Conversation 698-002

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and also the sheet metal workers.

And George has an MLS with you and has papers prepared for you to sign the papers that would bring into force an emergency board under the Railroad Emergency Act and the Labor Act, and they were advocating that.

Actually, I'll be asked about this this afternoon, and George and the Secretary of Fuel and I should say,

that while we feel at this time in assessing and nothing further can be done in negotiations, the President will sign the papers to put into force an emergency point, which will give a 60-day period and so forth.

But I want to get your approval on that.

Yeah.

To say we can't tolerate it.

That's right.

The nation cannot tolerate a workshop at this point in time.

in whatever action is necessary.

And I'll have a future.

You seem to be very willing to take a strong line.

It's always a good thing.

Carl Albert today said the new freeze on wages and prices might be in order.

And once inflation has curved, the economy is moving in, so forth.

He attacks the program and so forth.

I tried to go to him.

I tried to reach Conley, but he's on his way to his ranch, so I talked to Herb Stein, and I think the best approach to this is to express confidence in what we're doing and so forth, but also say we continue to assess things.

At the present time, we have no plans of moving to a further freeze, but leave sort of a little... Yeah, I can simply say that.

as Secretary Connolly has indicated, and as his parents, and as the Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers, Mr. Stein, has indicated, and the President has indicated that the program is working.

the rate of inflation has been slowed.

We are confident that we will achieve our goal of cutting the rate of inflation in half by the end of this year with the President's program.

We are, we, however, as the President's indicated, we are constantly appraising the program as a fact.

And we are prepared to take

what action is necessary to achieve that goal.

We believe, however, it is our conviction that at this time, the present program will achieve it, provided it has the cooperation of all segments of the economy in support of the American people.

Yes, sir.

We sure have a cold spring, haven't we?

Yes, sir.

I'm going to simply confirm that seven had breakfast with me.

Yes, yes.

What did you say?

Yes, it's in my press picture.

No, I think not.

That's right.

We don't.

I want to come in and discuss various labor problems.

I'm asking his advice about the docks right on the west coast, among other things.

One other.

I'll be asked whether or not Porter will see the president.

He's going to be brought in back.

You don't have to have an excuse.

Even if he doesn't, I think, I'm sure he's going to say yes.

Because if you wobble around... Yeah, well, the point is, I've said directly that I...

The reporter did exactly what he was doing after trying to bring us up.

I want to get a first-hand report.

So it's back to consultation.

Right, but I wouldn't reaffirm his break-up.

No, I'm sure.

Sure.

We're prepared to talk initially.

Well, I wouldn't even come that far.

I mean, I've just been talking to you in your own situation.

Just say that we're reviewing the situation.

I mean, I'm just getting that.

We're reviewing our negotiating, reviewing the whole status of the negotiations.

We're just reviewing the whole status of the negotiations.

We don't want to reiterate the refusal to come back.

Oh, we're going to come back.

I understand.

I have a long talk with Sabrina, and I put the Polish proposition to him, and I said, you know, the basic departure that we're doing here is that we want to build policy on the recognition of we're two superpowers, and that we don't want to interfere in each other's basic concerns.

And I showed him the cable we had from Warsaw and the reply we gave.

I said, this is the spirits which we'd like to deal with you.

We don't need to ask you whether we want to go there, but if we want to show you, President is particularly concerned.

And what's your reaction?

He was practically in tears.

He said, this is the most treacherous thing I've heard.

I cannot tell you, Henry, how much this will impress Mr. President.

He said, I said, I want you to know, when we went to Romania, we knew it would annoy you.

We're going to Warsaw because if it raises any problems for you, they'll look away and see it.

And he was bracketing tears, he said.

Speaking informally as a member of the Central Committee, I'm certain that they will say yes.

But if you can wait till Monday, he said,

so that it is formally, just that you get a formal reply from us.

It would mean a great deal to us, but I can tell you now that it would be yes.

It will almost certainly be, but he was practically in tears.

You see, they, uh, we have to realize we've got some chips to play, too, here.

Oh, yeah.

And they, uh, they know we can just, uh, but it does show we're trying to cooperate.

Exactly.

And you told him that I would not embarrass him.

I said, you don't say nothing.

It really does.

And, uh, I said, that's to us important domestic consideration.

He understood that.

Oh, yeah.

And I said, we are not doing this for the same reason as

which wasn't done to annoy you, but in which we were willing to pay the price.

In this case, we frankly want to stay on his ankle.

You told him, you reiterated, I thought, the importance of the song.

Oh, well, that's how it sounded.

He liked that.

Oh, God, yes.

And then on Vietnam, I said, you know, you've been...

mentioning now two or three times that we had not maybe discussed.

And I said, first of all, I want you to know what the president said to me.

And I mentioned that.

That's why I called you.

I didn't know you were there, but I called over here to talk about it.

And then I found you.

I said, what the hell?

I just called.

I didn't press you for another time.

He knows that we're in contact.

Secondly, he said, now let me make a proposal to you which just occurred to me.

He said, it's got no official standing.

It's just my own idea.

But how would this be?

He said, why don't you offer a withdrawal for a deadline?

I said, well, if we do that, then they'll say you have to stop military aid, too.

And we can't do that.

He said, but maybe we can help there.

He said, supposing you make this with a proposal, that you withdraw in return for a deadline.

give a deadline for withdrawal in return for prisoners.

And you and we agreed not to give any more military aid, we to North Vietnam and you to South Vietnam.

That wouldn't be a bad deal.

So I said, you know, I said, frankly, the president thinks he's got this all won.

You know, I've played it very tough.

I said, we feel...

That if we can last till November, which I'm sure we can, then we have four years to settle accounts.

So you are... We don't feel any pressure.

It's an offensive.

I'll tell you right now, we're not going to have any secret or other meetings.

I just thought we could go back and... Yeah, I know what you're saying, sir.

Yeah, I know what you're saying, sir.

And I said, if you want to find out how Moscow reacts to this proposition,

The president has always said that he'd be open-minded, and I've explored it in the meantime with the president.

I frankly think if we could get that sort of a deal, it would be... What do you mean, if they would have stopped their aid?

If we stop our reason for the action?

Military aid we can continue to give to the army.

And why don't you give military aid if the North...

I think if the North doesn't get military equipment, why should the South not get military equipment?

But obviously, I haven't seen him since I was on stage there a minute.

Do you know him?

You see, he's pitched off because you saw Gibbons.

Gibbons, the left wing teacher.

He was a member of the East Group who ran for president in Vietnam.

And I don't want to be sure that you know his story.

All right.

President, how are you going to say that we just had a message from the Soviet ambassador I haven't received?

I want you to meet Henry Kissinger.

I also want to tell you this.

If it meets with your approval, and I think it will because I know how you and I feel about these issues, I'd like to set up a system whereby Henry will privately brief you on the international situation.

particularly as we go to this Russian summit.

Then, that way, you'll know what to tell your folks about the national events and some of those things.

And I'd like you to think it would be a good idea if you'd be interested in that very much.

Now, he can do that, or he can do your board.

But now, I think you should know that we have done that with me.

And as a matter of fact, we've

We gave him everything after we returned from China.

My long experience with your calls, I mean, I know where they stand.

They wear flags.

Where's yours?

Anyway, I was going to say, I think it would be very helpful that we do it.

Because you see, the thing is, Frank, is the piece of things came in.

In fact, one of your vice presidents went out to Hanawag or something like that.

And they always asked to be agreed.

But what we want to do, and right now it's terribly important that the United States, if we go into this meeting with the Soviet Union, be strong, you know, that we see this thing through.

But we need guys like yourself to stand up.

But you can't stand up unless you know what we're up to.

That's the fact.

So if you like, I will, and we will arrange, I'm kind of here in town for some time, so I have to go.

I saw Mr. Gibbons because I think every group that goes to Illinois, just in case, they drive to the park, that we can indicate something.

Yeah.

Mr. Gibbons, do you mind if I share this one?

What do you want to say?

Today's show is raised widely.

Oh, it is?

Good.

Well, that's what they told them.

And he just repeated what they told him.

I tried to.

But anyway, what we'll do, Henry, I think the time is not right now, but before we go to Moscow, maybe about two weeks before we go to Moscow, you arrange the Chalice.

uh, have, uh, have Frank, uh, maybe just, maybe just the two of you sit down, whichever form you guys, you, you sit, you sit down and get him to straighten the breathing as to what's gonna come up, arms control, do these other things, so he'll know what we're up to.

Henry doesn't play golf like George does, but he's got some more of those tokens.

Yeah.

Come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on, come on.

Sit over here.

Sorry to keep you waiting for that.

But I get a picture now.

Well, I wanted to

If I could start this little talk with the first of myself.

I'm very grateful that you did not leave the pay board.

I know that you must have caught on shuddering hell from a lot of your colleagues.

I think, however, that your decision, and I'm going to do my very best in our shop to see that this comes true, that your decision,

and the way things happen will prove to be a good one.

In other words, what really matters is whether we do get, you know, this cost of living moving down.

If it does move down, then the people that fought the battle are going to look good.

The people that didn't fight the battle aren't going to look so good.

The other thing that is exciting to do, and I want your decision, I want to get a good picture before I say it, because your actions are quite interesting.

And what I would like is really your best advice as to how we handle these things.

One of the things that is very important in my mind is this.

I don't want George Meany's action to hang on us and on me, the anti-labor tag.

I'm not anti-labor.

I'm pro-labor.

I really am.

I don't want union members across this country to think, my God, we're fighting for you, and the members are not.

I'm for unions.

I'm for their members.

There's a whole lot of them.

And therefore, it is very important, and I'm speaking very apart from politics, which is also important in another way, but it's very important that we have communication with some of these leaders.

Now, at the present time, you must feel kind of lonely on the other hand.

We are continuing a pretty good dialogue with the construction boys, aren't we, John?

Very good.

We're trying to keep them in that right to our state.

Yes, and of course, Fisk and the Teamsters are very close to the construction team.

Well, they work with them a lot.

Let me say, I think that we all have, if whenever we're talking to any of the folks at LCIO, you know, I mean, those boys, you should tell them, which is the truth, and it's true to me,

that the door, as I said they had done, Miami, the door to this White House is open to any of, any of, any leader of America, you know what I mean, any of you here.

They haven't agreed with us all the time, but it's open.

But on the other hand, I mean, I've got a column as a senior, and in this thing, I had to make that decision, and George took his view, and George made his, and so that's where we stand.

But we really now need your advice.

We need, frankly, your counsel, your support.

I mean, I'm being very selfish about it, because basically, you are the only major union leader, you know, who hasn't told us to go to hell.

Major one, I said.

You know, we've got Pete Brennan, he's a major one in his way, but he isn't, but as a nation,

and any other national ones have had to give us the list.

So the National Village is a leader.

But that isn't England.

That's part of the NFL Seattle.

That is the presence of various.

So that's what I want you to know.

That's the way we feel about it.

And by the same token, to the extent that we can help, it matters that my children still will help.

It's just that way.

Well, I appreciate that.

as you say, about our friends over on 16th Street.

I wouldn't worry too much about it.

What's your evaluation of that?

I think that we find ourselves with a beleaguered individual.

What do you mean?

Do you think it's personal?

Well, it's personal to this extent.

Me, number one, you must remember he has no membership.

All he's got is unions, et cetera.

Frankly, he has nothing.

So I had never thought of it that way.

In other words, that's if I see what I understand.

April has membership for us guys.

You have membership.

But Meany hasn't.

Meany hasn't.

You're good constituents, I guess.

Okay.

Now that's number one.

Meany likes to, has a lying life, wants to be a kingmaker.

And he thought he had the material for a king in Scoop Jackson.

Well, I'll evaluate it if you will.

Good man.

That's all.

Well, let's evaluate it on this premise, and this is where you've got to look at it.

Meany fell down the stairs when he openly endorsed Scrooge Jackson for the presidency of the United States.

The result of it is that on the relationship that was built up between Woodcock and myself,

George and me, you know, all this value and talk about the setting up, the actual setting up of the board and so forth.

I'm sure we all know how it was set up.

And we bowed to his requests and tripartite systems.

He knew it all along.

Woodcock was the fellow that got him to agree to the meeting.

Well, now...

Through you?

That's right.

I think, as I remember, George, you called, you were the broker.

That's right.

So, on that basis, they got together, me and Woodcock, on the basis of Walter getting killed.

Walter didn't mean to be...

We didn't meet on A.L.A.

I didn't want to carry it out.

I mean, for one reason, he was getting back to Lucifer.

Lucifer got before, and he was doing, in my estimation, he'd done something for this country that should have been done, and I'd like to have continued it.

But now, Woodcock gets himself into a position

for this strike.

Now, the NFL CIO didn't lend Woodcock anything.

There's only three of them that lent him any money.

One was the rubber workers, the steel workers, and ourselves.

I think P. Bonrano lent him a million dollars, and Abe lent him three.

And then when he was going down the drain, he came running to me, and I had $25 million.

$25 million?

Yes.

But I didn't lend it to him because his name was Woodcock.

I lent it to him because the membership of his children was necessary to maintain this home.

Of course, that's why they called me the UAW Landlord, which calls properties and is collateral.

Well, you took a lot.

Oh, yes.

Wasn't that just you and William?

That's not much.

Now, I'm sure now that that's where I made my mistake.

Because I'm sure that Meany and Woodcock has their deal of him going back to the L.O.C.I.O.

Now,

one time tried to take a step forward, which he did, and endorsed the muskie.

Who endorsed the muskie?

This person.

And he got us forward to the muskie.

And some people come and talk to me and so forth, and I don't even know how old my guard was when they were on down the line.

Well, they said, Jesus, you're out in front here and so forth, and I said, I do it when I believe it.

Now, when Woodcock endorsed Muskie, George thought because of the New Hampshire primary and following with the Florida primary, that Woodcock had mistaken.

But whenever Muskie picked up a step in the Orange primary, me had to get put the pressure on.

Because if Woodcock and Muskie gained any recognition, and by some trick of fate, comes out of the convention with a nomination, they won't be saying that they have Belzeal in Washington.

So what vehicle has he got left?

The only vehicle he's got left is to put the pressure on.

and this great labor leader, Ed Smith, and Mr. Woodcock.

And of course, this other chatterbox he has over there, this fellow named Golding.

Golding, now, who is a boy.

And the result of it is, this is the reason, actual reason why they put you on the pay board.

Woodcock didn't have enough stomach to walk with them the day that they walked out.

Woodcock was waiting for me.

And I said to myself, you, last year you're gonna make your own decision this time.

Because I know how many people feel as though he is Woodcock.

And I've got that trump card.

And I pulled you out of here.

I gave you life.

And then you went with Mr. Meany and got me, and walked away and left me all by myself.

So when he falls down, it's painful.

But I don't say to him, well, I'll take your son down to property, or... That's the only way I could play the game.

But this is the real reason they walked off the table on us.

Nobody else could deny it.

Nobody could sell me any different.

Well, that plus the reason you told me this, that he knew the food press, I mean, the BLC.

Oh, yes, he knew that.

Yeah, I'll go down next month.

Anyway, you think basically it was a political decision.

political decision, political decision to gain the step over the other guy.

And I think we could be real blunt with each other.

George may realize that he hasn't got the answer in all the helps he used to have to the extent that Richard M. Nixon's gonna come out from steps and throw the red carpet down the floor every time he walks in.

He did it pretty good though.

Oh yes.

Better than what he should be treated.

Yeah, considering what he said.

That's right.

Yeah.

I must say, on national security, I heard it, but otherwise he's getting the hell out of us.

Well, I don't think, I think some of his case has been a hell of a lot of good.

I've never been over my father.

And I don't over honor my own father.

I didn't think you'd take polls, sir.

Well, I have a few polls in Colorado County, and then I have some reactions.

I've got a file that's thick over there.

Congratulations on my position to stay on the table.

Is that right?

From what kind of people?

All kinds.

You know, working men and women, businessmen.

The one I got just before I came over here.

I looked at it.

There's a fellow who runs a little real estate company down in Lakeland, Florida.

Oh, what's he doing?

Right in the center of Florida.

Says, I want to congratulate you.

You won't know what this really means to me as a small businessman.

Great.

You got some of the other stuff too, didn't you?

Very, very few.

Very few.

I don't think I have out of a possible 250, 300.

Congratulations.

I don't think I have 15, thank you.

That's very interesting.

Did Senator Coyle use this?

Who?

Mr.

Senator from Pennsylvania.

The pollster.

He was pulling over the weekend.

He said he was going to call you or write you or telegram you because he kept getting very negative signs on the internet, but an awful lot of people would raise your name and say how great they thought you were.

How many did he call?

He gets about 6 to 800 a day phone calls made.

And he called me Monday morning and he said that over the weekend he had gotten

some very interesting reactions, very interesting, I mean, for the first time a lot of people raising your name, saying, you know, this fellow fits in, that's a good one.

I told him to pass it on to you, but it would be, if you liked on his name, I'm sure I'd avoid it.

I just got back this morning.

But, seriously, I think the only thing that, as far as the appalls are concerned, would have been great.

are trying to do is to build up.

And nobody can get too self-assured at this time.

You've got six months to go, even, for sure.

And public opinion is a great thing.

Well, it's trickle as hell.

Today, you've got a number of them arranged.

Tomorrow, you haven't.

But I, as far as industry is concerned,

and I listened with great interest this morning on the news report in respect of what John Connolly said yesterday.

I would like to see, and I don't know just when would be the opportunity, and it has to be judged very, very intense, but I would like to see something from out there

to fool them into investing in this country, they better reduce their prices 2% or 3%.

I think that on the basis of how it's applied, that this, in my opinion, because there's no doubt in my mind that the retail of the horse and the brides in this country

I was totally ignored.

The real concept of what you were trying to do with this economic situation in this country.

Well, Connolly, I really read the act on yesterday in relation to the big change.

Grace is going to have in the middleman next week.

And he's going over their problem parties, right, George?

Now, what you're talking about, too,

You're talking about a further statement.

I think it has.

I think that as far as administration, they cut that part.

You remember the argument and discussion.

And many, if you notice, is trying to come back in.

Some other people are trying to come back in with a control of profits.

Now, whenever the rat act was re-established, this hardens me right down real quick.

I've said this in general.

I think I said this in general every time I talk to you.

Whenever the Stabilization Act was being argued in the House, I thought you'd read the records, you'll see my statement there.

This guy said the Stabilization Act didn't go far enough.

Mr. Meany and Mr. Beamer, and what not, came to me with a compromise, that we would just kill the wages and prices, et cetera.

I said to hell with that, I'd rather lose the damn country

Because if you're going to give them fire, then make it all inclusive.

But they can't.

They watered it down and only let the Stabilization Act go as far as it did.

Now, last year, whenever they brought it up for rediscussion in the passing of last fall, they had a right to write in again from the Central.

Nobody did.

It's the same that nobody's argued since we've had Democratic-controlled Congress for at least 16 years.

Not one piece of legislation.

And this here inflation we're going through now didn't come about, you know, since 1968.

Not one piece of legislation was ever passed during Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Johnson's administration.

Not one piece of legislation was passed to end the war because they knew that this country couldn't live on a peacetime economy if they had closed that war off overnight.

And this is what I'm saying as far as the act is concerned.

This doesn't preclude the administration of taking a definite position

I'm saying the truth.

People in this country, the price has got to be reduced two or three percent.

Now this was the theory that went on of getting the economy down.

Christ only knows everybody tried.

Everybody tried.

They don't have participation.

And unfortunately, I'm not selling out my own people in labor, but I use only one

Theory.

One principle.

I spent 40 years in organized labor.

Have you?

40 years.

When did you go in?

Did you go in and say, all right, did you go in as a member first, or did you go in as an organization at the beginning?

Well, I went in, I drove a truck then.

You did?

Worked on the dock.

And then it was in the unit.

And ran for local office.

Yeah.

40 years.

this year before here.

All these years.

We have this view.

Inch.

I never won an argument and stand on the outside throwing a brick.

I never represented my people properly by being on the outside when I could be on the inside.

And this is what I said to one of the walkers of the pay board.

I said, you know that you maintain yourself as a labor leader.

You know, when he strikes your organization, it's his name, Walker.

One of the walkers.

Oh, oh, oh, yeah, that's right.

I'm sorry.

I said, you've been on many strikes.

You've had quite a bit of strife in your organization.

Tell me one strike you ever won by walking away from it.

I said, it's the same thing with this payboard, actually.

Good, good, good.

This is an economic strike.

That's a very good line.

Tell me one strike that you've ever won by walking away from it.

That's right.

What is the situation?

Tommy, I'd like to talk a little, if this is out of order, don't answer, about your region at the present time.

How's the morale of the boys?

How are they feeling?

Do they feel pretty good talking about our board or our membership?

First, if you've got a thing under control, your membership feels good about your leadership and so forth, and then it will actually go more direct.

You know, I read some of the little columns now and I just see a slip about whether Hoffa's going to try to get back in and the rest.

Well now, you know, and Hoffa then,

I am confident, Chuck, you were in constant touch with this, and so was John.

Now, we made that decision, but I, right in his office, I remember I told you, and I told Mitchell at the same time, I said, now look, I'll sign this clemency order.

But there must be a clear understanding that there's no, that he's not to screw around in that union again.

I'm a certain member.

You were very good about it.

Now the point is, and also I told you to ask, but he said he was for it.

There's a couple of things.

I'm right about it.

isn't doing, I just want to know.

Is there anything going on that I should know about?

Yes, there is.

What are they doing?

You don't want to ask me.

Oh, no, I should have already come to that.

Referral.

As far as Hoffa is concerned, there's no doubt about it, he's the most thankful person in the world.

Hoffa, as you said,

I knew Jimmy Hoffman when he came into the neighborhood, but he couldn't say six words almost.

Now, whenever he was racist enough and good enough to sign that plan to save the boy,

I talked to John, and I think I talked to you too, Chet, and he said, well, Jesus, we'd rather you wouldn't go out.

Well, as far as I know, Chet, I said, I'm going.

I just, my friend, he's here.

He says, please, don't go to prison.

And I didn't go to prison.

I waited.

It seemed about half an hour away from the airport, so there'd be no insurance.

And I talked with that guy.

He said, yeah, yes, thank you.

Well, they have everything else.

So I said, what are you going to do?

And he says, they're not going to put me on the shelf.

I said, I don't know what it takes for you, boy.

He said, they're just short of five years.

And only through the grace of God and the goodwill of President Nixon, you're riding an automobile without some surveillance.

So he said, well,

I said, if you want to listen to me, you go to St. Louis, spend the holidays with your family, then go to Florida for a week or 10 days, get yourself a little regulated, and then you and Joseph can get on a boat and go for a two or three months cruise.

I'm sure that we can get you cleared to do that.

Sure.

All right.

Make up your own mind.

I'll tell you why.

You talked to him about this to me.

I didn't know I could see it.

I only sat at one time and rode an airplane.

I didn't know who it was.

It was right in front of me.

I thought it was sitting there in the seat next to me.

I said, do you know who that was?

I looked around.

This is when somebody said that.

Go ahead.

That way.

You know what happened right in front of the prison?

He started taking on the price board or the wage board, you know?

So I told him, I said, you know, there's one thing, I says, there's your friend, I says, up in New Hampshire.

There's not much to keep you in jail.

That's right.

Nixon did to get you out of jail.

That's right.

The guy was so radical that it made it almost impossible to move, you know.

So he said, well, he's my friend.

I said, who's the kind of friends that put you in?

Who's the kind of friends that put you back in?

I said, Jimmy, I just want you to know one thing.

Since you've been away, since March 7, 1967, you've made one

approached me when John Inglis died to put the givens in the secretary-chair of this international union.

I told you then, no dice, that I would make the decision.

A lot of people don't believe this.

I read the newspapers, and I just wonder how in the hell these people think.

But you have my word.

There hasn't been a decision made in that international union that I can be full credit for.

Of course, he had some outside commitments, but I lived with him until July the 5th, until he became the, until I became president, of which I'm sure that all of us are the same, you and me, and our associates and friends, with a banality of reflection against the organization.

Until July the 5th, when I was elected, I canceled out all of my commitments.

Now,

As far as Hoffley is concerned, he's one of the schoolmates' speeches.

He was on the phone just now when Flynn died.

He started to go ahead and promote Kimmelis to be secretary and treasurer.

Tell me, I missed Flynn.

He was a secretary and treasurer at the Houston School.

I met him.

Yes, you did.

He just died.

He just died, and he had a blood clot stroke.

And then he, then all of us wanted Gibbons.

What is this thing with Gibbons with him?

Now Gibbons is from St. Louis.

I met him down there too.

He was sitting on your right.

Go ahead, tell me about Gibbons.

Gibbons is supposed to be the, Jimmy.

Yeah.

Jimmy, uh, gave me a little assurance that we would take care of that matter.

Better opportunity over in Illinois.

That's right.

Once in a while they make a mistake.

But, he was too close.

Him and Jimmy was, uh, very close.

Ah.

And, uh,

Suffice to say that I'm sure that he and Gibbons had some, I don't necessarily call it extra particular activities while Jimmy was over here, but he seemed too many people think that that would be it.

In other words, if you were to ask this question, would you say that Gibbons is kind of Hoffa's boy and he's kind of the one Hoffa's pushing, is that right?

Well, when he's talking to Hoffa, he is.

when he's talking to other people, he is assertive.

How do you know, or maybe you don't know, but as I said, when he sent his attorney, Morris Shaker, to see me, he told me that Jimmy would like for him to appoint Kevin as Secretary of Treasury to replace Henry, and I told him, Shaker, he says, you just came from Rosenberg?

I said, yep.

I said, get back on the plane, and he went back, and that was both days.

No way.

And I offered it to Chesley in Chicago.

Ray's a great guy, very, very close friend.

He's a staunch St. Clairman.

He killed me.

He turned around with me, and he was going to take it, and then he turned me down.

Then I put Flynn in.

Now Flynn died.

Hoffa advocated Gibbons again.

He knew I was going to go with Gibbons.

He started to advocate.

I don't know if I heard enough.

Faye Chesney.

And he was calling all over the country.

Jimmy Hoffa?

Yeah.

Well, then he is acting in the union again.

Well, I mean, so... Is that a violation of what we said?

So whenever he called around and he was saying this and that, and people would call me and say, do you think I'll call him?

I mean, what's your favorite Chesney?

And I just told them all, I'll make my determination.

Really?

Yeah.

Well, I flew down to Miami, and Dusty had had his arm or shoulder operated on him in separation.

I said, do you want this job under the conditions that we understand each other?

He says, yes.

That's Dusty Miller.

He's our seven-minute conference.

Oh, yes.

He was the host for it.

Now, there's only one thing as far as I'm concerned.

He's selling people for one reason or the other.

He's coming back in here in March, 73.

His restrictions will be over and he's going to go to court with an approval.

And he's going to come back into here.

And he says, he had a commitment from me.

Well, the commitment he had from me was on this basis everything that's understood.

One of you folks was so gracious to allow him to go to visit his wife in San Francisco.

And John told me, he said, no offense, he says, we're going to go in custody of his son.

I know he won't.

But he said, promise me one thing that he won't

started another union convention or meeting while he was in a hotel with his son.

So I got a son, Shanker, and I said, you're going to get this consideration for him to go out and marry Josephine.

Josephine and I have been friends, well, I knew Josephine before he married her.

And she's nice lady.

And she feels so bad about this whole thing as anybody.

And her illness was sincere.

A lot of people tried to say that this was a phony bombing, but now she had a touch-up, a fever, and this was an electric shock.

I had that when I was in Oxford.

It was terrible.

Four weeks.

It leaves you very worried for years afterwards.

She's still better, you know.

Probably not.

Yeah, it should be standing.

She would be standing here talking to us right now.

It's very unusual she should get it now, because you know unhealed fever comes from raw milk.

Well, this was years ago.

Years ago she had it.

Then she left her, you know, green line deficiency.

They call it malta fever, too.

That's the other name for it.

Malt is the common name of unhealed fever.

Now, no matter whether she was in church, whether she was at your home, or their home, or even right here in the office, she would stand there talking just as normal as what we are now.

Maybe something would excite her, and she would just completely blow the picture.

Just fade away.

She said this for years, but it kept on working on her heart, and she's in very bad health now.

So,

I told them they'd come back and they promised me that he won't visit anybody else.

Now, as far as Joe Dibney or Iron Loan or somebody out there that's in that area, as far as they're concerned, well, hell, sure, they could drop in and have a bite to eat with them and visit with them, but let's keep it on that basis.

Oh, yes, that's... Well, I went to Florida.

And he went to San Francisco.

I get to Florida, I get a call about 10.30 that night.

Says, Fitz, you'll never know how much I appreciate you.

I said, well, that's fine.

And I said, remember what the restrictions are.

Some of the people want to, I'm sure they'd like to, but just tell them that you

I've got a responsibility if you give me a word.

And this town looks very nice and so on and so on.

Well, he says, can't you come out and see me?

Well, I said, Jimmy, I figured I'd get my word, too.

Yeah.

And I says, I really have no business in San Francisco.

I'm going to take care of it.

Well, Jesus said, I must.

You don't know what it means to me to joke with you.

You don't even know where she's going to live.

I said, all right.

Seven o'clock the next morning, there's an airplane, shh, San Francisco.

Walked from the lobby of the hotel, what on earth do you think I mean, right?

The lobby of the hotel.

Yes.

Right.

I walk from him, I walk over to the elevator, I see two other guys.

One from New York.

I go to Rome, and he's up there by himself.

And his son's there.

And when I walk in a row, here's Dusty Miller.

Now, Dusty Miller's brother who lives in San Francisco, he was out there to his funeral.

His brother died.

He isn't out there to his funeral.

He's seen the paper.

And now, of course, I just walked in, sat down, and I says, good Christ, what the hell is the matter with you?

Don't you understand?

The people did you some favors.

And I said, to be very frank with you, they didn't do it because of you.

They did it because of the children.

By your valley, every cobbler's a people puts in for you.

And I said, you're sure as hell vallied my cobbler's, because I give my word about this.

We got that settled, and we went over to the hospital, and Josie was in and out of a coma, and I was a little girl there about five minutes, and she was not normal, but she recognized me.

We went back to the hotel, and we talked about the situation, and he said, I'm going to run for president of this internet community.

I said, how about it?

Let me just tell you one thing.

I took this job.

I took over the understanding.

The view was clear.

Then you came back at the end of the evening, took your job.

You were all set.

You were all set now.

Now that happened.

Previous to the convention.

That's my understanding with you.

We made that before we went away.

But if you're still in prison, and you run for the president of this international union, then get yourself another boy to run for the general election president, to run this union.

If you get elected, I can let you know.

So I think that's where you're at.

But if that's your only friend, you did this, it's important.

I said, I'm going to be your friend for the rest of your life.

I want you to be mine.

We've got an organization.

Since you've been away, I think this organization's prospered.

I think the public came into this international event and asked to sell a million percent of Christ in membership to the general public.

It doesn't have to pick up the favor every morning and see headlines, teamsters, gangsters, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.

I'm telling you, this is my position.

I said, I'd like to think about that.

And I said, do you think the M.R.S.

awards are a concern?

You don't need me.

So it is that...

came the time that we were getting closer to where he got consideration.

He then was told that he either had to resign or call his position.

And he did.

I made my commitment to this country we live in, to our organization.

I run this international union.

I'm responsible for it.

Well, you were elected without any conditions.

Well, no conditions at all.

The fact of the matter is... July.

That's what I understood.

There were no conditions.

There were no conditions whatsoever.

The only conditions is I changed that Constitution to make sure, you know, like you, as your captain, me with my captain, I have all the faith in the world, and my captain...

as long as I got him sitting in front of me.

So in changing our Constitution, I changed it to this extent, that if the office of the presidency becomes vacant, the first vice president takes over, and within 14 days, calls a meeting of the general executive board, and they

are then given 60 days to call a convention and appoint somebody to direct the international community to the convention.

But the replacement goes back to the membership as far as the convention for election.

One more of the succession.

Well, that's all done.

Can I say this, uh, Kansas, I don't know if he's my friend, he'll be my friend, but do I need more of a help?

Mm-hmm.

What he is, Valley, is... Well, that gets out, actually, so it's very good.

We'll get the bureau on that.

I mean, it's a devastating lead-in.

Rick, my name is Avery.

Oh, what?

Couldn't it be an energy clearing?

Uh, Washington.

We could, why don't you, we could talk about that.

Any spatula of water, if there goes on, I mean, if there's any.

Because basically it's going to hurt the union.

That's the point.

It's going to hurt the union.

The thing is that no matter how much you deny the stack of Bibles, I'd say Jimmy Hoffa behind the scenes is running the human.

If he dabbles around in this thing, you can't let him do it then, Chuck.

I'm not a damn thing.

Not that I mean it.

He said one thing, Mr. Christensen.

Yeah, he may have done another, but I think that...

That's not a very wise thing, putting his own name in the Secretary of Treasury.

And then I tell the story.

If I ask you the attitude of a General Membership, the Central States Conference with Jimmy was, Jimmy Alperstrom was internationally known.

Now the Eastern Conference told Jimmy, from a mother's point of view, we don't want more of your leadership.

You're a friend, you've been lucky internationally, and we'll help you do what we can, but stay out of our business.

The Western Conference is the people that first openly endorsed me as the president of Missouri.

That is California, Seattle, all the western states.

The Southern Conference is Dusty Winter.

I was in Tucson.

I went into the center states here about a month ago.

I made the same statement then as I said here.

I want you to understand about my office.

No power behind this strong.

Never was, never will be.

I'm the Executive Board of our International Union.

And when people's calling you, and I know they've called people all over this country,

People call you and tell you that Jimmy Hoffa has something to do with this International Union.

For those of you that's here at the Central Conference, we had about 490 people.

You'll take a message back direct to me, or from me.

Hoffa is not coming back into this International Union.

You said that to 400 people?

Oh, yeah.

How true is the, how is the truth, sir?

We have a miscellaneous group, which numbers about 202 people at the Western Conference of Miscellaneous Children.

And I told them the same thing.

That's amazing, the reaction you get from these people.

Not necessarily about, they don't want to be under that dictatorship again.

But I also, I also test it out.

I may as well tell you this when people have heard it.

And I say, as far as this is not blowing smoke, as far as the administration, the president makes no sense.

There's some things that the administration is doing and has done that I don't agree with.

I get an opportunity, and I've had the opportunity in a few instances.

I let my feelings be known.

However, this is the illustration of the United States.

When I use this, I say, you know, I would ask, who I'd rather see, the President of the United States or President Nixon, and I say, nobody.

Because I said to myself, and I use that in the ring, that any man that had nothing customary to him, to contest for a job,

But now he's a problem to the government, as the United States.

And God bless him.

Because he must have some personal fortitude that he wants to do something.

Now, he says everything he's done, he's not necessarily done everything the right way.

But he's just as human as anybody else.

But there is one thing he has done.

He has tried to do something.

And it's been successful in a hell of a lot of ways.

There's a few mistakes he's made, but all you've got to do is look in the mirror.

And you're in the same category.

I showed the President Vinson speech in the newspaper.

It was a speech in Seattle, which is about as relevant a partisan speech as any of our spokesmen can get.

Well, he said, oh, you know, I don't have this public statement yet.

I said, well, Jesus, what is your position?

Well, as far as my position is concerned, I'm not endorsing any campaign for the rest of the United States right now.

But I can tell you, I wholeheartedly agree and support Nixon's policies.

Well, the message is getting through the teachers.

I'm sure you know.

I get it back from Ohio.

Oh, you get it back from all over.

Chuck, people came to me, just two of me and two sons.

Now, there's weapons to this.

This is the Western States.

Lee Kennedy got up, he was the chairman of this group, and he says, of course I can't let Mr. President tell us, and Mr. President, we would like to be out of the poll.

I met them in the morning, and two of you, we had the other meeting there.

He says, after your speech, he says, Monday, I want you to know that this group

endorses your position for president.

Now this is the, now we're talking about a broad specter of miscellaneous students.

Now this is where we're at.

I'm sure that the people of East, for instance, this is the most amazing thing that I've seen.

You've been to New York.

You know, of course you have one great advocate in New York, and that's Lindsey.

I think we could, uh, Rob Mayo, or, or some of the ultra-presidents, I think they'd vote for them rather than vote for Lindsey, especially in New York.

But, of course, there's Rubo.

Rob, he's done a great job up there.

Yeah, he's worked for us.

He's our friend.

Yeah, I know.

Yes, he's our friend.

And the attitude of the people in the East surprised me.

Surprised me no less.

I think the advocate we had was, they said, there's nothing in the lecture in the East, though, as much to put you on, as much as John Mitchell could do on the cartoon campaign.

So just let's keep in right there.

Right.

Great track.

Let me ask you a couple, but no, I want to ask one other thing.

Give me your advice on what we, on Ms. Doffman, if you talk to Joe about this.

Talk to him about it?

I think I need to know.

Well, you're fooling with something that I just can't quite fully comprehend at the moment.

Eric Bridges knows in his heart that he's got a good deal.

Yeah.

Gosh.

He and Gleason was very completely over on this guy.

And he don't know what to do about it.

What happened?

I mean, Gleason's the east coast folk.

Gleason has told this guy, there's no doubt in my mind, that the guy's such a huge .

Some weeks ago, when I went over to New York and made that speech before Ted Kiel's house over there, was the day that Clayston agreed with him on this.

It was the day that Lester Bridges was coming to the end of his rope.

The day before that, Bridges was in my office and said he had a firm, arm-clad commitment that Gleason was going to support me.

I couldn't believe it.

Two at lunch, I made my speech.

I ran into Johnny Barge, which is Gleason's second-in-command general.

He said, say, Johnny,

Harry Bridges was in my office yesterday, and he said he'd got an arm cut in the air today.

He says, Vince, we need you to support this little individual.

And I said, where's Gleason?

He said, there's a great little Gleason.

He says, Gleason went for England last night.

Now, they pushed this guy, Bridges.

We got into the discussion about the murder.

I gave letters, full understanding.

He said, well, I just want to stay in the payroll for another year.

He said, I don't know.

I'm worried about being in the payroll.

And I said, we'll give you an honorary degree as far as some recognition is concerned.

But you can't be on the executive board.

I said to your man, Bill Chester,

And he's the only man in the organization, the only man that will say, well, it's raining outside and you don't have to go to work.

And I said, we can do something for one or two other options.

That's all.

Now,

Tom's with his case coming before the board.

I told him, I said, Harry, I want you to understand one thing.

You're not entitled to a damn bit more than the other union.

You sold your birthright six years ago, whenever you agreed to the mechanical half and so forth.

That should have been some very eventual thing.

Now, when you're facing reality, you want to take our work away from you.

I said, I offered arbitrary money.

You don't want to do that.

I've got to be very frank with you.

You're not taking one job away from us.

You've got 15,000 on the West Coast.

You take one job, we'll eat your life.

I don't care what the board says or anybody else.

Where do I go?

I says, you do what I told you.

You come in and you'll play with us and then we can...

And I just then wrote the thing.

When did this conversation take place?

Oh, this was two weeks before he went to the pay board.

Okay.

So I said, now on your pay board, days before the pay board, you come in with the strongest, and you tell this guy Flynn out there.

And I told him this.

I told Flynn this myself.

Jim Reynolds brought him in to meet me.

The only basic argument you've got is productivity.

You're entitled to 5.5% increase, you're entitled to another 1.5% for inequities, and maybe another percent or two if you can show a strong productivity factor.

The only way to win this thing, the only way to get consideration, the person gonna pay for it might give you 20.9%

We, the laborers.

How the hell do we ask for the rest of the unions in this country?

Who are you?

You're old people.

No.

Well, I just sat there and sold it.

The newspaper advertising was insane.

That's my question.

Backed by the FLCIO.

So, they came in.

The result of it is, as you know, we had a record 80% increase, which is pretty good.

Harry came in to see me, but they had two days after the story blocked out.

Him, Chuck Nelson, and Bob Chester, they came into my office, and Harry said, well, don't you think I'm all right yet?

I just don't remember how or not he went on to this thing and he said, you know, it's an adventure to secure your position.

But he considered your position pretty good.

I have to go through the leadership of the community and the town and the membership.

And his reaction as far as all organized labor is concerned.

He kept on going about that one.

And I looked down and I says, Gary, if you are giving me a message

Go back and tell Meathead, I've already made my determination.

I can't understand you being you with the war.

Here's a guy that would spit on you as quick as anybody.

If you ever think that you're going to get back to the Air Force CIO, and if you forgot, no matter what you do, you could take a bath and lie with her.

I'll never wipe away that statement that you had of Harry Bridges as the top communist in the United States.

He jerked back, you know.

He said, but of course you proved that.

I says, well, sometimes the courts don't always write either.

And I says, you go back and tell them.

That's exactly what I said.

And I enjoyed being an owner.

I've been an owner all my life.

I said, when they threw us out of the AFL-CIO,

They did it.

We didn't do it.

They did it.

And I'm more convinced now that as far as me putting my welfare in the hands of them other fellows on that executive board as George Meany, that I'd be selling my soul and the love of the soul of everyone around me.

I said, well, Frank, don't be mad at me.

I said, I'm not getting mad at you.

I just want you to deliver mine.

I said, it's the same as you're giving me his.

I said, you know, Meany and my friend Woodcock, I don't necessarily hold it against Red Smith and Hayden, but hell, they're captives of Meany.

Meany and Woodcock.

Now, the first notification I had of this was Monday morning.

He called me and said, Frank, we're having a meeting at the council Wednesday, and he said, I want you over there.

I said, I'm not coming.

He said, what?

I said, I'm not coming.

Well, what's the matter?

He said, we're having a meeting at the council.

I said, I'm no voice to vote in your council.

I really thought we had to try to advocate some more different bridges to go and strike.

But it all became real.

There's only one union conveniently supported along the shoreline, and that's Keenster.

They said the leading garment worker, the cement finisher, the glass bottle blowers.

What the hell is the poor dude?

I can support anybody if I don't have to be actively engaged, you know.

So I said, I'm not coming.

Well, he said, send somebody over.

I said, no, no.

I thought we had an interest over there.

I said, well, I'll be there.

You're not going to lose me and my identity.

You have 40 clowns sitting around that table.

You say it's black, and they say it's black, but it could be fake.

And you come out and advertise you did before.

The council unanimously did this.

But you don't say anything about me.

I'd rather go out and fight like that.

Well, I don't know.

You leave me standing.

Either I go with your counsel or I'm catching the next train to Philadelphia.

So he calls up Wednesday after they made their famous decision.

Right.

You know what we did?

I said, no idea.

We called you back, but he says, to quit the pay war.

I said, well, what do you feel?

I said, what are you going to do?

He said, I'm going to stay on the board.

I said, I don't think the president's going to fire me, but if he don't want me on the board, he can tell me.

Well, what's the matter?

He says, well, I said, George, did we make a commitment over in the Oval Office?

I said, forget the other thing, how it got that far.

The day we were sworn in on the paperwork, did we ever play

playing to us by Father Schultz's hand.

We had our option then, saying yes or no.

Then we all stand up.

Yeah.

I said, what the hell gives you the right now to walk up to me?

I said, I told your man to go.

I tried to tell you that you were sick.

However, we had this little discussion about not being satisfied, and he had to arrest the board.

And that's kind of the bullshit.

Let's not argue with both.

Let's not argue with Conley and Rumsfeld.

You don't think you're treated right?

Let's go to the president.

He's the guy who set the board.

Let's tell him our beefs.

Well, he said, do you want to mess with us?

I said, the hell you want to mess with us.

He's the guy that made us.

He's the guy that we should.

We should try to resolve them before we get there.

If we can't resolve them, well, let's ask for a meeting with them.

And that's the way it is, and that's the way it's set.

Of course, that's the second red of the world, isn't it?

Uh-huh.

Really got to go through.

Can you keep, do you think you can, you'll keep in touch with this team?

I mean, this...

Why don't they make this deal?

It would be a good thing for them.

They ought to belong to it.

Wouldn't it be a good thing, George, for them to be the long-term sticking out that sort of thing?

Well, they're going to be much better as members of a powerful union.

You know what I mean?

Wouldn't you think so?

The way the organization and technology of the docks are progressing is practically continuous with what delivers to the docks.

That's right.

You see, the thing was containerization.

Now before the truck conveyance would bring the freight here to the ship side here,

Now, what had happened, the truck would come here.

They would unload the truck, or either on what they call the skin of the dock, which is the paddle.

And then the sling would come off the ship, or the crane would pick it up and put it down the hold of the ship.

Now, six years ago, when Bridges agreed for containerization,

And what happens now is that containerization comes.

They send a container out to Colson Manufacture or Schultz Distributing Company or Fitzsimmons Baseball, that company.

We load the container.

They bring in the truck.

They put the ship aboard ship.

Harry's lost this work that he used to do here.

Now there is minimum shipments gathered.

And some of the truck docks, some of the institutions, they bring this miscellaneous fridge, you know, there may be a hundred shillings or a thousand shillings.

And they stuff the container there.

Bridges says, that's my work.

Well, hell, it might be seven miles away from the water treatment plant.

I see.

That's how the jurisdictional thing is.

We're going to put your people off that job.

Now he agreed to say that the police would go on, charge them people a dollar a ton, you know, to pay into their guaranteed money.

Sooner or later, somebody's going to take that to court.

And this is another form of affilivating, another form of paying for work not performed, you see.

That just depends on the attitude of the court and what they find.

But that don't answer his problem.

It just makes him a weaker position on arguing for the work.

Now, we'll merge.

What we can do is take the work.

And his people will fit in with our unions at these places that are doing this containerization.

And nobody will get lost.

Well, Bridges wants his executive board.

Torpedoed, isn't that what happened before?

Well, they torpedoed it.

They torpedoed the situation because some of his own board, which he calls Cognizant.

Ha ha!

The radicals.

Ha ha!

I told you that story, what he said, didn't I?

Yeah, you told me.

I said, well, what the hell is Cognizant's executive board?

He said, Frank, he said, they're all Cognizant.

I better fall off my chair.

Ha ha ha!

Yeah, yeah.

This is eventually going to have to be worked out.

I think that's the answer.

I don't think that Bridges himself has got enough stomach to call that strike.

I don't think his people wants to go on this train.

And he knows he can settle this here 15% settlement.

that he wanted to sign an agreement.

That's my question.

I think it's a crazy question to ask those people.

Let me just say one thing that you should have in the back of your mind.

I've got to look at the congressional leadership on both sides and talk to them.

And if there is one in the query department, and we do, the Congress is going to move on that.

just as sure as the shooting.

Now, whether that kind of a move should take place in the election year, I don't think that it may not be the best time for that sort of thing to happen.

You know what I mean?

The tenders would be so high.

But my view is that Judge Bridges had really asked for trouble.

You were there at the meeting.

They all said, you know, and these are guys that are not anti-Labor.

That's the worst of them.

One of them was on the Labor Committee.

One of the things I was going to say was my last remark.

This sounds like a sign of grace.

I tried to get along with him.

I think I got along with him better than anybody he'd teached him at all.

But that's how I talked up to him.

I talked up to him, and I respect him.

So do I.

This is the thing that I have been trying and wrestling with myself.

I have made some reference to it.

about the other stock and trade that Meany is using.

He said, I'll come off the pay board.

Meany told him, they asked him, well, what do we do now with our problems as far as the pay board is concerned?

We don't give them consideration.

He said, I'm running your union.

Which only means the top.

As he said originally, he said, you'll have a lot of strikes.

You'll have a lot of strikes.

You're just faxing this here legislation in the Congress.

And I strike legislation.

You're off-status fax.

You're the guy who's going to take the burden, sir.

Not these fellows over here that'll vote for you.

Idiot.

Now this is Mr. Maines.

and he don't care, but George Meade, he does care.

He wants to always be recognized.

But George Meade is no different than John Lewis.

No different than John Lewis.

Can't rule or destroy.

Absolutely.

How long has he been there?

Well, what do you think this dirty old bastard did to me?

To his son?

Well, I work in Columbia.

I advocate against my membership in Columbia.

Is that right?

When was that?

You came to Columbia Country Club?

Aren't you in Columbia?

Well, I suppose I act on my application.

Look, I'm a member of Columbia Country Club.

You've got, what I'm interested in, I've been in it for three years now, and I'm actually honored.

But by golly, it's damn ridiculous.

You ever play that club, George?

I've played it a couple times.

It's fun.

Particularly, that first hole, I haven't played it for 10 years.

But you go across that.

If I get to help with golf again, I'll give you and George Shultz another head game.

And Mitch, how's that?

Wonderful.

In the meantime, I've got a couple of trinkets for you.

Since you're still on the pay board, this is a money club with a presidential seal on it.

And for your wife, this is a small thing.

It's not much, but this is a presidential ashtray.

It's made by a union laborer, but carried in an army truck.

Wait a minute, wait a minute, wait a minute.

You're going to get more of me.

Here we go.

I was at that stage where his game is much better than his handicap.

Ah!

I went to the park.

I don't want to be against him.

here out the edge of the porch.

Not once, but about three times.

Just like a little old trained pig, right up there at the sink.

You tell the story about me.

Well, he's great.

I just don't know who paid off at the end of the thing.

He's never out here.

He must be playing golf.

Well, I appreciate you coming in.

And let me say that, incidentally, the thing about you, which really distinguishes you from some of your colleagues, is this, that you let Chuck know, or George, or either one of you,

But I'd like to keep in contact, but you've got to ask, you know what I mean?

Sometimes I may think of it, but you know what I mean?

If you think there's something we should talk about, come in here.

Do you understand?

If you will, because I think we need your help.

We hope your help is in time.

All right.

Thank you.

Thank you for that point.

Appreciate it.