On October 30, 1971, President Richard M. Nixon, Josip Broz Tito, Lijana Tambaca, Alexander Akalovsky, Stephen B. Bull, Thelma C. ("Pat") (Ryan) Nixon, and Emil ("Bus") Mosbacher, Jr. met in the Oval Office of the White House from 10:05 am to 11:12 am. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 609-007 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
Glad to have you here again.
Good morning.
Good morning.
Good morning.
Good morning.
Good morning.
Where is our...
You see the mark of this rope is sealed there and there.
That's the special mark of the rope.
And here it is.
I have it made of the tongue of my shoe.
Vi har vissit i dag.
Og i stedet var det større vissit i dag.
Og i stedet var det større vissit i dag.
Og i stedet var det større vissit i dag.
Og i stedet var det større vissit i dag.
Og i stedet var det større vissit i dag.
They may be much more difficult to work, to write and communicate when we go to Moscow.
Another thing about that is that we have to have a Washington office.
The president's people have satisfactory talks with the economic and military.
That's a sad thing to me.
That's one of the bad ones.
It's one of the bad ones.
It's not the way.
Akko kristallorne, tomo.
Gjerne akko akko ea, tomo.
Ea, ea, akko ea, akko ea, akko ea, akko ea, akko ea, akko ea, akko ea, akko ea,
So we know, I know what it was, I mean, what it was, I'm just here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here, I'm here.
We're working on that for what we call a domestic conference.
We're for special treatment, but it will come pretty soon.
The problem, Mr. President, is not only that
With Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Japan.
The U.S. there is a problem.
The other countries, no problem.
We have to work.
We will work something out.
Secretary Connolly will be back from Japan in ten days.
And we then will have, I think, a recommendation.
We care, but we have this very much in mind.
Takk.
Takk.
Takk.
Takk.
Takk.
Takk.
Takk.
Takk.
...over her, the black house.
...over her, the black house.
...over her, the black house.
...over her, the black house.
The president knows that there is a difficulty in working out a trading arrangement with a socialist country, because you do not have the private corporations, so the transactions must be...
...special account.
But Yugoslavia, is it my example?
That's right, because Yugoslavia has set up a problem.
For example, when I was talking to Chichester, he said, why can't we have the same American investment in Romania as Yugoslavia?
I said...
Well, the problem is that your system is different.
I think the president could influence some of his other Eastern European neighbors in looking at the Yugoslavia and developing along that line.
It stands for a greatly increased investment in trade.
Hvilke karakteristik har vi her?
Nei, vi har inga karakteristik, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har inga karakteristik, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen.
Nei, vi har ingen
the intricacies of the international investment, and the president knows this, and it would be helpful.
We want to help you test it, but we can't do it.
Unless he sets it up, there's no way to do that.
Yes, that's right.
Yes, that's right.
I think I should say to the president, since we are, just the two of us here, some very frank thoughts about our attitude toward the Soviet Union.
And also I want to tell him our attitude toward finishing Vietnam.
What I say now is just between us.
This is something that I, and Velocity, is to make a copy for me and one for the President.
So I don't, and I appreciate it if it did not be brought down to the floor in that street.
I trust that, uh, you see what I mean?
Uh, that, that, that, uh, this, uh, we, first, uh, uh, let's say, uh, thank you for you.
Did you try?
Yes.
It's been all right.
Well, first, as the president knows, he's been at more international meetings, as I said in my toast to him, than any living head of state or government.
Or for that matter, any one who's living in Canada.
Because there are more countries today than there have been in the past.
And I know that the polite thing to do always is to gloss over on common subjects.
What I say now is set with just straight from the book.
Indicating my
my views about the dangers of the world as I see them.
... ... ... ...
I think the president knows that the United States, while we have many faults, and I will be the first to admit them, and for our faults, but we are not a threat to the independence of any small country in the world.
I believe, not to use Lockheed for example, you can have trade with us,
We can have some aid, and there will be no attempt to dominate or threaten your independence.
... ... ... ... ... ... ...
I don't say this to show that we are stagnant, but as we look at the world, as I look at the world, our self-interest, and every country must have self-interest, is better served by strong, independent countries throughout the world, like you as well.
I don't know.
Now we realized, I realized that, uh, Tess, who was very close to a very big neighbor of Soviet Union, and you, who are in that sphere, all further away, uh,
I have special problems.
Let me say that I do not know French networks even personally, but there is no question in my heart that the policy of the Soviet Union
Because it itself in this will be one that could, that inevitably will try to bring its neighbors mostly under its influence.
Ospatio de Lombok, Lombokia, Lombokia, Lombokia, Lombokia, Lombokia,
A perfect part of our political system in terms of independence is consistent with U.S. interests.
It is totally inconsistent with Soviet interests.
I'm very proud to be with you, Mario.
They didn't mean to do that.
On the other hand, the president, speaking honestly, would have to admit that he has been a thorn in the side of the Soviet Union.
Not intending to be, but that's true.
Because he has taken this independent posture.
They don't like it.
Is it that you like it when you can't beat the beat down?
The beat down protection doesn't work so precise.
Can't you let your head in to the floor?
I believe I can't walk in there any longer.
Now, the problem that all the countries have, including Yugoslavia, is to have good relations with countries like the United States without going so far.
It has to create such a suspicion in Moscow that they will proceed to use their power to suppress such indefensibleness.
Dr. Lester, I have an answer for you.
the attitude of the United States toward basically the Eastern Bloc, our position will not be that one liberation.
We know that as hunger shows, liberation means suicide.
But, on the other hand, the American position, my position, I should say,
is that it is to avoid, to the extent our self-interest will allow, to avoid any kind of understanding of Moscow that would give them any encouragement
To, say, play from the water to the slime.
Now, that's, I don't need to say anymore, but that's what we, what we think is very important.
Ja, ja, ja, ja.
Ja, ja, ja.
President thinks he didn't tell you about our last meeting, about what President said and about his thoughts in his reply.
He didn't say anything about our last meeting, about our last meeting.
and that he could ensure social security in Europe, that there would be a situation that he would be ready to be able to eliminate all drugs.
This place is produced on a natural level, and it's in a silver book.
He can't eliminate all drugs.
He doesn't have a vaccine.
But I think the final analysis, the Soviet leaders must consult their interests, and I do not think they can tolerate division and independence within the whole communist bloc.
When you come right down to the difference between the Soviet Union and China, in my opinion,
It's not so much the fact that they have a big common border, not their difference in nationality.
Those are differences.
But basically, the Soviet Union cannot tolerate some other power as big, if not the one power in the communist world.
I understand this.
I don't criticize it, but I understand it.
Можна, он то може да праше, бе чути, нивак с овецким салат, не може, с овецким салat.
Не може, с овецkим салat.
Не може, с овецkим салat.
Fertigstjenen i den sojtiske sajt nemozhet den togjerikse drogu javnu silu o moraslo svetu.
Da, to er tarsin.
No, ja, mislim, da, treba tygget i odrik tog.
Da, sojtiske sajt er sletna toga.
Da, proste, anjej, nezavisne tygge usvaki.
Ipå byrje, se smislo tjelje na modresnika stavolet.
and many other native countries did this one dream for what you already know in the flesh, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States, for the United States,
Det er jo nisse uniske i det visse.
Det er nisse uniske i det visse.
Det er nisse uniske i det visse.
Det er nisse uniske i det visse.
Det er nisse uniske i det visse.
Det er nisse uniske i det visse.
Det er nisse uniske i det visse.
I said, what did you do here?
I said, it's Tom-Tom.
And, on the other hand, he couldn't, I suppose, on his dramatic economy, I didn't get away with it. ...
Ali ka se, mozete, misi, na mozete, unutrat, unutrat, osv.
na ekonomisko, unutrat, osv., kisilat, kisilat, kisilat, kisilat, kisilat, kisilat, kisilat, kisilat, kisilat, kisilat, kisilat, kisilat, kisilat,
Another point I want to make, President, is that the arms talks with the Soviets are very important in terms of what the United States will do on its defense.
We hold that we will can agree with the Soviet limited offensive and defensive weapons.
If we do not, I will have to make a decision to go forward with a new arms bill, because the Soviet, at the present time, is moving very, very fast on ICBMs, particularly the larger SS-9s, and
also on Polaris summaries.
We had no right as a nation to account to their basically parity with the United States.
But on the other hand, we in this country cannot stand by and allow any other case of superiority.
Now, I know the president said,
Dat er i stort, da er i natt veien i nosnoget utgavit at a tål din nevn, kvitt en natt, kvitt en natt, kvitt en natt, kvitt en natt, kvitt en natt, kvitt en natt, kvitt en natt, kvitt en natt, kvitt en natt, kvitt en natt,
I agree.
I think that you could tell the president to...
that there has been a tendency in some parts of the world, because of my action in winding down the war in Vietnam, the Nixon doctrine of helping others to help themselves and free them somewhere back, the move to China, going to China, and our talks with the Soviet and arts competition, that I personally,
I'm so concerned about peace that I will make a move for peace even though it weakens our defense to what I think would be a dangerous degree.
I must say to the president that that is great, this calculation.
The purpose of our, as far as David is concerned, we are a Pacific power.
We intend to remain a Pacific power.
Not because we have interest in the Pacific.
As far as our whole attitude toward national defense is concerned, if others are willing to limit or reduce
Their arms, we will.
But if we don't, if they don't, then the United States will have to move accordingly.
What I'm trying to say is in a very personal way, that's the, when I toasted the president, I pointed out that he was a man of war, leader of war, who's now leader of peace.
My background is very different from the president's.
I was in a very minor position in the war in the Pacific.
But I came out as he did, the hard way.
I am devoted to peace.
He is devoted to peace.
I am devoted to the independence of nations.
He is.
I respect the right of his country to have a different system than I have.
He can be a socialist.
I can be a capitalist.
But on one thing, it's got to be clearly understood that I am not a soft man.
On the contrary, I made these decisions
because I think the interests of the United States are served by talks from the Soviets, by talks from the Chinese.
But under those circumstances, while I am in this office, are we going to make decisions that may affect peace at any price, particularly at the price of the United States being inferior, or at the price of the United States
a high level of the Soviet, on the one hand, or China and the other, southern and on the river, small countries.
This is what I feel very strongly about.
... ... ... ... ...
sot i ronnovo orvare di plebantini, presto e cilutacchini, un'aspo e sestore sensato, sve mutone, da cagia, da un stuputoga, da bil onibili spremi, per caco, da intu, da suttolito te interessire, o poste in origino, da mir, da bibili spremi, da interesso dormira, suttolito te caco, intu, da torre, da suttolito, da torre, da torre, da torre, da torre, da torre,
Každomi te oda, každem te svega, sku ti tje, hajde, da svojita tiri tjera zira, i vi gledamo a tako, i kao tako ide, a ostano, zato sku vi gledamo svoje, svoje ide.
Oni, on da mi rekkom, stravi si, drafte vi, biorite vratu, ne skanarite miru.
Každem, on vratu ima, njevoko dekja vrati, e sva sva sva, sva, sva, sva, sva, sva, sva, sva, sva, sva, sva, sva.
ari gjenere d'rougi ste proskid proskid, derti akout, derti oskid okres, derti derti, derti derti, derti derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti, derti,
In my belief, in my belief that
A weak United States would greatly increase the dangers of war.
A strong United States is essential if we are going to be able to play a role for peace.
And some of our senators do not agree with this.
They say, disarm, and then we will have peace.
But when one side weakens, and the other side gains in strength, then that's when the danger of war escalates.
The many world leaders of the president that has great influence with the non-aligned world, they will criticize the United States for maintaining its military strength.
They may think that this is a threat to peace, but I am convinced that we must, that we continue to be strong until we get an enforceable agreement for limitation of arms.
Thank you very much.
of a hearing only about the necessity to assist them to pass death and so on and so on.
Let me tell the President briefly about where it stands in Vietnam.
Now, when I came into office in January of 69,
There were 550,000 Americans in Vietnam.
Our casualties were 300 a day a week.
Lastly, they were seven.
Seven.
And the number of Americans in Vietnam was less than 200,000.
Now, there's no accident that this has happened.
Take that.
I told him that we were going to have to take strong action.
I must say, we're being talked about.
We're being talked about.
Nå, vi ... vi kontentuerte å trådde å negotiere for noen måneder, men ingenting skapte.
Så jeg ordet at de utstyrkningene av Nord-Vietnames kvarter i Cambodia, som resultatet av det,
Our caches were cut from 300 week to 100 week in summer 1970.
Now, late in 1970, in October of 1970, we make another peace talk.
And I privately again warned the North Vietnamese that unless they talked, I would have to act on a military front.
My brother-in-law was here in October of 1970.
I told him what we were going to tell the North Vietnamese.
And I had, again, November, December, January, no response from the North Vietnamese except increased infiltration.
And that's why I ordered the attacks in Laos.
Ondra er det den nareste, 70-te godine, ono godao, Milovo kvonto, kveldukim i hei programenao privatnogo pozorio, ta gruzno nekrumitakit, deri slezowarati, ta slorviti prisidenja, na nabojnog plaku, ide Orovo, Oskarien, pojareko i Drogi, kvart se sreo sni, oktober, 70-te godine, pojegonavdjao 9. december 1971, kveldukim s ljude strane,
No, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the,
Hei, hei, hei, hei, hei.
Now we have made a very forthcoming offer to an archaeologist.
We offered to help rebuild their country.
You should know they had some very big floods, as well as the military damage.
And we offered a withdrawal of forces.
On our part, we asked, of course, and this is an absolute condition, a return of our prisoners, 400 prisoners or so,
There has been no action on that offer.
However, the president should know that we have told him that we must have a reply by the end of this month and the month of November.
By the end of the month of November.
Ja.
I would not entertain circumstances suggesting that the President express any opinion about Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam.
I know that the opinion that has to be expressed by those who oppose the American position in Vietnam is that we should get out, and that we should, in the process, break two out also.
and turn the country over to an art of the enemy.
This we will never do.
...i da ostere... ...jurkikentan... ...jurkikentan... ...serare tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme... ...tamme...
We have made an offer which would set up a process which would set up a government that would be able to sell Vietnam approval.
It is an international supervised assembly.
I hope I don't need to go into the details, but...
Gjer vi er no prezident is not a demokrasi.
Gjer vi er no prezident is not a demokrasi.
Gjer vi er no prezident is not a demokrasi.
Gjer vi er no prezident is not a demokrasi.
Den demokratiske perspektivet, den politiske perspektivet, den politiske perspektivet, den politiske perspektivet, den politiske perspektivet, den politiske perspektivet, den politiske perspektivet,
I hope I don't need to go into the details, but I can only say that the offer that we have made privately is very worth coming.
and er... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
As I have indicated, I consider myself like him to be a man of peace.
But like the president, I have to use the power that I have to protect our position.
And I, and particularly now with regard to our prisoners of war, if we do not have an agreement to return them by Christmas of this year, I feel at it.
Not against Canberra, not against Laos, but North Vietnam.
The United States has no choice but to get out.
It's a very mistaken idea.
We want to get out.
We intend to get our prisoners back.
They cannot continue to be held hostage, and if the dark Vietnamese will not even possess what is an offer that goes far beyond anything that has been seen in public yet, I have no choice but to act, and I will act.
Så det er på næste strada 7 å gå igjennom.
Og næste, vi går igjennom igjennom.
Og det er på næste strada 7 å gå igjennom.
Og næste, vi går igjennom igjennom.
I think it's important to know what the process is.
I want to say again, not to the militias, because I am not a militia, but simply as a matter of fact, that I also have a man who is a great contribution to our nation, and I just really want to be seen just like the president.
By any of those we deal with around you, around the world, make your lives more important.
And to misjudge the desire for peace for Jesus, we are going to be strong and we are going to protect the people of the United States, and I will do whatever is necessary, take whatever risk is necessary, to take 400 American prisoners back.
Sveit er igjen etter fyrir erantoratiske modus.
Erantoratiske erantoratiske erantoratiske erantoratiske erantoratiske erantoratiske
«Tak borze, frede strata ciolego, ciolego mira, ter ciolego mira, ostrate fregit ciolego spremugitata, i da otavi iedane minolubibili, iedini ste odotoka, koje zatevno, metodin vidami feri prezeste, date oizdolerti, svelja ta minol, sa slavosvice.
I da se on, sa svoje strane, fungire, sve, travi koje seg i sluzi lungo, ta spola sleta i spasvice,
What I've said is I've tried to stay at the outset, not to get the president to comment, but I want to be perfectly honest with him, so that he knows what to expect, and what not to expect.
Тако да, обае христианства, я разумею, тихо проживање.
И дивоје порожне мислене, че тихо станат напелене мислене.
Но ја сада, в тисто врење, неразамерз наидли ван, но слабо целено, и кое-како било една ниве сна, како је хранит слабо мислене.
Я мислене, неразамерз, неразамерзе, чаражить христианство, неразамерз, неразамерз.
Ja, man sa da optimista, da vi dinit da veit det.
Vi optimista samt, da er iso fri til most.
Optimista samt, da er iso fri til most.
Vi optimista samt, da er iso fri til most.
Vi optimista samt, da er iso fri til most.
So he tried to be, to be found.
He understood that he wanted to be found.
He knew that he could go out at any time, at any cost.
Because this would indeed be a form of weakness.
That was his name, his death.
All that he had, all that he had, all that he had, all that he had, all that he had, all that he had, all that he had,
Inaugurendtig, hovudet uta, denne vergoen utra, denne vergoen uta, denne vergoen uta, denne vergoen uta, denne vergoen uta, denne vergoen uta,
Selektivt, tarje, profentor, katineros, statu, et moris in moris, et moris, et moris, et moris, et moris, et moris, et moris, et moris, et moris, et moris,
It's not the problem, or it's not the idea of the men, or the group of men who are thinking about life.
It is the desire of our people to build an end to the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation, or the end of the nation,
I understand that completely.
And since you're the person who knows, I'm very pragmatic.
We are not... We do not insist that other nations have our own government.
We do not insist they always vote with us in the United Nations.
We understand what they talk.
Each consults his interests.
We don't have a hand.
All we ask is fair treatment.
We're not as concerned about what our country does internally.
That's its own business.
We are very much concerned externally.
They treat the United States differently.
Hva er det som sker?
Well, we have made our last best offer to the United States.
By the end of November, we either have to be on the negotiating track, or we have to look at other options.
I just want the president to know I don't want him to be surprised by what happens.
What is the answer to your question?
I don't know.
I don't know.
Odmårte er deg i doka ennåte.
I dag i doka ennåte, na kvile kveld enn takt ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte, kvile kveld ennåte,
Well, you made a great hit in our country.
All my baseball.
Home run.
Home run, everybody.
Very popular.
And when you go to Los Angeles, that's my home town.
All my friends will be there.
Well, good morning, good morning.
Good morning, good morning.
Good morning, good morning.
It is too much to go over.
Good morning, good morning.
That's right, cigars.