On October 8, 1971, President Richard M. Nixon, John N. Mitchell, John D. Ehrlichman, and Stephen B. Bull met in the Oval Office of the White House from 10:04 am to 10:47 am. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 587-003 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
All right, how are you, President?
You said you were going to be an economics professor.
That's a great one.
Professor, I'm ready to receive a paper to deliver it, but Professor said I couldn't believe it.
Well, it simplifies it, and when you were talking to the housewife in the public house, that made sense, but if you'd done it, it would have been no good at all.
Well, it's a complicated subject.
It really drives the...
The more simplistic it is the better.
Let me ask you about the other thing, too.
It's about the wall line.
It's getting almost like two minutes.
I haven't raised it with you, but I thought of it myself last week.
When you were in California and raised it with John, I said, check it out.
About a third of the functions aren't going to wire seven years.
I've lost room for aspects.
This morning, I was out at the Blue, ran for Russell Long, had breakfast with him, had a whole lot of things.
He came in, you know, he says, I've got the man in the back car.
He said, you ought to find a Democrat, you ought to find a Senator, you ought to find one of these son of bitches, Kevin Casey.
I said, Bob, where'd you go to do that?
He said, you're going through the Senate.
But with that background of having never practiced law.
Never practiced law.
He's only been a lawyer seven years.
Remember the Ku Klux Klan?
Probably.
I don't know about the White House.
My name isn't sure, but it's all perhaps about the right age, tough as hell, honest, totally respected, even the liberals respect a little more, a little more.
He's a, he's a gutsy, very gutsy.
Yeah, there was a fight with him last week in there.
Well, not that great, I'm afraid.
Did they, uh... Well, anyway, I, I, I got the job attached, you know.
No, I, so, I've had a lot of consideration for way back when.
We also have a salary review.
You have a senator to get out and you'll be accused of two.
Two, one, of playing politics with the court, and the court is playing on an unqualified man.
And the third one can really put on a man who's qualified, like Thurgood Marshall, a wizard.
The third point is, if you get Kennedy as a whip, which gives him a... That's why they long, I suppose, because he's in line to walk over there.
Without that, the county will never be equipped.
Never.
Well, anyway, and as to that, I think Russell had gone as far as to talk to Eastland about it.
He said Eastland said he'd retake and he'd go through and reflight.
Sure, because that's part of the club.
I think John had a hell of a man.
Let's look at it in terms, sure, the country of race and all and so forth, but let's look at it in terms of a man on the court.
He'd be the strongest man on that court.
You couldn't punch that son of a bitch.
He is tough.
He is tough.
Tough on the water, tough on the faucet, tough on all the things that I am on.
Somebody to be tough on.
Tough on capital punishment.
It had taken years to get the nuances of
to work on that court to be effective, I would believe.
But I'm looking at it as the criticism of the crassness of the politics.
Well, I guess it's out of the question.
I guess sometimes we better do something out of the question.
The way they kicked us in the ass three times.
I'll tell you something that you wouldn't believe.
Brinkley, last night, did you see this sign?
I saw the news sign.
It was quoting the village voice in which the statement
The liberals have overreacted on this and they've cut their own water.
This was Brinkley's whole thesis, that good men have been brought down and liberals have gone too far.
There's another point that has been on my mind with respect to Byrd, and that is the next time around, if you want to get at them,
Another one of this type.
Not the south, but the border states where you'd have a... No, I'm talking about birds.
I'm not sure that they could possibly oppose...
Now that's basically what he has all of a sudden.
I think the appointment bird up there right now, the sergeant, there's not any question.
I guess, I don't know, I'm not quite at the time, quite at the time that, well, they turned down a lot of contracts and we'll get another.
Where's John Donaldson?
No, I don't know.
I'll see you on the court.
You don't think Barry is?
I think he is.
Oh, Jesus, he is good.
Listen, he didn't become whipped by just being that stiff fellow.
He's just a cranky little guy.
Don't worry about it.
You ever talk to Burton?
Oh, yes.
Oh, John, he is fantastic.
Burton is a good, good woman.
I like him.
I like him.
I like him.
I like him.
I like him.
I like him.
I like him.
I like him.
I like him.
I like him.
kind of what a guy to have in that court.
He wouldn't be like Potter Stewart, who came down here pretty clean, nice little ball from Ohio, and goes out to Georgetown, and his wife loves the parties and the rest, and then comes the big case and the Times case, and he goes to pieces.
This is no Potter Stewart.
I quite agree with you.
I know Berg back in the West Virginia before I ever met him.
That's why he's quite a family down there.
There's all different branches of it.
That's right.
other than good Democrats in the country will think it's scary for your son.
They won't make a difference.
Well, what were the powers saying?
Were they just flat-out disapproving?
The office said, I think that you'd have an uprising all around because this fellow here is never having a practice of law.
None whatsoever.
You said, no.
I tell you, he went to law school and he was in the Senate.
He went to law school and he was in the Senate.
He went to law school and he was in the Senate.
He went to law school and he was in the Senate.
He went to law school and he was in the Senate.
He went to law school and he was in the Senate.
He went to law school and he was in the Senate.
He went to law school and he was in the Senate.
He went to law school and he was in the Senate.
Yes, he was in the U.S. Attorney's Office for four years, I think it was.
The U.S. Attorney, compared with being in the United States Senate, which is the practice of law?
Mr. President, I agree with you completely.
I don't like the way all your dark layers are inbred, just like doctors in the room today.
I quite agree with that, too.
Getting less respect for him every day is a deal with a partner.
Yeah.
Well, throw his name in at the bottom, will you?
All right.
He says, man, an enormous character has his name in the bar, should be considered.
It would be funky to have a guy go up and go through.
I think he would.
I think they would.
I don't think any of them would.
There's one thing I want to point out to you.
If you get started down this road, the pressures are going to mount on you tremendously.
Do I point more centers?
No, to a point bird.
Regardless of what the bar says or regardless of what the public says or regardless of what anybody says.
Point bird?
Bird.
If you get started down this road, you'll have tremendous pressures to go ahead with.
No turn back?
That's about it.
Yeah, well, sorry.
Well, I like him.
I like him.
I don't.
I don't like him because of the politics at all.
I don't care about what you're going to see.
I don't care about the Senate.
And I know everybody's going to care.
What's that?
They're going to be hung with the politics.
I guess so.
Do you think anybody else we're not going to get hung with?
Maybe so again Friday.
You're going to go, well, that's a drama call.
Call that this morning.
Down that same road, is Howard Baker any kind of a possibility?
Howard Baker is a possibility, but I would hate to take Howard Baker out of that Tennessee Senate race for your political posture.
I would call him a soaring fox.
I recognize Howard Baker as just among his sons.
He was up here all afternoon yesterday.
Baker or Fox?
Both of them were.
He'd be a damn good, he'd be impressive at close range.
He'd be a hard hitter.
Yeah, hard hitter.
Very good judgment.
The thing is, is with Dunn, Dunn could appoint a successor.
Maybe Kuykendall.
Kuykendall could carry that suit.
No.
No, because Kuykendall is all, not this Howard, of course, which is always sitting in the middle.
You're right, you're right.
Howard's had a lot more practice of law than any of the rest of them.
Howard has a few problems, of course, as you know.
And would you make a political statement before what?
Well, he seems to be coming on pretty strong down there.
Does he?
Yeah.
Well, is that called a politician?
He is, and I guess he's done his homework.
He's been back in that state running around it and all over it.
Well, you never know where it's going to end.
You've got to like to see what will happen.
All right, but I tell you that if you get started down that road, you may have some tremendous pressures out of that Senate.
We can just not say no to that song.
We can say no because the bar turned into a banana bar.
I don't mind a bar game, but...
You've got a couple other good names.
Maybe one of them will turn up sometime.
I think Friday is going to work pretty good.
Tomorrow, tomorrow I'll get into it.
He's been in here yesterday and today.
They're doing the tax returns and the net worth statement and so forth.
Is he a really successful lawyer?
They have the ADA.
Berger, right?
Berger, right.
He has the largest law firm in the state.
The most successful one.
He's been on the House of Delegates since 1954.
He's written articles.
He's taught federal practice and so forth.
Yes, because he's represented the Missouri Pacific Red Cross.
He's represented the school board.
He's represented the telephone company and all of the big things in 1949.
And good.
And Arkansas is not considered to be the right wing.
Well, of course, I like that.
Who is the one with the best study?
Clarkson.
Not Johnson.
You mean Coleman?
Johnson.
No, I don't know if we need to buy too much more of that.
Good.
I have seen the problem, but I have not recognized that you raise your people, apparently, that we just, wherever we can, that if we open the big here, then we'll have one on women's living, and the gigantic beaches, and through the other banks of the Constitution, shouldn't be cluttered up on the California State Constitution with such crap.
Well, it's cluttered up, but we can't much of it now.
It is, are we, however, looking at a situation where
the train's going to go, whether we get on or not, and that we're just going to be left at the station.
I don't know.
That's the problem.
And that is the problem, that you will be confronted with a choice on this.
He's gone, isn't he?
Well, what is... Is it a decent event?
What is more important, more eminent, is the fact that Howard Baker has a commitment from Jim Eastland to hold hearings on a constitutional amendment when Baker wants to go.
And I've held Baker off, suggesting that they give us a little time to see what position we want to take, because
You said you're going to have a confrontation on whether you support a constitutional amendment or not unless we take it completely off the track.
And I'm not sure we can unless we can come up with some viable alternatives.
And the viable alternatives are rather limited insofar as your leadership in this area is concerned.
And that's really what's necessary from your point of view is your leadership.
The one possibility, of course we can go down the line of more active litigation and intervention and all the rest of this, but this doesn't give you the concise, hard decision of leadership that something will be done because it will be a piecemeal basis for the courts forever.
The other alternative is the possibility of drafting some legislation
that might put this in the proper direction under Section 5 of the 14th Amendment.
This has a lot of nuances to it, but if we could get at this like they have in the past and where the courts of wiretapping is one situation,
some of the exclusionary rules of evidence and so forth.
If we could structure this where we have a good hard position to limit the implementation of the 14th Amendment in this area, we would not be screwing up the Constitution, and we would have an affirmative position that you would be taking.
And we've got some people looking at this to see if we can make it a clear-cut matter
where you can come out and this legislation would be the resolution of the problem we have with the busing and racial balance and all the rest of that.
The headcount we have on a crash basis yesterday indicates that a constitutional amendment will not pass.
So that it's a question of whether you have to take a position during the eastern hearings, for instance, or whether we could finesse it.
and come up with some other alternative.
The constitutional amendment route is a tough one for you to go because there are about 20 different versions.
Everybody's got a bill for a constitutional amendment on buses.
Yeah, the extent to which you would go there of course is the hard one where you limit it right down to a neighborhood school and then there's the freedom of choice and then there's the
reasonableness, doctrine, and you go on and on down the line.
Freedom of choice is the answer.
Should have been more of that in the first, in the first and second.
I mean, old government's right.
You know, this is what I was asking to this education.
Senator, if we get the federal government into the finance of primary and secondary education, in effect, we give a kid a passport, he can go to any damn school he wants to go to.
And that forecloses the question, plus he gets around to increasing balance.
But you have to buy into that game.
It takes a lot of money to buy into it, and that's the thing we're looking at.
So, um, we may be able to finance the factory.
Yes, sir.
The new tax program, the property tax program.
You get a passport to education, and you say, go to any school you want.
Go to the suburb, you go downtown, you go anywhere.
That political alliance doesn't make no difference anymore because we don't finance along those political alliances.
And you've got to have the receptiveness, though, on the part of the school districts to take these kids in.
Only if, only if they're the ones raising the money.
If that kid brings the money with him for a capital basis, then they don't have a kick.
Yeah, they don't have a kick, but you still can't force them to take it.
Well, how can you?
You can by saying, here's $20 billion for education.
You don't get any of it unless you sign up for it under our rules.
Yeah, and then this would be the...
I mean, the kicker, but for Christ almighty, John.
Yeah, but here we're forcing integration through the federal government.
No, it's not by choice that they don't get any money unless they open up their schools to the black kids.
They don't force black kids to come in and test their voices.
It's strictly freedom of choice, people.
That's the point.
Yeah, they have to open up to freedom.
Yeah, but they have to open up to this freedom of choice.
That's right.
So that the black kids can come in.
That's right.
And they don't want them in there.
So you are forcing them to agree.
No, this is the same thing as the House.
What do you mean by freedom of choice?
Freedom of choice is what was structured in the South.
A kid can go into any school in the school district.
Well, let me try to get out of the way of this.
We say that, first, at the present time, it isn't enough for me to simply continue to remain and stay behind against Bussing.
That's quite clear.
I'm trying to find where I'm going to stay a few more.
That's absolutely correct.
Second, we've got to be more sensitive.
If we can't do the constitutional matter right, then I realize that this may not be responsible.
Oh, John, let me say, don't let any of this happen.
Don't rule it out.
I believe you.
I believe you.
I believe you.
I think this is so dead wrong.
I think all the integration is wrong.
After reading the Fraser article and also the Hersey, Judy Hersey speech, I don't know.
Well, I'm going to try.
We shouldn't rule that out.
Anyway, it's there, isn't it?
The whole Coleman theory is not very, very much in question.
I just think it is.
I mean, I'm speaking not in education.
I prefer to do the legislative room than we can.
In other words, it's the reverse of what we did in the East.
Now, yes, yes, it is a reverse.
Now, we want to go legislative.
We want to go constitutional.
If we could go legislative, it would be better.
But do something.
That's the main thing.
It isn't enough just to do something on a big crime.
I hope you do that.
I just want to make a loud decision against busing, period.
And that's the way it should be.
No, not for criminal busing.
It's required for crime against busing.
What about the courts?
The courts do not require busing.
Chief Justice said something.
He said that the courts do not require any problems.
They offer it as a method that can't be used if necessary.
I am against busting.
I am for taking on the truth.
He's got to say it.
Well, if you can agree that this thing of constitutional amendments has a lot of hazards in it for you, well, we can go variously after this legislative route that John has.
And you make the argument that this is more immediate.
Yeah, right.
You don't have to wait for the state, right?
I haven't even heard it wasn't.
You could make the argument, probably do in the northern states, to ratify the Constitution of America, where here we can get congressional action to go.
I'm not so certain the northern states are going to say that.
Michigan will ratify it.
Massachusetts will ratify it.
California will ratify it.
I'm not going to say Washington will.
Well, if you have a bussing problem, there's a certain number of neighbors in Washington, D.C.
Okay.
If you, and to the extent that they have them, we just had a case in October by the Superior Court, and a friend of mine was the judge.
He said, which way did the judge go?
Against bussing.
He went against bussing.
Good.
Very strong.
Very strong.
We better get him on there.
He loves being on the list.
He's got to get him to the fire.
He's got to get him to the fire.
He's got to get him to the fire.
He's got to get him to the fire.
He's got to get him to the fire.
got in, you know, she had a little black one, he said, I'm discriminated against the whites, and he knocked it over.
Good, and so, they're having a problem up there, and I just think it's very popular.
Is that fair enough, then?
And what's the essence of the work that you're doing?
Maybe we can, if we come up with a good proposition, we may be able to get Baker and Brock and the rest of them to come with us.
I have a very significant announcement I'm going to make on Tuesday.
I don't want to
It can't be Wednesday, and it can't be Monday.
Yes, it could be.
Monday it could be, but we can't be ready then.
No, we can be ready by Wednesday, I believe, or any time they're after us.
Well, that's all right.
Could we say that I'd like to have it by, could we do it for maybe next Thursday?
I think we can accommodate that.
Or Friday.
Friday's better.
I believe either day because we have Friday in here now.
We have Lily coming in here Monday for the background check and so forth.
If you happen to be late, be sure to meet Chief Justice.
You don't want to.
Well, no, it's going to be a very grave shock to him and whoever...
I would think it would be better to just invite him at the time we're sending him up.
He is sitting and dying.
He's coming maybe twice a day, you know, and I go all around the barn.
I'm just going around the bar.
Well, he'll be a good sport.
Is there anyone there at the bar?
Not yet.
We're going to send them up to yoga.
Well, we wouldn't ask for either.
We are writing a little through life's gifts.
I would believe both of them would.
Lily, what about her?
How many years has she been in the court?
Twenty-five in various courts.
That's not too bad a job.
Including the appellate court in the state of California.
They say that she hasn't done a supreme court in the state of California.
Has any woman?
No.
We've got a hell of a case for the poor woman.
She's a person of service.
That's too bad.
I would, as we mentioned the last time, Mr. President, send these two names up along with some of those southern circuit court judges.
And if you want Bird to go up with them, put Bird in.
Put Bird in, absolutely.
And also Sylvia.
Sylvia Bacon.
We've been talking about that.
I prefer her.
I don't know her well, but she concerns me about her.
She went to Bassett.
Well, we don't have, we don't have the track record on Sylvia Bacon and the kind of civil liberties feel that we have on this, this Lily.
Do you think she's all right on civil liberties?
Really?
Oh, yes.
No, no, she's had 2,000 opinions and some of them get into this area out there.
Right with this, uh,
As close about as hard-nosed as anybody I know of, Sussex has been through her opinions and has come out.
There's no question about it, but what the hell do you get out of that politically?
It'd be a great appointment, but why...
If you like.
Yeah.
All right.
First of all, you want to solve away a guy that would be out of court for 30 years as a rock solid conservative.
He's it.
Yeah.
But you don't buy any, you don't, he isn't a woman, he isn't a southerner, he isn't any of those other guys.
It takes too long.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
I think maybe the way it has to happen is if you would comment on it, I'd better sit down and talk about this Justice Treasury bug, you know.
It's a bad thing, apparently.
It's kind of like the Saturday night specials right now.
I might be asked about that too soon, I'm sure.
And did you know that I have a bug that I'm sure a lot of people need to keep an eye on?
Apparently on that one.
Again, the problem in that case, I guess, is Sturgeon's right.
They have the lead on that.
They have the lead on that.
But, in general, it's not your fault, Justice Sturgeon.
This drug thing has come up all over again.
The drug thing.
And I want to tell you, this Ambrose and those CDs really play this game hard.
They're a smart little, comfortable...
I am on the line.
I'd like to say, can I ask, is the best way to handle this for you and Connelly and I?
Why don't Connelly and I take a run at it?
Why don't you get involved?
My tractor.
My tractor.
Could you do that?
Could you raise it with John and say, look, we've got this problem.
He's new at the beginning.
He's a good boy in town.
He's in some type of possibility.
Did you see him?
His little boys are quite terrible boys.
It's a terrible thing.
And it always happens.
It always happens.
On this Saturday night special thing, one of the reasons that this is dragged on so is nobody's wanted to offend the gun lobby.
But on Saturday night specials, I don't think it happens.
Well, it has until the educational process has come along.
You know what?
Six weeks ago, Dick Planky told me that that was state care.
Well, it's not like I came through receiving one.
I had to post that if it's open to another group of volunteer people around, I'm going to support you.
And I said, look, there's everything.
We just got to have something on that.
And he said, we'll support you.
It's only been recently.
It's been six weeks.
That was six weeks ago.
Because I sent the president a memo about that time on it.
Because he asked what the hell was happening.
He said, we can take that.
I said, look, I'm all four-eared rifles, shooting arms and all the other things, but
We've just got to have this kind of done.
You know, they say they take it, and then you get to the definition of what a Saturday night special is, and that's where they get it.
Sure, that's the problem.
And they've been working on it for a year.
All right, Grant.
And I haven't approached back right along, and I know he's been right there, guys, but we have an indication of you.
Don't you think it would be good if you sat in on that?
I'd be glad to, but he's here.
Are you the best one to say it?
I think we ought to make a run out of it with John and I and see how we come out of it.
It may come to the point where you know he's getting it.
information from his stand?
He is, no question.
I know it.
Because I talked to Vidal Rossi, he's a proper friend, and he says he's getting the horse, he knows.
Oh, that's a strong man.
Yeah.
Vidal Rossi, he's a fun and great quarterback.
Yeah, of course.
And he's a real competitor in this turf, I think, doesn't seem like he's an open fighter.
But we've just got to, we've got to find a formula, and when it comes down to where Crowe is on this,
Is it wrong to have law enforcement in both departments?
It just doesn't work.
And he's on me on that, and I'm saying to him, look, that's not realistic.
We just can't, we just can't move that.
I know there are things to do about it, but it should not be in the Treasury.
The Treasury should have a secret service.
Well, frankly, the problem is that John has had to leave on all these things.
As soon as John Connolly got in place, one of those easiers went up and he said, hot dog, we got a wheeler and dealer over here now.
Well, in addition to that, you know, as soon as the president appointed this Roger Council,
He said, oh, all the rules are off now.
We can go our own way.
It had nothing to do with it, of course.
But, see, that's the director's own.
They're the only people in the world.
And so it's a little nerve-wracking game that's going on.
I think you and John can get it straight.
I would hope so, because... Don't bother him today.
I'm on my way to work.
And I'd like to...
He heard he was there.
Russell was here.
He said, son, you had some birds.
He didn't say anything.
But I think if you need something, I'm sure you can actually sit down and say, we've got a lot of things.
And I said, look, we've got to work it out.
Yeah.
It's very timely because there's a direct confrontation that's come up with the letter that Ingersoll sent to Ambrose that documents all the things that they've done wrong in the last...
When I first went into Crow in the last few days and said I quit...
He said, I'm going out of here.
He's living in customs.
He's a big, big, tough customs guy.
He's been leaving anyway.
I know.
But he said, I'm going to, when I go, he says, I'm going to take Ingersoll with me.
He says, I'm going to send that devil in, Chris.
So we are right at the cross.
He's John's guy from Russia.
The bad blood there is incredible.
What was his complaint about him?
I didn't get into it.
All right, I'll pick it up.
I don't know what it was.
Mr. President.
Two other quick things if you have another moment here.
We have those tapes and logs and so forth over in Marty and's safe on that background investigation wiretapping we did on Kissinger's staff and the papermen and so forth.
Hoover, those were given to Marty and by Sullivan before he left.
We have all the FBI's copies, too.
Uh, Hoover is tearing the place up over there trying to get out.
And, uh, of course the defense is that Martian, Martian has him because you directed him to have him.
The question is, should we get him out of Martian's office before Hoover blows the safe?
Or, and bring him over here and put him in John's custody?
in John's custody, which I think would be the appropriate thing to do because they're part of the overall investigation of the Pentagon Papers and this whole mess.
My impression of Dr. Martin is that Hoover feels very insecure without having his own copy of those things because, of course, that gives him leverage with Mitchell and with you.
And because they're illegal.
Now, he doesn't have any copies, and he has agents all over this town interrogating people, trying to find out where they are.
He's got Martin's building under surveillance.
No, see, we got him.
Solve it.
Sneak him out to Martin.
But why the hell could he have a copy, too?
If he does, he'll beat you over the head with it.
Oh.
I think that it's very well structured where it is, but the crunch is that they shouldn't be in Martian's hands because he would suspect what Martian might do with him vis-a-vis Hoover.
Well, Hoover won't come and talk to me about it.
He's just got his Gestapo all over the place.
If he does, I'm just going to say they're over here.
Who would do this?
You would have to put him in a special seat.
I've got a place I can put him.
But can you tell Hoover?
No.
I would say that we don't tell Hoover anything.
If Hoover comes to John, which is what Marty's been telling him to do, then John can say the president has.
Mr. President, Mr. Hoover is tearing up that damn place over there.
And we have, as I know, it's a difficult problem.
But I want to tell you that I've got to get him straightened out, which may lead to a hell of a confrontation unless we find another way.
Because he has practically shut off Martin from the Bureau.
And I don't know how we go about it, whether we reconsider Mr. Hoover and his exit, or whether I just have to bear down on him, lead to a confrontation, or what... Well, as I told you, I'm sorry.
Thank you.
Just whenever you think it's right, you've got to get re-elected.
You think that my presence is right.
That's a pretty nice way of saying it.
I have a lot of support.
I hope it's true.
The other time, I think it's the other time.
I think it's the other time.
Shall I go ahead with this confrontation, then, on this availability of the agents and their material and the security of the service?
Sure.
I think you should.
And then, well, I'll set you up to buy.
I will entertain the line, then, if we have to do it.
There are some problems in it.
I mean, the day Hooper goes, he goes out.
You see, it's like all these people that say, well, they only have Agnew.
Change.
And certainly every poll shows that Agnew at the present time would be a lot more important than NASA.
But we know that Agnew can't live that way unless he does.
He can't do it.
And the same is true of Hooper.
If I fire Hoover, do you think we've got enough rights in the right now?
Yes, we've got enough rights in Detroit.
Andrew Hoover has got to go.
If he does go, he's got to go for his own volition.
That's what we've been down to, and that's why we're in all the problems at the present time.
I don't think, John, I think we'll stay 100 years old.
He loves it.
Yeah, I think he's just, he feels he's buried there in mortality.
The way he's handling that department, this stuff's going to break.
Yeah, well, can I, can we do, I'm willing to fight it, but I don't.
You see, I think we've got to avoid a situation where he can live with the blacks.
I don't think he's patriotic.
He knows very well.
Well, he's not going to bless for us, but I'm.
On the other hand, we just can't let him go out of there remotely.
What do you want me to do?
I'll play the game to get him in here.
Do you feel that he will not take the scenario that we talked about with the big hurrah on January 1st, Thursday, with somebody in there in the meantime?
I'm sorry, but I'm all around with him.
I just think it might be better to do that.
trying to start at the other end.
We just couldn't run the rest of the election.
Maybe we ought to let some of these Indians loose over there and start tearing them up a little bit.
Well, maybe a friend of his and the press ought to write that.
They've got the guts to do it.
I've hit Wilson with people like that, who were off to do this, and repeated his career.
In other words, it's like, including Gary and all the great guys, you know, Bob Collard, the ones that you remember, the ones that tell
Is there any such person that's that close to Hoover?
I wonder if Deloach could go and talk to him.
There's that blood there, I'm told, isn't there?
by a dick for a minute.
I'm trying.
He's been on the poster for 30 years.
I don't know about the old handlers, the old servants.
Why not the old servants?
That's a new divide.
They've always used to be.
And he just ought to get on.
And maybe John.
But in the meantime, I think John ought to have a little competition.
What do you think, sir?
You start it.
You start it.
And then maybe I have a set of answers.
Watch this game.
You can go over there and they just don't have this background
Thank you very much, John.
Have a good day, Dorian.
Yes, sir.
You too.
Thanks.
Appreciate your contact.