On October 28, 1971, President Richard M. Nixon, Josip Broz Tito, Lijana Tambaca, Alexander Akalovsky, Ronald L. Ziegler, Ronald L. Ziegler, Vidoje Zarkovic, Henry A. Kissinger, and Stephen B. Bull met in the Oval Office of the White House from 11:23 am to 12:45 pm. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 605-009 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
Nice to see you again.
Do you like to use the washroom a minute before you go?
You've got a long drive today.
Thank you.
Were you a candidate for the president?
President.
President.
President.
President.
President.
President.
President.
President.
President.
President.
President.
President.
President.
Mr. President.
Well, if we would sit here, Mr. President, they want to take a picture.
You sit there.
Mr. President.
Yeah.
Hello.
I remember you.
It's not so hard.
Yes, but I was, uh... What do you say?
I thought she... Oh, yes.
Yes.
Oh.
Yes, sir.
Oh, yes, sir.
No, no.
No, no.
I'll be back in a minute.
Better now.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Yes, yes, yes.
How are you?
Yeah, yeah, I thought.
Where each, uh, member of the traveling press we've got on our heads, we usually just sign a bill and then give it to the Congresswoman and then they get it.
So, we give it to the White House press and so you get one.
Yes, sir.
Oh, I'll get it.
I know you want it.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
We've got lunch at State Department one o'clock, right in line.
There you go.
We can run here.
Do you want to go after, after you leave here, would you like to go over to Blair House before going to lunch?
Do you like to do that?
Oh, yeah.
All right.
Good to see you.
That's why I came through.
Nice.
You were there with Dr. Kissinger?
Nice.
Yeah.
I know.
Oh, you had me.
I'm glad to see you.
I'm glad to see you.
Good to see you.
Yeah.
What we will do, Mr. President, today, why don't we run 20 minutes to 1.
That'll give you 10 minutes to go to the warehouse and get laid out.
And that gives us over an hour or 10 minutes.
And then we will, uh, then we will tomorrow, when you have our, uh, we have our second time, it will take, it will take another hour then, so we can... We know, we know.
Also, we will be sitting together tonight at the table, at the dinner table.
Oh, so you and I?
You and I together, and then our wives on either side.
And we can talk there, so that our interpreters...
Yes, he said...
It's a matter of fact that we could have... We don't want to take one.
We don't want to take one.
So you can interpret if you want.
That's just how it is.
All right.
He's left me very many... Yeah.
We talked about some of those things.
Do you remember we talked about Shanna?
And the need for, you know, a human-handed policy to oppose Shanna.
And we had a meeting from there in the U.S.
I watched some of the news and then various visits to the U.S.
But you have to see that then you have to, you have to have your title.
And I was in the first place in the job, and then I was in the title.
But the other thing was that with many people, with the doctors and the people, it was, in the first place, I mean, of course, you know, my shareholder, the one, no,
Oh, oh, you're not.
Oh, you're not.
You're not.
You're not.
You're not.
You're not.
That's fairly typical problem in the abacus.
It will always be a problem.
Pretend and pretend you're talking to Max.
He's up there.
Hey, Max, turn his light on, man.
He's dead in the morning.
We can always see each other.
I don't know how he's up there.
He's in the room.
Thank you very much.
That's the little cross.
In all the talks that the President's having now, all the questions he spoke to, it leaves a situation between India and Afghanistan in Syria, and that all areas have to be done in order to create a union between the two.
And in that sense, the pressure of being both in India and on the President, particularly, who was detecting the situation as well.
Okay, how do you know where to put that one?
This is what you've got to watch.
What we will do here is...
so that we can feel free to talk as we want.
You make notes, right?
Do you make your notes available in other words to
So he has full control of what we have.
And then any of you, you make any kind of note you want.
You know, it's perfectly fine.
No, no, it's okay.
It's okay.
Yes, please.
We will not put, when we have a talk between the two, we will make it, we will make it ready for you.
We do not put it in the bureaucracy.
So we can talk about it.
Now, uh, uh, uh...
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and then they have flagging them all the time.
Gentlemen, let me ask you a question.
Did President T.O.C., did you see Mrs. Gandhi, actor, Jallianthi?
I'm sorry, I can't remember.
I'm sorry, I can't remember.
I'm sorry, I can't remember.
I'm sorry, I can't remember.
I'm sorry, I can't remember.
The President told me at the account that it was his commission that the question of the problem of East Pakistan was an internal affair of Pakistan and not a problem between India and Pakistan.
This problem had a political and an economic aspect.
The President did not visit East Pakistan two or three years ago.
Oh, dear.
And the leaders in East Pakistan were not satisfied at all with the policy of Pakistan.
Because all the items produced were going to West Pakistan and East Pakistan, where it is produced, didn't see very much of it.
So there was quite a widespread dissatisfaction in East Pakistan at that time.
And this is such also because of the fact that military people were counted in Pakistan as the whole of Pakistan.
And the governments that were being sent from West Pakistan were sometimes treated so as a population.
I am very happy to be here today, because I think it is very important for us to be able to make decisions.
I am very happy to be here today, because I am very happy to be here today, because I am very happy to be here today, because I am very happy to be here today, because I am very happy to be here today, because I am very happy to be here today, because I am very happy to be here today,
I had to go to the police station, and I had to go to the police station, and I had to go to the police station.
President Hitler told him about all the things he wanted to do.
He made a brief understanding of what he heard there and about his idea that the point he made in Atlanta for about three years before that was not the right one.
Now, you can count on certain that he tried to do the best that he allowed the actions to take place that he had chosen.
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He told the Archdeacon that he had given the money to all the refugees in Pakistan.
He said that he had saved 2 million, but he didn't count the rest of the refugees.
He said that the Archdeacon had saved 2 million, but he didn't count the others.
After that, I found a blanket.
That was all that happened in between.
And now, lately, it's broken and amnesty.
But here is the blanket.
Here comes the broken blanket.
And it's only two meters that you need.
Or two meters that you can fly.
He's much better.
Whereas the double blanket is nine and a half meters.
Because he counts only one person.
He never counts any other religion.
He's much better.
He's better.
He's the best here.
The broken blanket is the best one.
It's worth about $40,000.
Yes, it is.
Well, I'd like to thank you very much.
You're welcome.
Thank you.
The British have said that India has allowed them to come back to Pakistan.
Now Mrs. Garvey says we have too many people of our own.
I will be very glad to have them out.
She is not able to stand this for much longer.
The problem is that in India, we have heard that 5 million people die every time after the earthquake.
India has allowed and consented to international supervision of the border countries.
Now in India, they don't have to let Pakistan work it as humanly possible on the Indian side, but not on the German side.
I would have told you earlier that I absolutely don't want to be involved in a conflict.
I don't understand the world.
We have a lot of unresolved problems in the army that have just started to be solved.
If you start something new, it will be something that we will never be able to solve.
I would have told you earlier that I don't want to be involved.
Anyway, because so many of them are dead in the world, some of them are on the way to self-solution, it would be tragic indeed to let another one come up here.
Oh, yes, I think your attention was mostly to the first students that came back often.
Yes, we had people killed.
He said it was Indian propaganda.
Yes, I told him, but I couldn't tell him what to do.
I told him that we had a lot to do in Slavist.
We have a lot of nationalities.
We have 500 nationalities and 6 republics.
We have no development, no better development.
And we decided that this is the best way to help those who have lost their lives.
And this is a very important issue of political extremism.
But then, obviously, he wanted to have the idea of what he had to do and how to start from it.
And he told him what he didn't even know he had to do.
He said, well, here's the problem.
We'll buy the shenanigans and fix the public, and parts of the country will be better and the next better.
And we'll try to assure the development of the next developed parts of the country and the expense of it.
because his incognito problem had never done a political intercussion.
He has to be aware of that.
He left him very happily and had the impression that he was taking it over.
I can tell you that the Prime Minister is a very serious person, but he will have another talk, and the situation will turn out to be tense.
But he had tried to influence them in the sense that the war should be won.
But such a war wouldn't be popular in the world.
But if India would lose, it would stand to lose a lot.
Now, here can be said that she was a person very much against the war, but it was not her that she was against the war.
So that she had to try inside and she, again, is pro-war kind.
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She can't, she can't tell me until the end of the year to be confident.
And troops are being infuriated from both sides of the border.
Mr. President, I would like to thank you on behalf of the American government for making it even more important.
I would like to thank you on behalf of the American government for making it even more important.
I'm sorry.
water pipe house, right?
He, he, he, he, he, he, he, he, he, he, he, he, he, he, he,
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I think it is helpful that the President has talked to both sides.
The impression that the Indians are all right and the Pakistanis are all wrong is not true.
And it's also not true that the Pakistanis are all right and the Indians are all wrong.
This is a problem that goes far beyond refugees.
It's a problem of hatreds that will never be solved.
The main thing is, as the President has emphasized, we must avoid a war there, because this war, if it should come, will not be won in the past.
If a war should come,
Uh, for example, uh, China cannot stand by and let Pakistan go down.
Uh, in my opinion.
And, uh, you mean, uh, Chinese, uh, Chinese, uh, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they, they,
who have cast their lot on China.
It looks like they're going to lose to India, which they would if nobody intervened.
China sits there.
Now, by the same token, the Soviet Union is very important, because the Soviet Union has great influence in India.
Now, as far as we are concerned,
I should emphasize that on the refugee side, we have done three times as much as all the rest of the international community put together.
We don't complain about that, about what we're doing.
We do think others should know, too.
And second, we're prepared to do more.
I've asked the Congress for $250 million for refugees, and we'll do everything on the refugee side.
I think it would be useful if
The idea would allow a U.N. team to come in to maybe at that point supervise the distribution of some of the refugee schools and so forth.
But at the present time, it seems that
We can only follow two courses, and the President has followed one.
We are going to do one.
I assure the President, we will do everything we can on the refugee subject, all the money that we can.
And we'll try to get other nations to do more.
Other nations have talked a great deal.
The European nations have talked a great deal and done very little compared to other countries.
Now, the second part is...
As far as our influence is concerned, we will use it as we hope and believe the Soviet Union will use it to try to get both sides to avoid a war.
But in such a war, they'll all lose.
And if such a war comes, there is a danger.
As I've indicated, it will spread.
Great.
Yes.
Yes.
I would say that Dr. Kissinger, of course, without going into his talks, would probably agree that the
The Chinese cannot stand by if Pakistan is attacked.
So all of us must work to restrain both India and Pakistan.
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Well, it must be made clear to both sides that the temper of the United States is such that it will be very helpful.
But if they go to war, forget it.
There won't be any.
No.
That's okay.
Because the Soviet Union has great influence.
The Soviet Union has great influence.
The Soviet Union has great influence.
The Soviet Union has great influence.
The Soviet Union has great influence.
The Soviet Union has great influence.
The Soviet Union has great influence.
I have to say that I have always been interested in women.
I have always been interested in women.
I have always been interested in women.
I have always been interested in women.
I have always been interested in women.
I have always been interested in women.
I have always been interested in women.
The President inquired that any idea had the duty to talk with Mr. President about his agreement or friendship between India and the Soviet Union, whether it was for the military effect, on that which, in case of a war, the Soviet Union would provide assistance, and so on.
In those times, though, it was enough to put an end to the conflict between India and one country and co-operation.
And you're going to ask the President to come here and address that to you?
Yes, of course.
The President said it was not military registration.
Because President Obama and Ms. Scania also, however they believe, would affect the opinion of, you know, the group of Northern Ireland countries.
Now she said, well, it's not that in opposition at all, you know, it's known there is an impact.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
It has no military components.
It was part of the war.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
This film was shot in Yugoslavia.
The president knew that Yugoslavia was in the right combination.
Yugoslavia was in the wrong, and so on.
I told him that I was going to be in Yugoslavia four times.
I told him that I wasn't going to be there.
I told him that I wasn't going to be there.
The whole concept of the document that should be brought, the irony of that document, lies in that concept, which we have not yet made, our concept, which says that it absolutely does not come under the regional guidelines and the independence of Yugoslavia, that it remains on those principles that we brought during the fall of 1955 and the fall of 1956 in Moscow.
Yes, but this is not what we decided to do.
There had been a lot of contest work around about his visit, about the fact that Yugoslavia was fractured and so on.
Now, when Derton came, he brought with him the draft, the draft of documents, which is no draft at all, and in this draft, the Soviet draft, it was already very clearly stated that the sovereignty and independence of Yugoslavia were not in question at all, and that the principles which had been stated in the Declaration of Independence were still valid and confirmed.
As far as I'm concerned, the formulation was that the two sovereign states, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, should put their relations on the same level.
That was the formulation.
So, after that, was it that the Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union were too sovereign, that any such were going to arrange them to the British?
Yes, the Soviet Union was absolutely not going to do anything to the British.
They were proud of themselves.
They were proud of themselves.
And you also stated that Yugoslavia
Yes, sir?
Do you believe, Mr. President, that that expense is beyond your responsibility?
In other words, that we read in our press, you know, some of the things that the Russian doctor has been saying, or is it just people who spot out on this?
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and that's why your party is so strong, because you believe in all of these things.
But they are talking about authority.
They are saying that they don't know, they don't know, they don't know, they don't know, they don't know, they don't know, they don't know.
I didn't understand what you said, but I wanted to know if Yugoslavia is not part of your country, if it is not part of your country at all, and if it is part of your country at all.
And the general clause, clause is binding all the temptations within to be expected.
And in that sense, there is a term, limitation of sovereignty.
Now, what you might have been told here is that Borgostachia is not in any sense, and it is actually intent, to be entirely stopped by the tentative tentative.
And we understand that there was a mission in Taiwan.
This is a blue gate.
Now, from the 30th century, for more than a million weeks,
But still, there is a heavy impression that Soviet Union is going to change its foreign policy, and that maybe it's a bad part of it.
But the whole strategy is getting more and more important in the Soviet Union.
I mean, their position is stronger now.
It's not so much poverty, it's not so much poverty.
It's more than one.
It's more than one.
It's more than one.
It's more than one.
And he also said that the Soviet Union wanted as good a relationship as possible with the United States.
Because what he said is that, whatever we wanted or not, that remains that the Soviet Union and the United States are too many partners.
That can't be true.
Thank you very much.
And he said,
What he said has been known to change, it's not to be discussed, and in the past the Soviet Union wouldn't have welcomed at all a visit of the Soviet Union to the United States.
Now, he didn't say a word against this.
He even said that as you are going, he might send you if they want peace, and they want good relations with you.
And they are still talking about it.
They are still talking about it.
They are still talking about it.
They are still talking about it.
They are still talking about it.
They are still talking about it.
Just to...
Does the president believe that the...
the Soviet Union's interest in good relations with the United States is therefore a very pragmatic, practical reason, a recognition of the fact that the two superpowers have regional trust, but to find areas of
of agreement where they can or at least talking where they're going to disagree.
I would like to say that this way of thinking is a practical way of thinking.
It is not the other way around.
It is not the other way around.
It is the other way around.
It is the other way around.
It is the other way around.
It is the other way around.
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and obligations here and then, because they would like to increase the standards of this, to devote more to the service around the world.
That is the main reason they need to do it.
And the recognition for whom?
The Doctores de Sacrilegio de Navarra Juarez.
Such as today, was good impression.
It was never before, never before did they talk so openly.
It was not the first meeting, it was not the first time they talked, but never before they talked like this.
He said to me, what are you going to do?
I said, I'm going to go.
He said to me, what are you going to do?
I would like to point out that we have a different position.
For the first time, our doctrine is a comprehensive, comprehensive, comprehensive, comprehensive, comprehensive, comprehensive, comprehensive, comprehensive,
I think that over a million years ago, the Soviet troops had, on East Germany, Hungary, and on Romania, so much faith and so much opinion that we were not afraid at all of East Europe, that we understood that they had the troops there and the troops had to trade.
On the other side, we were going to have a universal, because we had our troops, and we didn't have that for quite a long time, and we wanted to see what our army was like.
And January was quite absolutely close to the first time we tested how effective our new doctrine, our new system was going to function on combining the activities against the regular army and the Territorians all around the United States.
What is the attitude, Mr. President,
Does the man come up with your relations with the channel?
Is that also a problem?
No, it's not.
I don't know.
I don't know.
When my leaders faced ambassadors, they didn't like it.
They told you that I'd get in, but if you didn't know how, we told them that you were an independent country, that you weren't a good relation.
That's exactly our policy.
Many try to interpret the, for example, the threat to China as being directed against the Soviet Union.
And others believe that any of the Soviet Union, such as we are going to have, is directed against China.
Actually, our interests, the interests of the United States, are served as Pacific power by a new relationship with China.
It's essential in the long run.
And our relations as an Atlantic power are served by
relations with the Soviet Union.
But as the President well knows, there are differences between the Soviet Union.
So we have to be very careful.
He must be careful.
We must be careful.
But I can tell him that we have, for example, our decision to prepare for a trip.
And also, in the talks that I had with Mr. Gromyko preparing for the Soviet summit, we've been absolutely meticulous in
and indicating we're prepared to talk in both cases about the whole range of problems, but that we are not going to engage in any condemnation with one power against the other.
Also, I would emphasize that as we meet with the Soviet Union, we will meet with their leaders,
without any thought of having that be at the expense of the dangers of the Soviet Union in Europe, the smaller countries.
I think one point that the President has mentioned in one of his speeches before he came here, that he has mentioned, and I think he should mention, the fact that the smaller countries have a right to independence and a right
develop their own policies without fear of domination or repression by other countries.
We believe in that.
We believe in that very strongly.
And I can assure the President that in our meetings with the Soviet leaders and all forces with the Chinese leaders, that those meetings will all are, by a matter of promise,
matters like arms control, terror, but it will not be at the expense of other countries.
I don't know what I'm doing.
I don't know what I'm doing.
We know that there is a conflict between the Serbs and the Russians.
We know that the Serbs don't want to go to the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Union wants to know not only that they don't want to go to China, but also that they don't want to go to Mali.
They don't want to go to the Soviet Union.
Thank you very much.
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Now in the confidential talks between the two, now the entrance plan.
Please imagine the status of this plan.
My character... ...is very different from the one in Ukraine.
If I were to go to Russia...
...I would go to... ...Ukrainian state.
I would go to Russia.
I would go to Russia.
I would go to Russia.
and I was interested in how he was going to deal with it.
He was asking about the political situation.
He was telling me that he was going to go to the Republic of Serbia.
He was asking about his channel, Kolakos.
He was saying that he was going to make a private channel, and he was saying that he was going to make a private channel, and he was saying that he was going to make a private channel,
How about that the shortest of the thousand cattle made overnight is close to ten and a half, over just the length of a straight year?
In the case of a political solution of the conflict in the Arab country, and the Israelis find the source behind the concern, the Israelis will then have to propose that the Israelis should withdraw 50 kilometers on the other side, and then that the United Arab Republic will go to war with the Taliban.
So, what do you think of this?
He says that the tragedy of the crime is interpreted in a customary way.
He thinks that in New Year's Eve,
What about his statement that he made after the fact that the United States Republicans had to resort to other means now?
He said that this basis is being, is interrupted in the foreign press.
that he was going to give a new statement for the new year and that in this statement he was going to say that obviously they had to look for other means of solution if President Trump was going to give results.
He didn't say what the means were.
I don't understand what you're trying to say to me.
He said also that he was interested in an improvement of relations with the United States.
Yes, he said that the United States would come.
He didn't reply to some of his letters.
My opinion is that it would be good for America to come to terms with the dialogue a little later.
The dialogue could be more visible not only in America, but also in the world.
This dialogue should not be only on the relation United States-China, but also with the Soviet Union involved in this, to sort of have a more active contact with China.
I have to tell you, Mr. President, he told me, when we were talking, he told me that we would like to stay, that we would like to strengthen ourselves, but that part of the country, that part of the country, I will not buy it, because we want to stay.
You see what he said, Mr. President, that's what he said.
The doctor asked the jurors what about the idea that many of the heads of this religion in Egypt stayed permanently in the Arab country.
Mr. Donnelly, I have a question for you.
so that it is not for us to stay in an ideal of conquering.
So for all days you can try to conclude that there is nothing dreadful.
Stop trying to talk to the demon.
It has not changed much since the President and I talked about it a year ago.
However,
The attitude of the Soviet Union could be very constructive.
We are continuing to use our offices to try to get a dialogue going between the UAR, which really, and of course we are continuing to use all our agencies
troops going.
The main support that they need in Pakistan is an area where conflict breaking out runs the risk of escalation because the two superpowers are both very close together and they run together.
We are aware of that.
The Soviets are aware of that.
I would be less of a candidate if I were not to tell the President that while our goals, our views were saying we want peace in the Mideast tomorrow, we would like to see, as a step toward permanent peace, a temporary move forward on the transition on the Suez problem.
I think, I would say that there is some hard sledding ahead on the negotiating front.
I don't mean that the idea of the situation is hopeless.
I want to be very honest with the President.
I do say, however, that it involves more than simply getting some talking going.
It involves
decisions on the part of both the governments involved and those who support those governments.
We certainly work on our side to try and get some motion going.
SOP needs momentum to break out of the precedent test and
We will continue to try in order to provide lots of peace as far as we can in Israel.
and the most important thing is that
No, we didn't get to hear that.
The President's car is in the basement.
It would be impossible not to say that there is a lot of trouble on the way.
The most important thing is not only to talk to someone, but also to get involved and to find a solution.
We need to listen to the people who need to carry the same amount of money that is being spent on the construction of the city.
Therefore, the situation is not completely hopeless, and if you want to be completely open, think about it.
There is a lot of courage, he says, on the other hand, he wants to show us the right way, and there are certain forces that can be broken on the other side.
I wanted to tell you one more thing, which is very important.
He thinks that he will never be able to get to the other side.
I would like you to go to the Serbian Canal, to the sea, to drink, to have a drink, and to go to the Soviet Union, to the Soviet Union, to go to the Soviet Union.
in the Soviet Union, or in America, or in the Czech Republic, or in the United States, give a guarantee.
The Czech Republic gives a guarantee for them.
If there is no sovereignty, the integrity will not be violated.
If there is no war in the country, if there is no war, the guarantee will not be granted.
If there is no war, the guarantee will not be granted.
I want to repeat from the top, please, again, the idea of the Soviet Union is the following.
About the Soviet Union, the Soviet Union should be reopened once troops are in control, so and so many kilometers, and that this should be a first step after that these giant troops should control further the borders of June 6, 1967, and that once they control those borders, then the United
There'd be no war troops in the U.S.
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He doesn't want to be any mediator.
Any sort of mediator.
He's just telling you what he was told.
Very.
It's very helpful.
We're working toward that goal.
Because he's actually a great interest.
And he's managed to get right off the hook.
People sometimes forget that Yugoslavia is the major Asian power.
It really is.
Well, it's the European power.
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The meeting was short in time, but the general idea is following.
They say that they have a very sort of a not at all interested in taking Jason's position.
Very reluctant.
Good.
But they say, we don't know what people are going to say if, after the end of the year, they go and go and go, if the situation remains that way.
What kind of events are you talking about?
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
It is today, more than ever, faster in our existence than in the past.
Not at all.
Not at all.
There will be more thinking.
But you know that, you know that the data of President Nasratt
NASA was more, he saw these things over, he was more expectant, you see, which was faster, and maybe more dynamic.
But what they had not done, what they had not explored, as I did, is the fact that the Soviet Union is not in charge of this.
And I'll give you the promises on which they put us solidly out of this war.
They're not in charge of this.
They're not in charge of this.
You think NASA's a deeper man than NASA's doctor?
I'm not a doctor.
This is Dr. Eddie Barco, Dookie.
Dookie, is it?
Can anybody hear me?
Yes, wait, wait, wait.
Come along.
Can we do a little bit of a face-to-face?
This one's growing fast.
As long as Sparkle is... Sparkle, is it?
Just move your...flare.
This one.
Hi, Eddie Barco, Dookie.
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So you think that, yes, that he's becoming more and more popular.
He's becoming more and more popular, but the problem is, how long?
Because he was like he had to.
He was what he was.
This flying platform is the main copy of Egypt.
It's not the one who was dead in Egypt.
They do tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They tell us that it is.
They always have good relations with Pakistan, but they just only want the security to be open in the territory of Syria.
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We need to help Pakistan to make a decision.
They are now in a new election.
And many of them are against the government.
We need to help Pakistan to make a decision.
This is the most important thing.
Sir, but India is not all right.
Indeed, India is not all right on the side of India.
Indeed, it's not.
But on the other side of the people again, the east side is happy.
I see.
The President has a budget of $1 billion to supply the warehouse.
I don't know how much it will be worth.
$200,000, sir.
Yes, and it grows.
against the reality and against the situation such as it was in East Pakistan and the solution has to be found.
Today I told you that it was a deterrent here in Pakistan that Pakistan had to found it.
It is not a deterrent.
I told you at a time, Pakistan should be a system that means courage, but the solution has to be found.
And now that I hear that, sir, you are going to go on like that.
The latter can be answered for Chakravarttya only.
It's obvious that he can't find some new leader that would be pro-Provost Pakistanis.
He is not a revolutionary leader.
Now, the worst thing could be... And that answers more of the problem.
They had promised us that this would not happen.
They had promised us that there would be no deaths.
Let me say in terms of our other subject since he has to get to this point.
Secretary Rogers and Peter Susan, my idiotic man, are meeting.
And they have, I have been contracting them both that we want to be as forthcoming as we possibly can on matters of the present that I discussed a year ago and we're working on.
I also understand that there is a discussion to take place with regard to the military cooperation
And I instructed our people in the Defense Department to be cooperative so that the President finds him after he gets reports from his reputations and these meetings that a release matters.
I don't know.
I don't know.
On the other fronts, on the evidential fronts, I also would like to
give the President a brief report when we meet on Saturday, or we may be able to talk tonight, too, early enough, so that he can know what we've made, as to how we evaluate that, and how he's interested in that subject.
And second, I think that our position in regard to these assault and strategic arms implementation talks
That indirectly involves all the countries in Europe, of course, as well as the United States.
And finally, I think I'm more than one of the people who want to discuss the whole problem of Europe and security at length.
Yes, yes.
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It'll be a Saturday, then.
It'll be a good time.
It'll be a good time.
It'll be a good time.
It'll be a good time.
It'll be a good time.
It'll be a good time.
It'll be a good time.
It'll be a good time.
Okay.
It will then be Aisha's that will come to the theater house.
Be sure you take them.
Here you go to Blair House.
It'll take you five minutes.
Or three minutes.
You're going to trust me.
Oh.
There's nothing I can say.
I'll change it for her.
Well, no, but I think you might have.
You have plenty of time.
Because it's taking forever.
I'm going to pick your wife up, too.
Uh-huh.
I think it's easy.
You just go there, and the White House, it's on your head.
You stayed in the White House before, when you were here.
Oh, that's very nice.
It's the house that Truman stayed in.
President Truman stayed there when the White House was being repaired.
For three years, it was the White House.
Now it's the official place.
It's a very simple house with a very nice, very nice view.
And it's so nice to be there.
It's nice to be there.
Did you ride in my cart?
I need somebody to call the gas.
My gas is still not over.
Good, fireplace, good food.
Please, good night.
Good night.
Good night.