk some turkey blue, it might not have gone out.

But when I write to that, it's going to take a little period to work into it.

You've got some time.

What we have to do, of course, is to keep our heads and remember that we've got some things going for us this year that didn't last.

We've got to be in harmony at least to this point.

We knock them knock down.

They can understand us if we do.

I'm not going to start on you at 900 and say, yeah, we have a really close to 900.

But beyond that, we've got a war that we know now is going to be coming.

Now how, God knows how, but we're going to exploit that for all it's worth.

One of the reasons I still don't think we can bank on that for as long as you accept me, but I understand what I mean.

What I mean, Bob, I mean in terms of the drop in the polls, it was totally in the poll.

That's right.

the economy.

Do you recall?

Sure.

We dropped 10 points in the polls last year in February and March.

The only thing was the economy.

Remember, it was before cannibalism.

Now, the one this year is due solely to Laos for three weeks of pounding on Laos, right?

Now, my point is that

as Laos becomes a non-issue, as it becomes a non-issue within a month.

The economy takes over.

Then the economy takes over.

Then the economy continues to bubble along and then our domestic perverts and then other things.

Personality, a lot of other things.

I'll add a few other points.

Yeah, we might have some initiatives.

You see, that is our problem.

Just look at, for example, the reaction we get to a

One little story with the site of Salisbury.

I mean, I agree with you.

About three months ago, we gave an interview.

We talked about these and so forth.

So everybody's, you know, speaking to them.

And all I hear about, well, that's good.

And there's a lot of reaction.

What do you think?

You'll get a lot of reaction here, Steve.

What do you think?

I mean, the point is, every sophisticated person knows that no beer, that no beer ain't sure it's going to be another war.

And a couple of the next to none.

Yes.

Those are good things to stick it out there.

What do you think?

Absolutely.

And I think that the network coverage in Los Angeles, I didn't see it, but it's great.

How's that?

We've been under the same weather for quite a while.

Great.

Uh, you are going to have to just bridge them directly.

I will give you the instructions.

Great.

Okay, great.

Thank you.

Have a good one.

All right.

Just bring him in.

I'll get him over here.

Okay.

Over here.

So.

Yes, it is.

It's assigned to the judges, attorneys now, and a whole bunch of associates.

Nixon, Haldeman & Flanigan on Textile Quotas and Congressional Relations

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Nixon Library Finding Aid

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Also recorded on March 11, 1971

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Nixon, Haldeman & Flanigan on Textile Quotas and Congressional Relations

AI Summary

Audio

NARA Description

Nixon Library Finding Aid

Transcript (AI-generated)

Also recorded on March 11, 1971

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