Conversation 468-009

Transcript (AI-Generated)

This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.

That's one of the, you know, it's not a, you look at it from the outside and you say, well, it's kind of like, it's one of the best sort of townhouses that they have in this time of year.

It's not like the grand style that you have in Europe.

It's very...

That's something we're singularly lacking in our country, you know.

We haven't any of these places that are guest services to that nature.

When the world came to Ireland, it was not as it is.

Two years ago now, almost.

Yeah.

It's a terrible job trying to get something in that country.

It's included enough.

The space is enough for it, you know.

Yeah.

So we're not going to be bothered about that way down in the south.

That's a good place for new water.

You know what I'm saying?

Well, this is a rescue plan.

It's a challenge.

Ah.

It's a challenge.

President, we're just supposed to do what we've been here for, but some of the boats are still there, you know, some of the old British sails, and that's the best of luck, I think.

So, we're going to move the passengers, which is why we fly over, and what we've never said before, we're going to move the passengers.

We're going to move the passengers, and that's what we've never said before, we're going to move the passengers.

Oh, yes, sir.

Okay, John.

Let's do it again.

I don't know what to do.

Start with that.

Thank you.

Didn't we know this?

When you call the real Irish welcome, you should have a little mist.

What shall we say?

I guess a little spirit of some kind.

We haven't missed the eye, it's all working.

Yes, we know that you haven't dispelled it.

It's something we're doing the last time.

Yeah, he did very well in his last launch.

Well, we're only going to try to get saved.

Maybe you ought to throw it to the other man.

It's a great thing.

I hope that we can use it.

That's one of these boys.

He's quite mischievous.

He's insidious or something.

He's a small ass ass.

Would you like to see the American president?

You should do so.

It's a great problem to know.

So I certainly wouldn't want to involve the American president in our problems because there's many interests involved.

It was in that direction, a great quality street.

In the last days, it was essentially a civil rights, you know.

Oh, that's interesting.

I was out of the way, but it comes to you.

Getting down to the bottom, you understand.

And actually, they, they, they, they, the policy of the right actually started reaching for us.

As opposed to the headline, you know.

Well, the headline actually is, and it's, and it's, it doesn't, you know,

There's an arm here.

I don't know if that means anything.

And that could be also in my entire recall, or it's probably not housing.

That's the thing that I'm surprised.

There have been, there have been a series of discriminations by thousands.

There could be, in the area of, there could be 60-40% attention to safety.

Excuse me, in the case of the public, it's going to be the first federal thing.

Well, that's what they have to do.

They have to do all the people.

And then the other side of that visualizes the same thing with each of these.

They have unemployment.

concentrated in the eastern states, which is west, and they call it west of the Van River, the Poe's Head.

And it's as high as 30, 35, 10, some areas.

Because when you have deltas blowing the streets, teenagers with nothing to do but love it, you get into some kind of trouble, and then a lot of people just pass over and leave the track.

You know?

If you take on that, it would be a dumb, wrong call to get hold of these presences that have been there for 350 years.

350 years is a long time.

That's what they used to call them, plantations.

The same common name as it became in Weber, the boss man at the time.

He brought over his favorite sons, Robert, you know, the Lord's family.

We're talking about the best names in Christian, Irish, of Trump at the time.

That's how it became a promise to us.

Yeah, that's an old promise.

You know, it's got to be in most of the history of science.

As time goes on, as time goes on, as time goes on, as time goes on, as time goes on, as time goes on, as time goes on, as time goes on,

And, of course, they have a recession now.

And I'm wondering, you know, with this Dutch people, they should have had English demonstrations against them.

They're going through, they're intent on putting it through.

It's not through all the states.

It's in Washington, D.C.

But it gets to a recession.

But the unions, whether the unions will die or not, it just can't break the unions.

Except this, I gather now that some of those general strikes that are causing them, calling Monday strikes, more and more workers are opting out.

Did you not do it?

No, we won't.

We won't.

We won't strike on this day.

And then, for you, that happens.

They'll, I say, strike their hands.

It's better that you probably know about the recent postal strike that happened.

It's lasted about six weeks.

the post office workers in Australia for 30, an ultimate increase, 30% increase down to 50.

And the post office fellows went back without anything, any new offer except not for the flag unit, but once for all the flag units.

And that is a big difference between British and Irish Dutch civilisations.

The exceptions are now protected.

Just stay away from that.

Both sides.

The employers will do the work.

Well, the employers will take it now.

The workers won't.

This is a breakthrough in the United Kingdom.

You see, we have, not forever this point, we have impeded all the worst aspects of British trade unions.

Because we have, you know, a lot of British-based trade unions.

So, if they keep trying to do that, it would be...

It's tough for them to see that some of them, even though they have the same salary, they didn't have any space to pay the bills.

I don't understand what you mean.

Their funds aren't coming back to pay them.

So in order to run a scrap, they've got to have that period of time.

That's right, yeah.

It's strange, you know, for some of the workers, they didn't have any, they didn't have any study funds.

They were, they were for six weeks.

Yeah.

Without any, without any, all of it.

So I'd say that this, I think, would be a great tool for them.

If they get through with this, it would be the bend in the graph of inflation for them, which would help us to, and I suppose to, live in the United States.

Because that's where the British economy affects us considerably.

We just get 70% of our exports, and we go there, and we go there.

The only thing is that when there is a recession, it makes more of an obvious stay at home and not get out of the job at home.

If employment is too easy to come by in the United Kingdom, they go over and they come to get better rates sometimes.

Yeah, I know.

There's a chance that you have access.

I see that.

That's it.

Take the busy trade.

I mean, you know, there isn't any guarantee of continuity of employment, although there is by and large now.

But if a man's working on some big construction company and he has a special skill and he finds a good construction company and then you need to trust him in case nothing happens.

But his tendency was to go to that.

If he was a skilled man, a carpenter, a bricklayer, an electrician, he went.

for about, what was it, in American terms, about $10.

You could get it to take us across the English town without having any visa or passport restrictions and no people getting a job.

So that was one of the big problems we had, even though work would be a great level.

Sometimes they got better rates in the United Kingdom, but no lower rates in some cases.

That is the United Kingdom.

So that's 10,000 people at home.

We are constantly resulting more of our service population now into employment.

The population is now on the increase for a long 100 years now.

You have, since we met, you've had very good success, didn't you?

How about here?

Oh, we met at the fucking, the fucking conference, yes.

The fucking conference?

Is it part of the conference?

Yeah, it was.

It was.

What was the issue?

I don't know.

Or was there?

I don't know.

Yeah, at one time.

It was bothering me at one point.

Yeah, well...

Firstly, last May, this afternoon speaking, it has happened to me four times, three of them, before I have fallen off the internet.

I had to go and still get involved with the food industry, so I'm not going to tell the truth.

And so I, it was an emotional involvement, to say the truth.

So I found, that was it.

I gave the paper to the Italian gentlemen.

They knew that they knew Darryl, and I had something to tell them.

So that was it, that was not when Darryl got in the face of it.

I never started.

And there was two other fellas.

Another one resigned, in sympathy.

I see him as an adjoining himself.

And I expect another one to be honest.

I got a word too.

I don't know.

I survived it anyway.

There were long, all night debates, you know, no confidence motions from the government.

And then, I think this is where you begin to see, you're talking about nations.

What if there was a trial that must be, there was, there was a very, that's a true disability anyway.

We all went through that here as well.

So there was a time that not even the state states were ministering.

They were in business as well.

They were following government policies.

And I said, in any event, let's talk about that in a second, the tax credit system.

But then we had an election in Dunningville.

This is an area to keep us to the border.

And the area, the county to one of those I've heard of, that end game.

Also, Tim, the man who resigned, covered up a lot of his last days in this area.

So this was supposed to be the test.

We wanted the Dunning ball seat hands down.

We had to apply this as a general relation to that particular area that they were in.

We wanted the Dunning ball seat hands down and we did better in the Dublin area than we did last even though we didn't win the seat.

So that was an endorsement of my policy.

This was brought to the floor of our party convention about three weeks ago.

There was a big demonstration there.

And normally we had about 1,500 guests, 2,000 attendees.

This year we had 5,000.

And the boys came up and sang from the villages and the townlands and the rural areas.

And they got a little melody and showed us playing there.

That was a big thing.

50 plus on the floor.

I mean, they talk about democratic conventions here.

I forget what they were like in Chicago, but we had them.

They were rough.

They were rough, you know.

We had a lot of children.

That was it.

But all the random guys stood up for us, you see, trying to dominate us.

For us to speak to them.

We had these debates.

So...

But even there, we've gotten great, too, because...

We have been working right through that summer to come to the next round.

We have a lot of great pieces.

The first one was coming to my head, and that was in place because there were gains up to 10 to 20 percent.

They want to renew their demands on the same basis, up to even up to 25 to 30 percent.

So we told them, we can't allow this to ever get together, after six months, up to October the 28th.

So we introduced an income through prices bill, whereby we proposed a legislation to control it through increases.

Well, you know, I don't think it would be any good if we decided to keep up with this.

Well, on the day where the treasurer came to us and said, we're going to have another go with the employers.

So, I said, okay, we're going to have another go with the employers.

We're going to have to secure the legislation.

We've seen that the legislation has succeeded.

It's certainly going to be suspended.

As it happened, they went back, sat around the paving after another few weeks, and just about a week before Christmas, there was a great inconvenience due to a notice of change in the anti-crisis.

The latest release was due to expire on the 31st of December.

They came up with an agreement, an enforcement agreement, an undertaking by the trade unions that they were going to support this fight.

The terms themselves were

Slightly in place, it was made not nearly as bad as the 19,000 feet were all, limited to a 40 cent increase, which would have represented roughly, well, less than 10%, I think.

Probably even that percent increase, which we think we can handle.

Yeah, that's a much better city.

So, that was a great move.

That's a great move.

We had to have a fairly tough budget.

We paid to a magnate in .

We have the murderers.

We've got legal .

We have more expansion in our budget, but you always kind of, the apartments always come in for 10, 15% more than they do.

They're always taking the things they want to do, you know.

They're all competing with each other, and they don't mind.

That's the dilemma you're going to have, whether their estimates are realistic, or they've puffed up a bit, or they've cut tech, you know, and the tech members of us get the knock.

As a result, they say, well, I don't know.

if I put up a realistic estimate, and I get it up, and I know the other developers have a rough estimate, he's not putting the same percentage of designers out for a rough estimate next time.

You know, that's the difficulty we have in even ministers having problems of, you know, finding them.

There are just, well, there's a realistic estimate.

But when we decide that, if we manage to do the tracing, we have to show example ourselves first, even if it works and it will come out here, we've got to reflect on a lot of things.

You are, I mean, I don't know.

Well, he could have shown a lot of courage in his fight against me.

I don't know whether he could get away with it.

Well, of course, he's had it for five years, so.

Yeah, yeah, let me ask you in the trial.

You know that it was now or later.

That's right.

We should be in the same boat.

We would be just one year ahead of that because, as it happens, our genocidation is one year to the very day, 18th of June, 18th of May.

Before then, I see you.

But, I mean, nevertheless, we'd be three years in in June.

So you've still got four years after that.

But now you can do it.

You can take your hand and take the heat now rather than later.

And then if you do it now, you can collect it.

But when it comes to the talk, you have a five-year term.

If you do it again and again, that's the next election you're going to need.

As you know, we have a five-year maximum as the bill has been written.

But not the five years starting when the Prime Minister then passed the Queen.

In your case, this is all a problem.

I can ask the President.

And as long as the Queen is there, I have a majority in the House.

He's bound to stay okay.

If he does have a majority, let me say, he tested out.

He refused to dissolve problems that hadn't happened.

In any case, all that has to happen is that I've done nothing.

But in all events, the idea is after about four years, you've got to bring in for the most favorable time.

Because if you let it go too long, you've got to be driven into the bottom of the pressure groups.

You just can't get out of that.

That's right.

Well, this is fascinating.

This whole problem of inflation, of course, is one that plagues the entire advanced world.

It plagues all of Europe.

It plagues the land.

And, of course, we have a problem here in the United States.

When we think about a problem, it is infinitely less.

I, for example, was talking to a Latin American friend the other day, and he was telling me how good they were in Brazil.

I said, why are they so good?

He said, well, our inflation is only 19%.

They've got to use 30, I mean 80, whatever, in Indonesia's got theirs down there.

But nevertheless, in our country, when we get up to 5%,

And that's considered to be, I don't know, it can escalate.

It's going to be irresponsible because it can't go beyond that.

We believe now that our policies are, well, it takes more time than we'd like.

We're moving through that sort of dangerous period of time.

The rate of inflation is getting cool somewhat.

They don't have to stop.

And the price of oil is going to go up.

We know that.

But we're trying to get rid of it even for around 3%.

If we can get it down to 3% this year, that's pretty good.

And maybe next year, by the time we get to 3.5%, we can.

Or we can get unemployment below the 5% mark.

It's not 5.8.

If we're using bad insurance, because in our countries, there is no enormous incentive other than the benefit of the unemployed, which is right in a lot of these counties.

But those who are unemployed, there's nobody to walk on the streets and sell them apples or anything like that.

It's all gone now because our welfare is ours.

our unemployment benefits and so forth are in arms now, which is a good thing.

We're glad we can do it.

But nevertheless, I will say, because it will affect your own plans, you can rather count on the fact that the American economy this year is going to continue to move up somewhat or radically, but it will move up.

I mean, we squeezed a lot of the water out of it last year.

This will be a good year, as I've said, and next year will be a very good year.

That, but at the same time, we, I think, and this is the key market we move up without excessive, but at the same time, by reducing the rate of inflation, if we can do that,

And, of course, it has a salutary effect on Europe and Europe and the British and the rest.

Of course, the other side of the coin is that it's very important for us not to move on the inflation front so hard that the result would be to

Trust the economy because, as anybody knows,

Whenever the American economy drops off some, it has a very detrimental effect on the whole European economy.

Not to, because our exports are, I mean, our imports and so forth are down, and we can buy, and so there's going to be, but I think it's a little bit of time, and we're going to see it through.

It's not easy, but it's not easy.

I thought already, of course, I already told you, I already said 10% of the total, which is increasing all the time.

Yes.

And the thing that I think is very encouraging about so many of your countries, the way you are reversing immigration laws, you can't have a beautiful country like that.

You just have people leaning against it.

I mean, it's a good place to live.

People have a lot of state income and make it.

And they don't have very, it's like what we're trying to do in a very different sense, what we call rural America.

Now rural America is, well,

That part of rural America, even in upper New York State, but looking out across the country, out through the Great Plains, the mountain states, and so forth, and some of the southern states, two-thirds of our counties in America lost population in the last ten years.

The reason is that people were attracted to the cities.

Cities have become overcrowded, virtually unlivable, and out of the country there is

A lot of people come to me that think that it's a better place to live.

Now you can't have people go back and farm because our farming is so enormously productive that 5% of our population produces enough to feed all the Americans and give billions away.

But on the other hand, what we're trying to do is to develop our planning in terms of infrastructure, airports, etc.

so that their population flow, it may not be reversed, but so at least it can stabilize so that people quit moving from North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, Wyoming, et cetera, moving in the cities, and they stay in this part of the country, so you have a more balanced growth.

Otherwise, you're gonna have enormous congestion, what we call free,

Well, at least three.

About three primary and three major metropolitan areas.

One running from Boston to Washington.

Another from Pittsburgh to Chicago, which includes Detroit and Cleveland.

And another running from San Francisco down to San Diego.

And 50% of the American people will be living in it.

100 million people will be living almost in and out of the city.

We all have this problem.

whether people are doomed simply to live in a just and brave, in large cities.

We don't suggest they live in small towns, but what we really were trying to do is reverse the way we drove the order, so that, say, cities of 50 to 100,000 can be

go to places with enough good schools, medical care, and jobs, so that people will not have to beg simply to draw them away, isn't it?

Well, I noticed that originally, we came close to that in South Carolina and North Carolina, yes.

And in South Carolina, particularly, they have the same kind of industrial promotion program as we do.

And they're trying to get a lot of people from other countries settling in.

I want to point out the economy there.

There's some Japanese and Swiss technicians coming over.

And I was particularly struck by the location of good schools.

It's a different foundation.

It's in the area where they're only less than one percent.

There have been more and more students that are expanding their positions.

I was very struck by that phenomenon, that they were in a role in expanding their educational facilities.

And I noticed in a few other places, one brought to me good colleges, intensive facilities, a wide range of faculties.

So, at least in that bucket of country, it doesn't seem like it has to be.

Yeah, it doesn't.

Well, as a matter of fact, that is working.

That is a national policy now, to the extent that the federal government can contribute to a national policy.

We're still very fragmented in that, in the states and counties that we are.

But it is a national policy, and it's all part of it.

People are not going to stay unless they have good schools, good medical care, and job opportunities.

Now, if they do have those things, there are great numbers of people who would be tempted to stay rather than to move in the horror of the city.

Because the modern city has become a dangerous, in some places, I mean, like Philadelphia tomorrow.

Philadelphia, if you go to South Philadelphia, it's terrible.

I mean, it's the people are like that.

It's unbelievable to that.

Of course, the old ways, of course, the Irish used to live in parts of the cities of America, you know, and now the Irish have moved up and dissociated the economy into a stagnant, to the point that they don't have as much.

Where do you realize your problems in places like Philadelphia?

So, it's quite a change in this country when you stop at any time.

Well, it was only 50 years ago, I suppose, that there used to be signs in some places, no Irish would apply.

Now the Irish have moved up in politics and business, and certainly the arts and so forth, that they can't be called classist.

This isn't worse than making minorities.

But the Irish have done awfully well.

They have a good thing, but let's go to the other end.

I mean, I think that other than absolutely, other than absolutely, but that might be the first thing.

Absolutely.

Oh, I think it's extremely important.

The Irish, let me say that the Irish have a great capacity for oil.

I mean, they're basically, you know, they wear flags in their capitals.

They're the volunteer types.

They're not the ones that are out for the most part, leading the old piece of any price.

They also have a very great sense of attachment to Irish traditions, the Irish homeland, and all that sort of thing.

And I think it's a very good thing.

In fact, I think it's good for all parts of this country, for them to have it.

Take the blacks.

I'd rather think that it's good for the Negroes that they discovered at the time that they're talking about a black guy.

Better know.

Now, just as you and I both know,

As far as a black civilization in America is concerned, it's a mythology.

It really isn't there.

I mean, to the extent it is there or was there, I don't know anything about it.

But it's well for them to build it up because people have got to be proud of what they've been taught.

And they must not have the song groups to carry it to an extreme.

But all over this country, whether they're Irish or German or Polish or Italians or the rest, I strongly urge them to be fulfilled.

I like to see them in their, I tell you what, their navy costumes and dances and music.

And we have statements as we play it right to the hill.

We don't have to, we have to test whether you're Romanian, you know.

He's a communist, but on the other hand, Romanians are proud to have a Romanian dynasty.

And the Irish, of course, are one of the best examples because their attachment to what Ireland stands for, freedom, music,

You know, character, and all that sort of thing.

There's a strong image about it.

That's just a good thing for this country.

You mentioned George Weingate.

We had a very short story about him.

And in fact, I had a photo of him one year.

I had all of these mentioned at April Congress.

Oh, yeah.

I mean, that was an ordinary day.

And the first time I went forward, that was Congress.

And I got supported in marriage, that's it.

and there was a Russian, I don't know, Russian supporters came to the conclusion, or if you think that's what he was, and I said, and first of all, it was in the Jews, the communists were defeated, and I thought the communists were already in the end of life.

And I think we learned previously, as I saw, that the communists were using this as a foe.

And that's basically why .

all the developing countries.

So like all the heads of the Congress together, Vice President says to them, I'm going to rule out anything that doesn't concern labor, employment, social matters.

So we do that.

And I came up to speak with those.

A venerable old West German labor leader called Billy Blaser.

And he starts to attend East Germany in a political way.

Sign up.

And I have delegated to the Americans.

So this will be supported, too.

That's a doctor.

I'm not sure.

George Heaney came to help later to join the conference.

And he had heard about the performance of this club from Ireland at the end of the 1940s.

And he was very proud of me and I said, you just wait.

The following day, they cured this guy.

And discovered that the Americans saw him melting and had a wound.

And they had all kinds of doctors in Singapore.

You know it's in the throat, and the person doesn't need to do that shit.

So then they write to him to know he doesn't do anything.

See, I've been there.

I was able to prove this thing out to him.

So then he goes, wait a minute, don't judge me yet.

As you know, he is very disillusioned.

He's got to hold it down.

And it makes sense to count him out.

As you say, it is being used.

It is, as far as I know.

But your policy was exactly right.

You can't let it be used for any reason.

I mean, he's a remarkable guy.

He's 75 years old.

He's a talented kid.

He's 75 years old.

He's just like that.

He's a great character, too.

But I hope to...

Is that the second program that's in Vietnam?

Yes.

I will name another crew announcement, which all of us can't be wrong.

And just with regard to the situation, the Laotian situation, that combined with what we did earlier in Cambodia.

has been so successful, despite all the tales and all the bullets, you know that's what we mean, a war is unflinching in fact, but it has been so successful in nipping the North Vietnamese capabilities for launching an offensive, that our total withdrawal program is now short.

And not only that, but it, and this is a more important thing, it isn't just getting out of Vietnam.

is getting out in a way that South Vietnam has a reasonable chance to survive, you see, and that's what we've been trying to do.

If we just got out, which we could have done two years ago when we first came in, and South Vietnam happened too, then you'd have the, well, the all the condensation in South Vietnam, the slaughter, it's just a terrible thing, just as it happened in North Vietnam earlier.

So it's working.

Now the other thing that's very significant about the office is that we very, very look at some of the enemies in the test and say, we have, they have, they're with us.

They, they're, the first time, we say, yes, we can't believe that operation.

We were side by side with them.

Now they're by themselves, except for some of our air support.

And they are getting to do the same thing, which, of course, demonstrates that now, as I use the quote of the term, as I said at a recent news conference, they can handle it.

Now, of course, what's going to happen, I can say to you, along with

A long period, and it's been a long period for this country, six years now.

40,000 lives and so forth.

Now we can see it coming to an end, and successfully.

Successfully in terms of, which was never intended to be in Russia or Vietnam.

So we want them to survive too, as they want.

But successful in terms of the Saudi and

then all men have the capability to defend themselves.

So our program withdrawal will continue through the year and will be concluded in the next year, sometime.

And that, you know,

Why don't we just say now when we're going to leave?

One of the reasons for that is obvious.

There will come a time, I can say that, but for the next eight or eight months or so, there is still a possibility.

If you leave, the number, the rate of withdrawal is still a possibility.

some kind of negotiation in the ceasefire.

You remember right after our meeting in Ireland, if I can imagine, I made the announcement, we talked about, of us, or needs that would be for a ceasefire, and total withdrawal of troops, and all other giant conflicts, and exchange of prisoners.

Now none of that is materialized at this point.

The chances for an argument that needs negotiations

have been out at this time, mind you, very small.

However, they now are coming to the moment of truth.

By next fall, either they will have communicated with us, or

we will have no interest in negotiating, except with regard to the prisoners.

Because you see, since we're gonna get out anyway, there's nothing to negotiate about, and then their problem will be to try to negotiate with us, but it's not what it means.

So, I would not, to summarize, I would not hold out any, I mean, I wouldn't hold out any thought that you're gonna see a negotiated settlement this time.

But I would say this,

The Laotian operation has been just what we expected it to be.

It has been successful and very substantially.

They're cutting the enemy supply lines as they come down.

It will not only avoid a very serious offensive this year, but it sure as can be a withdrawal.

Our withdrawal program will continue.

You will tend to dominate the American scene however it will be.

Demands are this or that senator and this or that newspaper.

Do it now or why don't you announce it now?

I, of course, will resist all that.

It's popular as that is at the moment.

What really counts in all this talk comes out in the end.

So in the end, I must keep that card.

In other words, the date, the category I have very low of mine, so when we will be out,

But I must keep it and not play as long as there's a chance for the other side.

I said, well, maybe there's something to fire for.

And it doesn't mean that we can negotiate something, particularly something that would involve our prisoners together to cease fire.

This is where I told you to target for.

at that time will run out late this summer, in my opinion.

So, how it all comes out in the end, it will come out well, in my opinion, sir.

Well, you can't guarantee that any country will survive.

And democracy, as you know, is hard enough for, well, even for you, and for us, and for us, and let alone country by itself, is not going to be different.

But to our great satisfaction, I'll say,

We all believe, first, that it's all Vietnamese.

And now we've got the ability to defend themselves as we, second, that there are more, as we come together for all that will continue this year, will be completed sometime in the future.

But that they then can, can defend themselves

The tragedy is that there is not enough for North Vietnam to wait.

except just continue to fight some of Vietnam.

And if they do that, they're going to help the others.

The target of the Gestalt Vietnam is to figure an army out.

It is an air force, which are much better than what Vietnam's supposed to be.

And it's an army supported.

So that's the way it is.

And the war will come out.

And then, of course, we can get all the other things.

With regard to the

with regard to other parts of problems, other parts of the world.

And you know the disarmament negotiators are not disarmed.

The limitation on them, as you said, is very, very important.

We'll go back to meet again at the end of this spring.

I am somewhat optimistic.

I can tell you privately about the possibility of an arm issue sometime in Franklin.

Now that will have enormous effect on this region because it will be a first step to superpowers, first to levitate nuclear arms, and second, any concern in other areas.

It will occur not because of any change or aggressions in America, attitude toward our system, their system, etc., but simply because of necessity, I mean, their constant having reached no clear parity, which they have not reached.

There's nothing to be gained by either side by continuing the race, except cost.

and increasing the danger.

Nobody's going to gain advantage.

Neither will the other side of the curve.

So, I'm lacking a huge technological breakthrough in an area that's not only international, it's possible, because both have offensive and defensive weapons, both have enormous landings and so forth.

So with all this in mind, those talks are pretty good.

The maze is a...

Tremendously difficult.

I can only see the problem.

The Israelis are hanging tight, saying that the only security that they will bring and the security of the territory, at least most of the territory, is acquired.

The tensions, of course, and their friends all say that the Israelis will steal up their territory before they will move.

plus side there.

There is simply nothing to be gained by either the Israelis or the Egyptians at this time to break the truce, because if the Israelis go on in their

They can't get any more than they've got.

And the intentions that they start, they take on the Israelis, the Israelis have the capability of feeding the very, just as they did before, the cost of what they used to do.

So there,

There will be war.

There will be rumors of war and this and that and the rest.

And there could be a flare-up because of that.

I mean, the objections after Nash's death, the objections about his group may be forced by emotional or responsible violence into some sort of a tension, is there?

So, uh

I think the other point that I think probably that everybody would be interested to know, we have a very great interest in what will happen to Europe, and all that sort of thing.

The problem for us, the acute problem, is the agriculture industry.

And it is here that we've got to play a very firm line, because our agricultural interests are the last really of the American free traders.

Everybody else is becoming protected.

Now, if the agricultural interests see

And I reckon, of course, our employees at the same time.

Going into the common market and putting up barriers to our culture products.

It can have very serious problems for us.

That's why in our, that is one of our

We say that our hope is not trying to be yours or theirs.

It is, of course, a very strong environment.

Frankly, it would be just the interest of stability.

We're always going to break it, go into the market.

and become part of Europe.

And I think it's really interesting.

Yes, sir.

That's what Britain will be, where the very presence of this protectionist has been fetched.

Exactly.

The British look awkward, whereas the French look totally different.

The Germans look awkward, except that they are schizophrenic because of their problems.

But the British basically have to look awkward.

They can't just look like that.

So it seems to me that the British influence politically within Europe

It could be a very little thing.

That's my view, at least.

Even though from an economic standpoint, we might be better off to bring them outside.

You know, that's a better issue.

And make our own deals.

Well, we knew that there was some, I won't call it apprehension, apprehension amongst the writers about the building, speaking of this pretentious, pretentious box.

Yes, that's right.

That's it.

The thing was that, right, who knows, of course, the other box, but that is important.

Well, we have not ruled out the common market, but we will have to fight, and we will fight very strongly for it.

The French next, I guess, the British come over there in the lowest.

We're a big company.

We and Denmark probably had all the service costs in the United Kingdom because we had some subsidized .

We subsidized .

A big problem, of course, is that our main export is cattle.

Beef.

Yes, yes.

And we have a good old cattle trade in the United States market.

We kind of, we kind of, we kind of, we kind of, we kind of, we kind of, we kind of, we kind of, we kind of,

You know, the cattle, they all, jeez.

In all these great industrial countries, that France is an agricultural country.

France determines the British, the Irish, the Americans.

Here we are, we're supposed to be great agricultural countries, and we're worried about agriculture.

And we're all worried about agriculture.

And yet agriculture has a

The importance is we have to remember that it goes beyond, it seems to me, a economic contribution.

It's just good to have people on that land.

That's what it is to the Germans.

No matter how in our country we feel that our, what we call our agriculture, our land, isn't just a farm.

It's the people who live around it that depend upon it.

They have a different view, and it's good for them.

We couldn't all be city folks.

Well, it's better that they take on these new socialists.

I think it's very, very silly.

They're very...

Yes, sir.

They're very conservative.

But we've got to get nice to them.

That says that about 30% of our total population is engaged in agriculture.

30%.

That means that the majority of the Chinese sector of our total population goes next to the government.

It's a big fault we haven't seen them come to the centre, because they are earning less than the rest of the house.

For that reason, we're quite happy to give them all the support we can.

Of course, that's the limit we have, which we can't go, for sure.

And that's the attraction for us, coming back to the law firm, to get more economic options for their clients, which is a good thing.

Although we don't suggest deep exporting at the time.

He's been hired by some of the moral qualities at home as well.

Much worse than the British.

And simply after this, he comes to us and says, by the end of the month, it shall be five cents to produce the problem of the British government with him.

extended by agriculture over the government of 27.

That makes a balance of 25 cents for their own farm producer.

But we have to, by 25 cents, we don't want to get into the British market for more taxpayer money.

So that pattern is repeated right through agriculture, cheese, meat, and other commodities like that we sell.

So that we will experience some increase in the cost of living as a result of the tax cuts on the market.

The British cost of living has not resolved, but that's their problem.

And that is a big problem at the moment because

I was talking to a...

...to Canada, I was a follower of Holt, and Holt said that he just spoke with us recently, and he said I don't think he has even the slightest confidence yet, even amongst his own party, about this problem.

I just felt the best interest was out of us.

The only thing that comes out of a state vote against their own government is a straight color market issue.

What did he say about Kennedy's become a tendency by disrupting the end?

Mr. Kennedy's a kind of a, that's what it was.

And Kennedy wants much more to be a prime minister than to be in the color market.

This is Kennedy's assessment of the situation.

And Kennedy's a kind of a capitalist, I think, in all this.

So he's on that position.

Yeah, it's a tough one.

It's a fire on the road, but we all have to take that position.

You set the ideal, and it comes around.

I mean, uh, I don't want you to know that we are, uh, as you probably know, that there's a great deal of speculation about an innocent daughter.

And, uh, we, for your information, we will, we will, uh, we will announce that she is going to be married.

And I thought it would be a nice touch at the end of the evening.

And afterwards, if it would be all right, we would like, uh, the way that, the way this was realized tonight, uh, we will, uh,

Everybody, all the guests arrive early, earlier, and we go in and sit down.

This is actually, this is our chairs.

So, we're going to be

and I will go up and stand there and just shake hands and thank them and entertain them and then at that point I'll ask you to sit it again and I'll have Mr. Mixon come up and we'll announce the right.

Well, as a matter of fact, when we go up, I think since the guests, you see, a lot of them, most of them will not be here today.

They were there coming from various parts of the country.

When we go up to

We wouldn't have anything to entertain him.

I'll say a word at that point, and, uh, you see, that would be the best way I can respond to that.

You just, just briefly, I don't know, just as if it was, uh, like we were at a dinner, and I said, well, we're going to sit and watch a host of crime that's near you, and just in a light of a hint, and then it comes to your mind, and something that, that is very, very neat, and I'll get, and I'll, I'll, I'll have Mrs. Nexon come up and ask me, Dad,

All of us, we would walk out of the room.

I don't know why I'm in that blue room.

Do you recall when you were here with the men there?

And there, we were standing together just like a regular receiving line, you and I together, Mrs. Hicks and Mrs. Fletcher.

And then Patricia, my daughter, and her fiancé, and their parents, it is, we were standing together receiving requests.

And afterwards, we were then, we were in the law meeting, but I don't remember how long it was.

And we will, we will escort you away.

We'll keep you back to that house.

I did.

I did, you know.

I thought it was a nice touch, it's Nick's birthday.

So we said that was the most important event of her life.

That's right.

The, uh, it's number two.

I think, uh, you can actually ask the press what we talked about.

You could have just said, is there a number two?

We're on the end of our same board of policy.

Actually, if they're going to ask you, you can ask the press about this matter.

I can say this, but I, uh, I think you can...

You had to build me in before I wanted to be built in again.

That's right.

Because your people would not understand.

You didn't always go to certain things.

I don't know about you, sir.

I'm a person of interest.

Somebody might ask me specifically.

I did ask, but I didn't answer.

I spoke about the problem before.

Why don't you say that the

President, your evaluation of the situation of the British government was recognized properly and was implemented in Florence.

And do you, well, I understand why the British government would not want to allow this situation to develop into a...

I'm actually going to stay out of the case.

That's right.

But in terms of the reforms and so forth, after all, that is the British government's policy.

That is it.

Yes.

But I used to...

The only thing that I do, the only thing that I do sometimes is...

What you might say is that she might signal a president indicator.

It wasn't.

He would, of course, find her chair in one of his, basically, a problem not involving any kind of space.

About that, about that...

Actually, he was following the situation, following the argument, which is very interesting and concerning.

And he was glad to know that some reform, some reform program is being considered as implemented.

Implemented.

Since we last talked, the argument has been made that the right answer to the situation is reform, rather than reforming the evidence in the agent.

You know, I do the work.

I do that.

Okay.

I mean, those are the things.

You know, I change all of this.

And you went to that house.

I said, are you President of Canada?

Don't let me keep you up.

I'll take you on.

You go back to your Blair house.

And I'll...

Uh, I've received a few more of these, sir.

It's your day, huh?

I've never done it before, sir, but if I had to know, yeah.

presidential ceremonials as well as the presidential attention.

Or, that's part of the, uh, I'm just, you know, people don't, uh, since they're there, they don't support that.

You can also, uh, I also, I should, I should definitely.

Oh, uh, he asked me specifically to do this.

Yeah.

This is amazing.

I remember when you sit there and you can't see what you can, you understand.

And, uh,

Yes, yes, yes.

You know, you can't live forever.

And of course, you have to achieve all your ideas and all your areas.

But there is definitely a great confidence from all the presidents in this country.

I've had them talk me to go up and go, yes, I'd be quite a fight if you want, between ourselves.

At your moment, right, if I want.

If you're not sure you want, I want to go out.

It takes a lot of the...

It takes a lot of the... You know, all the other guests, the other politics, that's fine.

I'd say to them, well...

I don't trust my own Trump that easily.

Oh, I think so, too.

Do you have a problem with whether he's going to want to do that?

They wouldn't want to be an actor.

They don't want to be an actor.

That's what I say.

That's right.

But it's against that.

I have to be realistic about my own party.

But if that moves, I can say, oh, good fellows.

And I never, I never think back again.

They'll be there.

This is not the current.

They can never defeat me.

Not when they defeat the politicians.

No, but I want you to make sense of it, yeah.

And a bit more.

You see, most of republicanism is still there.

You know what I mean?

I saw Paul talk about republicanism, you know, and I think, you know, there's really no way to go to republicanism.

Yes, yes.

There's still that advantage to that.

I mean, we're all looking at it, sir.

You know, and I don't know what republicanism means, but unfortunately, it's interpreted by many people, you know, and I think that's, you know... Well, I did that, you know, putting out the strategy, and it goes back to the French Revolution.

Yes, of course.

That's what I'm looking for.

Dependence.

On the other hand, would somebody else, only somebody else, who has my priorities and my policies, would succeed me?

It'll take you some time before you get up again and say, perhaps for that.

For that reason, I've been torn between two abilities.

First of all, in the long term, you should need somebody else to take over.

Without Brian there, I'd never reach the re-ability or reintegrate the dissonance of somebody else's camp.

And then, I don't want to go into this presidential office for two, three days.

Because it's just an act of violence.

It's not a problem.

That's the rest of what I'm going to say.

And he can hear the veto over legislation.

He thinks it's unconstitutional.

But almost any common citizen can do that.

He can read any bill or any act to the High Court and challenge it.

But I wouldn't want to be sitting out there.

I blame you.

No, good enough to do with your own.

But you gotta keep staying in the battle.

Unless, you know, unless, you may have a situation if somebody comes along and you need to watch all your people.

Well, that's what the main thing is until the system ever be dull again.

It'll never be dull, yes.

I always say that.

I mean, you always say that, you know, the politics.

He's serious.

It's almost as fast as her own.

Every situation can change so quickly.

And you know, you can't always assess it really.

You never really know.

Until the last minute.

The most important thing I can tell all the young people

... ... ... ... ...

Well, of course, it's got to have a sense of priority.

But more than that, perspective.

Because to panic, to get too excited, you know, I, for example, in this, we've had the problems here, you know, when I first came in, we had these terrible riots, you know, the black lives, the students, the kids, and so forth.

Now that's all cooled down, and we're still in a very, very good state.

They had a problem with the war.

They said, oh, you've got to, in order to answer the demands of you, you've got to end the war.

Well, there may be other reasons to end the war, but you can't go through that, because...

The youth were to do it, and then you'd be here.

So we've had to do it other ways.

So the main one is that you can offer up your hands and say, oh, God, everything's going to come to an end because people didn't demonstrate or this and that or the other thing.

There's nothing to it.

Polls, as Churchill once said, they don't make any difference.

The only one that really matters is the...

It's, of course, the one that we're all people hoping.

Beyond that, what really matters is the individual who has all the amount of, or at least access to, all the facts.

He's really got to make the decision based on his best judgment.

And then he's going to see it through.

He's going to see it through.

And in the end, people wish him back.

They may temporarily do it.

...move from one side to the other, and they'll say, oh, my God, that's... ...get out of this and out of the other thing.

But in the long run, they'll stick by it, and if they think he's...

that the U.S. is best judging the Trump situation.

And the Secretary won't support your indecision to say make up your mind with your best assessment.

Let's try it, folks.

Just stick right to it.

I think if there comes a point that we change direction, do so by all means.

Yeah, if the Trumps control it.

Well, that's very interesting, and again, this is what I'm saying to you.

This is one of the older paintings in Washington.

It's very seldom seen.

This room has its primary features, the ceilings.

I'm sorry, is it both the right and the wrong?

I don't know.

It's just a separate room.

Taylor Roosevelt was in charge.

That's what I was, according to an English crime in 1837 before the wings were built on the line.

Is that how you're supposed to say it?

Some people say not, but I don't know anybody who was here in 1837, so I can't say for sure.

I'll take that one.