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I think it looks so beautiful there that it just...

Yes, I think it's one of the other places we've been waiting to have your gift.

Yes, the gift thing there.

That's right.

How are you?

I'm fine.

How are you?

I'm fine.

How are you?

I'm fine.

How are you?

I'm fine.

How are you?

I'm fine.

How are you?

I'm fine.

How are you?

I'm fine.

How are you?

I'm fine.

How are you?

I'm fine.

How are you?

I'm fine.

How are you?

I'm fine.

Yes, Walter.

Well, I just wanted you to know that I just opened that beautiful student which you sent.

And oh, it is an absolute .

I want you to know that I want to put it in the Oval Office, but I'm not going to leave it in the Oval Office.

I'm going to take it with me.

It is an absolutely magnificent thing.

Yeah.

Oh, it's just beautiful.

Oh, you just can't imagine.

It complements it perfectly.

It looks like a diamond sitting up on this, you know, and that color below just gives it a sense of awe and beautiful stuff.

And the drawing, it's got it inside, so we have that, too.

And, uh...

But I, as a matter of fact, I'm going to take it over tonight.

I'm just sitting here with John Connolly.

We just signed a tax bill this minute.

So we'll see you in, well, a week, in about two weeks.

About ten days.

Yeah.

Yeah, well, we're going to have to, you know, we'll talk very candidly, honestly, but I think we'll get along.

We'll get along.

Bye.

Oh, it's one of the most beautiful things I ever saw.

I can't tell you how much I like it.

It shows so much of a design.

I know what that's called.

And the good taste.

And the good taste is... Oh, yes.

Well, let me say it.

It's a good ticket.

You're going to be, uh, you're going to always have a, when you come over for me, are you going out, out to your, uh, uh, California?

Yeah.

Sure.

Yeah, I'll let you know.

I'll let you say, look, here he is.

Here he is.

Mr. Buster?

Walter?

How are you?

That's great.

Well, I'm delighted to hear from you, and I'm looking forward to seeing you.

Thank you.

Yeah, I'll let you know.

to bring that back.

What I'm sure of is, I haven't seen it, but I'm sure of it.

If you had anything to do with it, I know it's superb.

Well, we've got some tough problems, Walter, as you well know.

It's hard to deal with ten nations at the same time.

And it just takes a lot of everything out of us.

And the President...

has just been magnificent, his approach and his support.

So I'm trying to carry out his wishes as best I know them.

And I think we're going to make some headway.

Don't you let anybody kid you that we're trying to tear things up.

We've been the most forthcoming, the most expansionist nation in this world.

You just take it from me.

We want to settle this thing, and we've all reported to Senate that any other nation in the world is off the border.

And so don't let them run.

They've got the advantage of us, and they won't keep it as long as they can.

Now, let me give you an example, Warren, without belaboring us.

In the paper the day before yesterday, we saw where Great Britain was going to run a $3 billion surplus in her balance of payments this year.

the largest surplus in her history, the largest in the history of the nation.

Now, that's fine.

Three billion doesn't sound like too much, but on a hundred billion economy, it's an awful lot.

In our terms, that would mean the equivalent of us running a $33 billion surplus.

And we've never done that, never even come closer.

If we talked about running a $33 billion surplus, the world would stand on its head.

They are making a title in the search time.

Well, Walter, that's right.

The President's options are entirely open to them.

We've tried to structure it in such a way that we're fairly close, but they've got to – those countries over there have to be forthcoming with it.

Now, we've already gone further than we should, but the President has the options, and if they're in popularity to the rest of them or halfway reasonable, I think he can settle them in the next month.

I understand.

That's right.

That's why I tell them.

They all preach that we're having a recession, a worldwide depression.

And I say, well, if you already believe that, you all will come up with something.

We've made you an offer.

We're willing to take less than we deserve to keep that from happening.

Now, you all come forward.

But they talk the one way.

I have to know that that's the problem.

But we're not going to be...

We can't give them everything, Walter.

We can't take it.

And you know that.

And they want us to give them everything.

No question about it.

That's right.

And they're done.

Right?

That's right.

We're being tolerant of that.

But I want to wish you and the lady a very Merry Christmas.

Well, I'll see you before then, but I won't.

I shall.

Thank you, Walter.

Bye.

He was such a nice guy.

Well, he's wonderful.

This is a beautiful piece of scuba that he had made.

I actually had to bring it over to the house so you could see it.

It's the damnedest thing you ever saw.

It's the presidential seal set up in a star.

You know, he, of course, is so... Have you seen his place at Palm Springs?

You've got to go see it.

One of the greatest showbases in the world.

Of course.

Out there in the middle of the desert.

Well, he brought up something.

I didn't mean to use your time, but I thought I ought to respond to it a little bit.

Yeah.

I think it's good to sort of set the label to for the fact that the British

I'm going to have to take it.

And he admitted that.

He said, now, the British are running interference with all the French.

And because they're an audience that they like to reform, they're strong.

He said, you know, they're always, he said, they've got the order.

They've got the order to react.

They're going to make it work.

He did not even, you know, pick the design.

It's the straw.

Now that's, this of course is, you see, each of the most, I don't know which other, isn't that something?

I was saying, putting it up over here, you see, over here, where it just sort of shines.

Shut up, Steve.

I've never seen anything like it.

No.

How is that taking that cost?

Oh, it wasn't.

It's not.

It just can't be cost.

Well, it isn't, though.

It isn't smart.

No, I say I made it.

I made it.

He designed it.

Yes, I see.

He designed it.

I understand.

Yes.

Well, it should go down there.

Bless her.

I think we're going to have a ceremony.

Oh, I know these things are the senators and congressmen like from Hawaii, but it maybe gets another little story out.

Well, of course it gets a story out.

There's a picture of Errol on that paper.

It really means something.

And I thought you and Mark were very well set.

Well, he's great, too.

Well, we have to.

Which I thought they deserved.

After all, they have been responsible.

In the ways and means, the Senate has not been.

But the point is that without those finance committee in ways and means, we'd have a lousy bill.

Sure would.

As it turned out, it was a damn good bill.

I think that it also, I always have the theory that some of our partisan guys

I don't agree with this, but I always have a theory you can never lose a thing by giving credit to the opposition.

You should know.

Don't you agree with that?

Give credit?

Say you've been very responsible.

This is bipartisan.

I mean, it always rubs off on us.

It always gives it to our credit that we're generous about it.

People love to see you give credit to somebody else for something.

I thought Barry Russell was there.

Wilbur made a great point.

It's in that way of saying that.

with going ahead with the ceremony, even though he couldn't be here.

Because he did have to stay in Colorado to speak for a Democratic congressman.

Willard was a congressman.

I had a good meeting with George Shields a while ago, and just brought him up on all this market thing.

It was just the budget, the general plan for the budget.

to tell you what had gone on and that.

So I told him if he hadn't changed it, by all means, he'd give you his views on this monetary thing before he has.

I noticed he was all right.

He's told me.

I'm glad I told you the other day.

We all know that, frankly, he's got certain views.

But you know it's a what-the-hell-is-negotiable job.

That's what it is, isn't it?

Absolutely.

And your views, at least, are as close to Schultz's as they can get and still be negotiable.

Yeah, they're almost, I bet, no except Price.

I'm a little more pragmatic.

Well, you're a little more pragmatic about Price.

You're a little more pragmatic about that.

You're going to get an actual monetary problem.

Other than that, this is not a theoretical argument.

It has nothing to do with theology.

It has to do with reality.

My God, we've got to make a deal.

And we'll make a good deal.

You know, we're already a hell of a lot better off than we were.

It's the other one thing I didn't take yesterday, but we're meeting with the Canadians this afternoon and we're pushing for it.

The Japanese are sending a delegation to Hawaii this weekend, so we're never this back from Europe.

He's going to Japan along with Eddie Cohen and the agriculture people that John Petty of mine had dozens of treasures and voters should have gone, but he couldn't because he's going with us until it's over.

And so the Japanese, the indication we get, they're going to talk trade.

So we're going to, the state's going to be represented.

Everybody's going to be represented out there.

So we hope we can really talk some trade with them and get some agreements with them.

And I swear everybody said that.

Everybody said, John, you know, that putting the condition of trade out there was unreasonable, that it wouldn't work, and all that sort of thing.

Well, God damn it, if we get anything, we've got more than people thought we would get, sir.

You know what, sir?

Everybody was wicked to get something.

And I told them not to fool with a sophisticated thing from the Japanese, to probe and press and see what they could get, but that you had to have

one of two things, that you have to have highly visible items, such as citrus or agricultural things or something that would immediately mean something to people, or that you have to have a whole string of numbers, 10 or 12, so that you can say, look at this enormous package that we're getting.

And they had to have one or the other or a combination of the two.

But I don't want to go on and talk about the intricacies.

He's following what's already going to happen.

Well, it's a good move.

It's just a little behind.

I don't think he's had any.

He's followed the lead, not taken the lead.

Well, he called, and I think that when he calls, that doesn't matter.

But he called us before he went in there.

But that's not true.

Well, now, as far as our deals are concerned, my view is that we are in shape to, I guess, go over there and have our meetings.

The way I am, the way I am setting this thing up.

Hello.

Yeah.

Hello, hello, how are you?

Yeah, you called me earlier, but I was in signing the tax bill.

So, that was a good result, too.

Oh, yeah, yeah, yeah, good, good.

What is it now?

Four, four, come on.

That's right.

Correct.

Yeah, good, good.

That's what you put out of the statement.

Oh, good, good, good.

It's good.

You know, that comes the same day we signed the tax bill, which is good.

Yeah.

Oh, you are.

I see.

Right.

Yeah.

Good, great, great, great.

All right, well, you can leave him.

You can leave him, you know.

You know, you've always had him now, so just kick him in the rumble.

Okay.

Sure.

Yeah.

I've been, I know that.

I've been in a, I've really been so tied up on this.

Well, basically, you'll get back to a few other things, but I'll tell you, I'll get at the thing just as quick as I, as soon as we get back from, from, from the, which will be Tuesday, not Tuesday, and I'll get out, I'll get at that, see, see what, what the situation is.

I know, I know Malik is checking the thing out.

He's got your, your, you've got some,

you know, various people, but I will get at it, I promise you.

I just haven't had, I just haven't come across my desk yet.

Or at least I've asked to not give it to me, because I know I didn't have time to decide.

But I'll get at it, I promise you.

You'll have some, you'll have some action.

Yeah.

Well, that's a call for the best, because this is a, I just talked to John Connolly, and we feel the French meeting is, and you know that too, is very important for the success of the others.

So if we can break the logjam with the French, you know, that's going to be, we feel, primarily a political decision on Pompidou's part, so we're, that's what we're looking at right now.

That's what John was saying, and that's the, they gotta give us something.

Right, right.

That's good, too.

And we're gonna present it that way to them, too.

You've emphasized to them that they can't get any place without getting something on trade.

Well, that's good.

That's great.

Well, we'll keep you posted.

As you know, if anything breaks on this, it'll be of enormous importance to everybody.

But John, of course, is all set to get a sort of a breakthrough.

The French announcement could be very important.

It might not.

We hope it will.

But if we make a breakthrough, we'll be in touch with you immediately.

But don't expect it on Monday.

We meet Monday and Tuesday.

Yeah, they've sort of already inspected it.

Yeah.

Mm-hmm.

I see.

OK. Well, we'll have to.

Well, we ought to talk about it when I get back.

We better have it.

I want to talk to John about it.

You know, he's also sitting there, too.

Well, we'll get together when we get back.

And, uh, maybe next week.

Well, wait here.

Right, right.

Right, right, right, right, right.

Okay, okay.

We'll be back.

And thanks a lot for calling.

Bye.

He had hit the French very hard that they had to make concessions on trade.

So I said, fine, if you'd told me that, I suppose.

Second, he said he wanted to talk to me about the membership of his board.

And I said, well, I just meant to visit.

Yes, I probably should.

I'd love to get down, but Fred might call me today.

I don't know if you've heard this about the T in the morning, Louisville, Kentucky.

Yeah.

The T is very, very fresh.

They have another one in Florida.

If he apparently knows this is the controller of the state of Florida, he's one.

They tell me he's quite a foe.

He's a great supporter of ours.

Then they've got a fellow from Minneapolis here that Arthur was pushing.

Fred had mentioned to us, and Fred's not there.

not living in Minneapolis.

Well, it would seem to me, John, what has to happen is that when you get time, I'm not trying to pressure you.

I push you off next week.

You look it over, give me your recommendation, and we give it to you.

Fair enough.

She hands them off.

Well, you don't pressure that much.

No, I've got a good one.

Oh, you have?

Tim, do you have that?

Tim's working on it.

We know what we need.

We don't want, we can't cram down our group and throw it to somebody that's totally...

On the other hand, it's like the appointments to the Supreme Court, John.

I didn't ask Berger who I could appoint to the Supreme Court.

I can't ask the chairman of the fed room.

He can't have so much about this.

He can't have puppets on it, anyway.

You know, it's just not right.

You know, he should have a... Well, where do you get any more than I get Berger?

And you give it more than you give any chairman of any board in town.

That's right.

We don't ask the chairman of the House.

You don't ask the FCC or the FDC or the SEC or anybody else.

You don't ask the chairman.

Now, the other thing he raised with me, John, is related to the pay board and the president and what he's setting us up for.

He said, I'm very worried.

He said, what is happening?

Is the pay board giving, making, giving?

pay increases that are high.

He said that the price of the commission is being very tough and this, therefore, is impeding the coverage.

And he said, well, you've got to get it in there.

What's that about?

Well, I don't know anything about it.

I haven't watched it myself, but I would say that, as I understand it, the pay increases really

are high only as they relate to decisions that were really pretty much inherited from the past.

And they don't really relate to a whole lot of the future not being part of the action as far as the prices are concerned.

I mean, actually, the prices should be so damn tough that pay for recovery is more important than jobs and residence.

But do you have any views?

Yes, sir.

And what should we do?

Should we have a floggerhead meeting or anything?

I didn't have a floggerhead meeting, but you ought to do anything about it.

That's my main thing, is to give him a chance to pop off.

Sure, sure, I have a floggerhead meeting to talk about it, but you're watching.

I haven't kept up with it as much as I'd like to.

I have some very definite feelings about it.

I've talked to Don, I've talked to others about it.

The pain increases, the painful issues.

are indeed the increases that they inherited.

They're a part, just like the signal that they gave this increased movement.

They're the last of all the railroad presidents.

And to ask them to take less than you can prove for all the other blacks.

Now, we can't do that.

The coal thing, it was bad.

But I don't know what else they did.

But the coal thing, you need to have that under construction.

That's right.

People won't work in the mines.

So everybody understood.

And we're in the period where we're taking the loans that we knew we were going to take them.

In fact, they were going to take them for another.

For another month or so.

And it's just we won't get enough.

So let's take them.

The price for it is being tough.

But that's all right.

It'll be tough for a while.

I don't think business people are probably not doing things because the prices are down.

They're not being that tough.

They haven't touched enough people's prices.

They're not building it.

There may be a case or two of inequity to go along.

They haven't done enough to have any impact on this town.

There's a concern in the minds of business, but it's not new.

It was there before.

It was there through all of phase one.

They wanted to know if we were going to confront labor.

It was going to be loose on labor and tight on prices.

Loose on wages and tight on prices.

It's an interior affair.

It's what Henry Ford was talking about.

He's a damn poor advocate.

He's had the best year in the history of this country.

Sold more cars.

And nobody's going to make a dollar profit.

That's correct.

And everybody's now predicting that the car profit will be at least 100% actually.

Are they?

Oh, they're predicting that all across the board.

So I just think we should wait and watch.

Yeah.

I guess I think the problem with him is he's always, he said that he was going to push 30.

to be more aggressive.

That's why I said, kick them in the rock.

We're thinking right on keeping them on.

That's the thing to do.

We want this monetary policy to be expansive.

But labor, Mr. President, you can't confront labor right now.

And we ought not to confront labor right now for a number of reasons.

First place, you ought to be in state.

Second place, you've already got the advantage.

And mine's in there to be.

making this great mistake to take away from them.

Oh, labor's without a spokesman.

The majority of the people are weak to you and against labor.

And if you grind them down, you will reverse that figure.

You've got it across you.

And we can't do anything but let the pay board and the pricing machine.

Now, they've had their problems, but my God, the pay board only got an executive director they pulled yesterday.

They haven't had a staff.

They've had a hard time getting work.

Judge Boat is not the ideal person.

perhaps to run it, but he's finally come to grips with it.

He earns being more decisive than a worker.

Well, as a matter of fact, look, we know that phase two is going to be rocky.

It's not going to happen.

It's not getting excited because it isn't perfect.

Nothing's perfect on this world, and particularly not controls.

It's got to go to the heart.

If I have any feeling about it, and it's only a feeling, and that is that our point is reflecting the feeling of too many of the cost of living council members that they want to stay in there and they want to keep everything right under their thumb too much longer.

Yeah.

They're too busy to get into these things.

I'd like to do them right.

Plus, Mr. President, you don't want anybody that close to you, at least in the minds of the public, back close to these problems.

That was the purpose of the whole reason.

Let's let these public people handle these problems.

It gets to the point where it's not working, it's a real reaction to it, then we can do something.

I talked to Henry about things.

He may have talked to you about the Pompidou thing.

It would not be well for Henry.

He said things he'd went over there 24 hours earlier that it would set him up and they might get to it.

But he had a better suggestion, which I think is this.

When we get in, I have to meet the Prime Minister of the ASARS.

Pompidou doesn't know that we have a special relationship.

And, you know, he was in, when I talked about him before, that Henry, in going over and appointing Trump and giving the marching orders, that Henry would go in and tell Pompidou to take him on the mountaintop and say, now here's a chance for the president of France and the president of the United States to break this thing, but this is what we've got to have and keep resting.

It would be better if, John, he hits him that way than right before.

and learn from the doable benefit.

If it's not doable, he'll tell me, and I won't raise these things, and he'll tell you, and we'll just dance around.

If it is doable, we push it.

But this way, I think we've got a chance to put the,

to at least explore what it is, what he wants.

I think Papadu's gonna want to do something.

I think he's gonna, I don't think he's gonna want the time, the chance to escape.

If we give him all the gold, which he wants, good God, he's got a hell of a victory.

But either way, I want, I think we ought to set it up.

When we talk to Henry about it, it's just you and me.

We don't want Rogers.

We don't want anybody else.

It's got to be a maxim of really deviousness to this.

It's a maxim .

What I think Henry ought to do is to go ahead and say, as president, we have a sentence.

And then, I'll say, let it go.

And then Henry says, that's just not possible.

He says that the political standpoint in the United States is just impossible and so forth and so on.

How could it stand firm?

And Henry said, well, I don't think it's possible.

But I'll recommend it.

I'll come back and recommend it to the president.

But what can we get?

In other words, put it sort of in the terms that you've been putting it.

But Henry could say that it's kind of

go in with the idea that that gold is something that he holds up in the lands that we're getting him very reluctant to so that pummel to this point of victory the victory being on the price of gold uh how does that sound no question that's excellent so he what has to happen here is it's

And I think it's just fine to let it happen in any of these corners.

What has to happen is for us to determine what we actually need, not only in fact, but what we also need in terms of our public relations.

We posture it in such a way that each of them, we can make the deal so that we can get what we need.

But each of them, in the process, can get a victory for what he needs so that each of us can look good.

It's just as cold as that isn't.

It cannot be postured in such a way that we whip the Japanese up.

We want to live with them in fact, but it must not be a way that they're living in public.

So he comes back in Japanese with this, and we went back.

And I think if we put it that way, as politicians, we'll have a better chance to settle the land thing than if they settled it on the peninsula, no question about it.

And I think this is the kind of thing Henry would probably work out very well, not with Heath.

He's a cold customer.

You don't have to work with Heath, Mr. President.

If you get this set up with France, that does it.

We don't have to work with Heath, believe me.

The devil is in the making for you.

Look, we've got to follow that with Germany, but Germany will be no problem.

Germany will be probably great.

Henry said, you know what, somebody had said that the Germans would be distressed, so Henry said, ah, he said the Germans would be delighted.

Well, he said, France has to be delighted.

He'll be unhappy because he didn't get to be the man that served.

Well, on that we've all said that there are things to be proud of.

him about Berkeley and, you know, the biggest banks in the world, the European security companies.

His finance isn't the only thing in the world, that's right.

And he right now, here's how important it is to him.

Right today, he is 12 percentage points above Frank on revaluation.

And he's increased 12 percentage points against the dollar.

And all of the Franks have stayed steady.

Now, if we do what we want, we'll bring him down where he's five machine guns above the Franks.

And that's where he's going to find that spread between him and the Franks.

And if you can cut that in half, you've done more for him than all the faces, because you've really helped him economically.

That's what we're going to have to do.

Well, incidentally, that's precisely the approach I took with these fellows from Japan.

I said, did y'all pick out issues on which you know the Japanese won't give?

I said, you asked for some impossible things, both in terms of the nature of the request and the magnitude of the request, so that they can deny you that.

And you can cry about it.

And you can plead.

And you can beg.

And you take some of these other things.

But you give them, put them in a position where they can go back and say, yes, we gave them aircraft and parts, but we didn't give.

Here's what they demanded, and we didn't give them each.

We didn't give on this.

We didn't give on that.

So you have to give them something to go home with.

And to say that they refuse to give on a bunch of particular items.

So you always have to figure out what you want and what you're willing to let them keep.

But make an issue of it so they can truthfully fight.

These are just trade issues.

And I told them not to get teased.

He's got a three-point program that they're going to just subtly try to plan with the Japanese.

He's going to monitor that, but they're going to try to negotiate that.

He'll do that when he comes here on September 18th.

you know, India, Pakistan, and North America.

It's an inevitable conclusion.

East Pakistan, although they came, I would say, had to.

That's inevitable.

But we have heard, I heard Russia just today, Russian Air Force ministry,

directly on the massive depression that, that, that, that these Pakistanis, that, that, that, that, that, and his, and his action against West, West Pakistan must cease immediately or they risk a confrontation with us if we haven't, if we haven't committed.

to Pakistan, just as they had a commitment to India.

Now, I had Henry show the Russian today, Nathan Lamarck, that McConaughey, the ambassador in Pakistan on November the 5th, 1962, gave to IU, in which he said, in the event of an attack by India, we will stand with you.

That's Kennedy to IU.

Now, of course, that is not legally binding.

But if the word of the President of the United States is so lightly given and lightly taken away, we're finished.

It's a great power.

So the Russians, I told the Russians that it was a very tough conversation.

I said, look, I said, you've got to be very correct.

I said, India, you're on the side of India.

You're going to win.

The 600 million can always beat 60 million.

You're going to embarrass the Chinese.

And you wouldn't, of course, finish off Pakistan.

I said, however, you have got to weigh that, what you're going to gain from that, from winning in that area.

you've got to weigh your relationship with the United States.

And I said, as far as we're concerned, we're not preparing for an agreement on salt.

We're preparing for an agreement on trade.

We're preparing for the settlement in the Mideast.

And considering the European Security Conference, it can be an entirely new Europe, which the United States and the Soviet may have the relationship we had during the Great War.

I said, you must know that if you move here, that you will confront us.

And you can risk all those things for what you did here.

And you've got to choose.

Are you going to continue to let India decimate Pakistan?

Or are you going to support a proposal to cease fire on West Pakistan and survive?

That's where it stands today.

I think it'll work.

If it doesn't work, we'd better find out.

Because if the Russians will not agree with us on a matter

as collateral to their interests as this damn place.

Hell, they're not going to agree with us on something like this.

So I'm sure the State of America, they don't know about this, but they would have been up the wall in such talk.

But it seems to me, John, we've got to find out before we get to the damn summit with the Russians if they're going to play that kind of a game.

So there it was.

So you'll know in the next 48 hours who the Russians are going to play.

or not.

And now by playing, all it means now is that they will join us in calling for a ceasefire and a withdrawal of the enemy from West Pakistan, so that West Pakistan can survive.

That's where it stands.

Well, they should do it.

They may not do it simply because they may think you're not in a position to force them to do it.

It's different.

Well, that would be the only reason.

Well, that's true.

That's true.

Although we have told them that.

I decided to go to the extramarine instead of just the helicopter ship.

We were moving the carrier in, too.

We might as well put it all in there.

And the journey to the planes.

And we were talking to the Chinese, urging them the best way we can to at least threaten to come in through the passes.

So we're playing all the cards we can.

But clearly apart from that, whether we can do something or not do something, is very, very interesting.

He seems to be in having a good relationship with us at this time for other reasons.

And the MMO's got a guy just told him, he said, you risk all life if you do this.

And that's the way we're going to play.

So it's not worth it to him.

I keep reminding him it's worth it to him.

I must say, looking at it very objectively, I think the splitting of West Pakistan and East Pakistan will do them a favor with no question.

It could never survive.

In fact, it might lose its Pakistan.

I don't think it's something that we ought to get rid of terribly.

I'm going to get my boss, our boss, and we're all out of that.

But it should be preserved in West Pakistan.

Yes.

If we could preserve it.

That's right.

That's all we're trying to do.

And that's the other thing.

We're trying to preserve the nonsense.

Well, basically, they are now.

So we have that little thing.

And the commitment was made.

We have that.

And a lot of people know it.

And of course, it affects countries like Indonesia.

It affects all those Arab countries, all the Mosque countries.

But beyond that, it has an enormous effect on the relations between the Chinese and Afghanistan.

If we let the West pass, if we let the Russians gobble them up without protesting, it just embarrasses the hell out of the Chinese.

And we don't want to, it doesn't mean we want to suck the Chinese tip, but we don't want to be sucking Russian tip.

And it's really very important to play both of these devils the same way.

In other words, play one off against the other.

That's where we got where we are.

So we should see.

But we're not going to.

In terms of opinion in this country, most of the people in this country want us just to stay the hell out of this and not get involved.

And we're not going to.

And that, of course, is our weakness.

The weakness is that we really can't get involved.

And we're not.

The interesting thing is, despite its enormous television coverage of the war and all the rest of the rest of it, to show you how little impact it has on public opinion,

Today, as of last night, they had just 60 pieces of mail on this whole thing.

I just, what do you think?

I don't think this, I think people keep it down.

They don't care.

Do you think so?

They don't care.

Yeah.

Couldn't care less.

That's why, in talking with Henry about it, I said, you just can't get involved.

That's right.

Directly because people will not stand for it.

They don't care.

I know.

And you could have a bloodbath.

Right.

You wouldn't have any great repercussions in the Senate.

That's what I'm talking about.

Frankly, we're playing the game of Christ.

That's why we're not doing all this crime.

You sure would.

And that's the reason you have to somehow change the soul psychology in this country.

Because if it keeps on

Well, the problem that we have, the problem we have, that's the other thing.

It isn't healthy that this country does not want us to keep our commitments.

It is not healthy because if that is the case, it happens that there are other nations in the world that will keep commitments, and one is the Russians.

Now, if you've got the Russians,

with power that is still unable to govern, but willing to risk it around the world, or the United States, with all the power in the world, unwilling to risk it, then the world is soon going to be conscious, or conscious dominated.

That's the problem here.

And so, well, that's why we need to bring the Vietnam thing to a conclusion.

This is the way in which we're going.

trying to re-inspire some cognitive something, as a result of the Russian change.

What do you offer?

I'm not good at public psychology.

Well, it's bad.

It's bad.

It's not good enough.

You feel it is?

Well, I know it is.

I know it is.

I've seen it.

I've talked to people.

I know it is.

I've talked to a lot of little people.

I've talked to Wall Street bankers, and I've talked to little real estate operators.

Every type of person, they just feel better.

People have more confidence.

I've talked to Congressmen.

You've got a wealth of support in Congress for what you've done, both on the domestic front and the international front.

And for what little criticism we've had, frankly, it's been an enormous plus in this whole thing.

by the entire international fund, as well as the domestic economic fund.

And by far, that's the, I don't know, they just say one after another now that they have no way to flip them.

I think that's true.

Well, I mean, whatever it is, we, it is, it is, it is a, it is of course a fact that

From a political standpoint, we have to realize that basically there are just a hell of a lot more Democrats than Republicans in the whole country.

Therefore, anybody who runs as a Republican starts with an ID.

Whether he's president or not president, they've got to have a difference.

Unfortunately, what clouds the situation, too, is the presence of George Wallace, an old man, and some are going to get out.

Well, he might do it now that that bill is not applicable in 76.

If that bill had been applied in 17 at Chekhov's, he'd have been as sure as the world.

Absolutely.

So he may not make it now.

But he's got a tremendous disadvantage.

because of sheer numbers.

And he would continue to run that.

He'd jerk it head-to-head after the election.

Then they started looking at the individual demand.

There's a total of 50 foreign labels now.

You have the R after your name, Mr. Terrell, I believe.

You have the traveling statement now.

And the D after the Democrat name is a very big plus.

After conventions, people don't think in terms of R&D.

Don't you agree?

It's head-to-head.

I think there is a difference.

Then it becomes a contest of individuals and their philosophy and their capacity.

It's one of those interesting sidelines of what you saw in Chicago, didn't you?

Joe Craig, for some strange reason,

wrote the most amazing article about Rehnquist that you ever saw.

No, I didn't see it.

Oh, just a lot of... That son of a bitch is so... Well, well, he lauded you to the skies.

Just in effect, sir, that Rehnquist is the greatest thing that happened in court because he's got brains.

He's got more brains than anybody on the court.

He is.

Now, your smartest man has been appointed to that court probably since Frank Eisen.

And he said...

It doesn't make any difference whether he's liberal, or conservative, or racist, or anti-racist, or what he's still the right to use on.

The point is that he's got brains, and he may be the brainiest man on the court.

He just wrote a long, very laudatory column about him.

He's gonna paint it this morning.

Her law is so damn harsh.

He wrote a letter to the editor, which is in the Washington Post this morning, to sign her block, just take it home, Jill Craig.

The first time I ever saw a letter to the editor from Herbaugh, the son of a bitch, was 11.

So what, which I called Mr. Allen, speaking to Collins, one that I was, I just thought really was right down the line into the house I called Joe's on an accident.

He floated it out there, or so I heard him floated it, you know, but he had it all in there right away now.

So they asked me, you know,

who we want, but how do you think that preempts that issue?

Well, I told our treasurer, Pete, which I don't know of, that he called this morning.

I said, well, I said, obviously, he knows who it came from.

And he had called Eddie Cohen.

And I said, y'all just, y'all just, we had a very intense day.

Good.

Thank you.

All right.

See you.

Yes.