On April 12, 1972, President Richard M. Nixon, H. R. ("Bob") Haldeman, John B. Connally, John D. Ehrlichman, Alexander P. Butterfield, Beverly J. Kaye, Henry A. Kissinger, and unknown person(s) met in the Oval Office of the White House from 11:33 am to 1:40 pm. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 707-010 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
First, I didn't want to say it was here, but I lean to the younger man.
Is that all right with you?
You've seen them both, and I don't want to get into trying to see these men, because then you get personally involved.
But is the younger man all right?
Good.
All right.
Yeah.
Yep.
Well, anyway, it's contrary to my, my, my name, so I'm approving it.
I don't think you should know, and I'm not saying the word.
I'm just, I just initial it, and I send it over, and that's the way it'll be.
And let me say, I think I'll just wait a day so I can talk about it.
The other thing is, be sure, John, on those next guys, let's come up with, I like this idea of the young bucks, don't you?
The point is they can go on for three or four years and then we'll move to something else.
But when I say young, 50 or under, huh?
Because they need to do this.
You know, I put it to Arthur and I said, look Arthur, you can mold this young man.
And he will, he can.
I got their message on that.
You know, this is so goddamn ridiculous, because... John, I'm a Californian, and as Chris probably told you, what the hell in the House and the Senate, the law, I, of course, as a Californian, and walk a little billable as a senator, heck, we led the fight for the three-month title, I'd say.
Now, this is the same issue again.
I can't...
I can't understand why they, this is a suit brought by the U.S. government.
What could be done with such a suit?
Yeah.
Yeah, yeah.
Yeah, yeah, well, let me, it's probably in a department, let me tell you what I'll do.
I think it's probably in one of those civil, civil suits.
It is not.
Yeah, some jackass over there probably wanted a pair.
Yeah.
Okay.
The suit has been filed against the state of Texas on title.
I didn't bother you.
I told you about it.
I missed talking to you.
Stop.
Now, God damn it.
It's the same lawyer.
It's the same lawyer that's on this campaign.
First, you both were here when we had the documents.
I went through it all as a congressman, as a senator, as a vice president.
I was on the three-mile limit.
You know what I mean?
I mean, I was for our covenants or whatever the hell it was on the three-mile limit, but you don't tell me why you don't mark that.
The main point was that...
I fought and died for that damn thing.
I stated it when I was in Texas as a candidate in 60.
I didn't think I had to restate it in 68.
Now, this same little son of a bitch, probably some Jew, in the Department of Justice,
is handling this suit that handled the one on Thailand ten or fifteen years ago.
Now, I want the suit quashed, or any way you've got to do it, I want some action taken, because it's against my convictions.
Now, Dan, this is not a criminal suit, this is a civil suit, and that's a question for people, the reason people know.
Why, is this something that you think, Whittaker knows something about it?
It's in his area, but I doubt that he knows anything about it.
These kind of things have a life of their own.
I don't want you to get into it, Dan.
Well, I'll get it done, and we'll get it turned off.
I totally disagree with this.
I don't care whether the environmentalists are up in arms about it.
I am not going to let the federal government screw up the state's fishing rights.
And they know what my views are.
And again, this is one of those things that sort of stuck between the cracks.
I'm sure it is.
Some little guy just moved ahead.
I don't know.
But nobody knows what happened.
You didn't know?
No, sir.
Well, I don't know.
I doubt that John knew about it.
It isn't the kind of thing that we find out about until too late, ordinarily.
I know.
I was going to tell you that I...
I can see that I think that our strategy of having you do the breathing at these times is exactly right.
You did it extremely well.
You had to do it in a hurry because it's not any much longer than you should.
But the point was that you went directly to the point.
You were trying to make a sale.
Amazing.
Let me explain the difference.
I thought I told Bob, and maybe I didn't, but Henry was to handle his this morning.
Henry took about 30 minutes on his statement, and so he had a big map up there, and he talked about I-Corps, and II-Corps, and III-Corps, IV-Corps, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.
But in terms of just getting up and making the hard, hidden statements that these guys want to remember,
I just want to be sure that I understand Henry.
I know he's superb.
He works his butt off.
He works on the ladies and so forth.
I think maybe the problem is that he doesn't do it as well when I'm there.
I think maybe that's the problem.
You see, you've got to make a sale.
I finally had to come on stronger than hell.
And in order to get across to these professionals, they've got to go out there with a feeling of confidence.
But the point that I make is that's the problem with our general braziers.
If Richardson had been brazing on bussing, he'd have gone into all that stuff that Dominick was racing.
If Schultz had been brazing on the meat battle of things or bussing, they'd have spent too much time on the last one that you made, which is perfectly balanced.
Food prices are a very small part of the budget and so forth, but which is totally unsaleable for the housewife.
She didn't like that.
She said, God, now they're too high.
But nevertheless, it's a good point for people to have in the back of their mind that you're speaking to a farm owner.
It's not worth it to him to speak to the other owner.
The same, and also, what you said on drugs.
God, I've heard your briefings on drugs time and time again.
And they just bore me to death, because they go on and on and on, you know, what we're doing here, what we're doing here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here,
When you see my question, you can tell the kind of questions the leaders ask.
Of course, the leaders tend to get into, well, very technical things.
Each is a special, best way.
Pot has got something for us, and Dominic has got something for us.
But what do you want to leave with the leaders?
These are simple-minded men.
They really are.
And it isn't their fault.
Presently, the burdens of a congressman and senator for entertainment, attending meetings, and all the rest are so great,
that there's hardly anybody who thinks.
There's hardly anybody that sits down and figures anything out who becomes an expert.
And he's got us little shitasses that work for him out there who give him the papers.
I don't know about you, but didn't you feel that, I don't want Henry to feel it, he went and did all right, and he came on fine at the end.
But the point was, if I had told him 15 minutes,
He might have made it.
I think that's it.
Didn't that match up?
Lee, you did?
Well, I was disciplined.
I'm having to boil things down to five minutes on a subject.
Really.
John had his papers ready to hand out.
So did Henry.
He did not.
But he had them ready.
Colson and Haig worked all night last night getting them done.
So what happened?
I don't know.
He wouldn't hand them out?
He didn't find that out.
The paper that day was done.
I was going to send them out later.
But anyway, I heard about them things.
And I didn't get it in the first draft.
But you're a pretty good judge of this leader punch.
And I guess this is going to apply to the Democrats when they're around this afternoon.
Henry, who is our big gun in the domestic field, is far more effective than I.
Basically, in a crunch like this, he's more effective than Rogers, because Rogers would protest too much that we're negotiating.
He's more effective than Laird, because Laird is not believed by anybody.
People believe Henry.
The thing that I thought, that I think that we made a mistake on, and where I think John Yoo and Henry have gotten to sit down,
whoever, before these, before he ever does a briefing, he'd say, now Henry, go in and make a sale.
I can imagine, I can see now what Henry's briefings, I'm sure, to the press.
Did he do this way with the staff?
Did they have a map and all that sort of thing?
There's nothing.
No.
He didn't have any maps in there at all yesterday.
He said he'd keep his pitch and hit them hard on the... Yeah, and on the point of not talking about the...
Damaging the Generation of East and all that crap.
We had that simple argument.
We got the whole argument here today.
He did it at the set.
He was, what, about ten minutes?
He is awfully good.
And it was all, what's your judgment, John?
Anyway, I think it may have worked all right.
Because it's just as well that these guys hear a little from me, which I deliberately let Henry go on first.
I think actually the way it turned out was good because it was very heavy on the war and they soaked up a lot of stuff that they probably never heard before and they got a flavor of your determination in the thing and they're able now to go out and say the president's strong on this.
He sees this as a highly important point that he's not going to stop.
You're strong.
We're not predicting any results.
You ought to be strong.
You ought to urge strong action.
But we'll add that you've got a good case.
You see, like, for example, this decision negotiated by Henry Carver, Henry Carver, Warren Trump, he said, look, fellas,
You saw what we said on January 25th.
You know what the critics were saying.
I can assure you that since January 25th, we have a record just as good.
Don't be afraid.
That's what they need to hear.
Just like that, in one minute.
Don't you agree?
I think it's good for us to have to compress things.
All of us.
This is what I prepared for Henry on the war day.
I said, Henry, just say that and give that out to these people.
You see the point?
Yep.
Why we're there, what we're doing, so forth.
All right.
I think you hit it.
These guys are simple.
And we tend
to consider them very sophisticated, very knowledgeable, very, yeah.
I'm not sure that Henry before the Depression
Well, you assume that the press guy knows a lot about what's going on, but it's very spotty.
Some of them know a lot about one thing.
Did you get my memorandum that I sent you?
Which one?
Is that the one?
The speechwriter.
Well, it's the speechwriters will never take it.
They won't take this.
The speeches I make are, to the great credit of the speechwriting team, generally highly literate, highly responsible, and almost invariably dull.
Now that's true.
This means that though they may for the moment get a reasonably good audience reaction by trying to put some ad lib in which will make them go over and deliver it, they seldom leave anything memorable in the minds of the vast majority of our listeners which they can take away with them.
This brings me back to my harping on the need for illustration, anecdote, and colorful words which would inevitably be remembered.
I'm not talking about engines.
I have four of them.
It's the clever tricks which are fine for, I call these sapphires, which are fine for governors, mayors, senators, but not up to President Sanders.
What I am referring to is a greater use of illustration, parallel, striking, colorful language which will grab attention and keep it.
I realize all illustrations and analogies have great dangers because any clever critic, and almost everybody in the press, of course, is an antagonistic critic to our efforts, will point out why the illustration doesn't fit.
On the other hand, this means that we at least get the attention of the critic, and through what the critic writes or says, perhaps the attention of the listener and those who read about the speech, the fact that he does criticize the illustration.
This is brought to me when I was scanning the biography of Jenny last night and read of the fascinating relationship between Winston Churchill, when he was very young, 21 to 6, and the great American, Herbert Cochran.
Incidentally, getting back, Cochran, Churchill says, was his model as a speaker and also gave him great guidance in his early years in speech writing.
Of course, I don't mean to suggest that I should write or someone like Churchill.
He's one of those rare birds where God broke the mold when he died.
On the other hand, we can at least learn from him.
And if it would be too arrogant to do so from him, at least we ought to be able to learn from Bert Cochran, who, despite his many gifts, never went with the top of the greasy bowl in the United States.
Page 7, the second volume of the chapter, Churchill makes a very interesting observation about Cochran's speech writing about him.
I've said this to Christ a hundred times.
I would commend the first paragraph, the top page section, to all of our speech writers to read as a good way to find a means to put more light, meaning, and above all, more memorable phrases in the speeches that we write.
After finding out the necessity for reading very broadly from the section, and then getting down to the writing, he says, Cochran told Churchill, try to simplify the most abstruse questions with familiar, easily understandable illustrations.
That was the secret of Churchill's better speeches, the secret of most of the better speeches made by the better speakers of the English and American Christian.
It is, and I know that it is, spatially taught in our modern institutions of higher ed, because it will be criticized, it's overblown, it's simplistic, etc.
But the difficulty of so-called modern American Christian institutions is that they fail to realize that the main point to get across in speech is not substance, but to make it somewhat memorable and, if possible, somewhat exciting.
Anyone can take enormously potent substance and make a successful speech.
The November 3rd speech, the so-called checkers, the announcement of the trip to China, such great events that the substance itself became marital.
And how it was sent may have helped a bit, but really didn't matter all that much.
On the other hand, we don't have any broadcasters left like that.
What we have to take is a minimum of substance and get a maximum mileage of it.
The only way we can do this is to improve the quality of her speech writing, and the best way to improve the quality is to follow Cochran's advice to Churchill.
More easily understandable, familiar illustrations, and whenever possible, a colorful phrase or two that will stick in the minds of the hearer.
All of you know, most probably don't, Churchill did not invent the phrase Iron Curtain, which is 25-54 in the World War I standard.
which he used to pull in the circuit.
But the words had an enormous bang to the substance, less like Churchill learned from Cochran, without, of course, Cochran's time.
No doubt he had gotten the attention to it.
But what I'm getting at is this.
Canadian Parliament speech, the speech I made up there, the people in there.
I mean, a couple of quotes, yeah, they might have found one that's pretty good.
And that's mine, that's for their credit.
But the difficulty is that the speechwriters come up with something that will get A, from a professor, and C, from an audience.
God damn it, because the secret of audience reaction is illustration.
It's persons.
For example, I mean, let me give you another example of this.
It'll be helpful to you in your own work.
Do you please bring me that copy of the Canadian speech?
Bring me the last available copy of it.
Draft 5 or 6 or whatever you have.
Wherever it is.
I sent it back early this morning.
She was the only one here at 8 o'clock.
She typed it off and sent it after I worked on it last night.
You don't have a copy of the page before you send it to Henry, and he's working on it now.
Ask the little girl out here.
Ask her where the hell it is.
See if she's got a copy of it.
What I'm getting at, John, is this.
The secret of effective communication is really what you leave.
It's like the creature.
It's the politician.
And it's also the great teacher.
When you leave, is there anything you take away
That's why all preachers use stories, because most people take away a story.
That's why now and then, an outlandish phrase, some phrase, an illustration, an analogy.
You see my point?
Yes, sir.
And that is where we are pissed for.
We've just got to realize that we are pissed for.
You've read this draft that comes in to me.
It's beautiful.
I mean, they try.
I mean, they try.
I mean, I say some of it is they've got illustrations and the rest of it they don't.
They never think in terms of it as a speech record.
They think in terms of it as records.
And, uh, what Flashlight, for example, I was going to use, and I didn't, that's why I didn't use it, but to show you how you miss it, you have to miss it, a way to tell a story.
I had just suggested that even, I said, why don't you try using the conclusion of the Ingalls speech, my reference to
how Pitt's famous speech, which has been rated as one of the best short speeches in English, and she was praised as the savior of Europe, and he arose and answered in these words, I give you many thanks for the honor you have paid me.
but Europe will not be saved by any man.
England has saved herself by her exertions, and will, I trust, save Europe by her example."
And he said, well.
I said, now that is an arm's span.
All right.
The way I used the dildo while I was in Transylvania was that I concluded with that.
And I said, and so let us, the English-speaking people,
save ourselves by our exertions, and perhaps by our example, save peace and freedom in the world.
And I use it in other connotations too.
This is the way it came back.
He went through Price and eighteen others that we have over there.
He said, I would like to close my speech with the same quotation that I used when I spoke at the Guildhall in 1958.
I referred then to the fact that William Pitt had made a very all-encompassing response to this man.
And killed him.
Next, come on.
Don't forget it.
The way you do it, you pause at the end, you finish your speech, and then you'll say, 180 days, 180 years ago,
In one of the most dramatic moments in the history of the English-speaking peoples, a great English Prime Minister made a speech that is as great as one of the top ones in British office.
He was praised, the savior of Europe, after no since magnificent victory in Dubai.
He arose.
He responded in these words.
Listen to me.
That's speaking.
Are you listening?
Christ doesn't understand this.
How many goddamn times have I told him this?
You see my point?
Now that's clear to me.
I'm going to give you another example of how he delivered his speech to me, of how not to say something, but what I'm getting at is, go back, pick up Jenny.
Read the references of Burckhardt's relationship with Churchill, and you will see what the two talk about.
Burckhardt, great Irish orator.
But the point is, he knew illustration.
But isn't that the point?
He was an orator.
My problem with speechwriters always is that they never make speeches.
That's exactly the point.
And they don't know how to make it fit.
So they don't write speeches, they write, that's just what you said.
They write essays.
Essays.
Essays, yeah.
But it seems to me that...
But you see, if I could say one thing, you know, as an example, like, for example, I use an iron curtain.
As I think, for example, of drugs, I try to think of something, so you say, total war,
or you use a term, you've got to think of colorful terms that fit, not stuff like, like in South Park, Elizabeth Hitchcock was the one that, yeah, that was the joke thing then.
Well, I said a war on three fronts.
There are all kinds of those things around.
But you've got to use it in that, and then you've got to say, like a, well,
Would you like a grain of oak to be handed to me, please?
Is this the last one?
I need the one before this.
Bring me the sixth draft also.
You can tell me what the error was.
Oh, I think this is a good example of what I mean.
And I'll show you again.
I'm worried.
Did you type this?
The Canadian draft.
Well, I need the sixth draft, which I've marked up.
Would you please go in and tell Mr. Butterfield what I want is the sixth draft of my notes on it.
The sixth draft of my notes on it, please.
All right.
Now let me get it in there.
I'm sorry about that.
I won't give a damn about this speech, this is what I'm going to do, show you the little challenge.
I'll see if I can do it on my own.
All right, listen to this.
Canada is the largest...
Our economies have become highly independent.
But the fact of our mutual independence and our mutual desire for independence are not inconsistent traits.
I am confident that we can find a pattern of economic interaction which is beneficial to both our countries and which respects Canada's right to charge its own economic corpse.
I'm sure you can sense
that there's potentially a hell of a good cheer line in there, but they've lost it.
And they've lost it by using the words, I am confident that we can find a value in economic interactions with national other actors who respects Canada's right to charge its own economic cards.
The only way to get a cheer line is to state something.
So I would say it in the back.
Canada is the largest trade left.
The fact of our mutual under-dependence and our mutual desire for independence are not necessarily consistent traits.
No self-respecting nation can or should accept the proposition that it should always be economically dependent upon another nation.
Let us recognize once and for all that the only basis for a sound and healthy relationship between our two proud peoples is to find
is to find a pattern of economic interaction which is beneficial to both countries and which respects Canada's right to charge its own economic course.
Now there's a cheer line.
But it's so easy.
You see my point there?
It doesn't say anymore.
It doesn't say one goddamn thing more.
But it says it as a speaker now.
But you say, I have confidence in this and that and the other thing.
It's just like you're reading it in the literary review.
And it's a discouraging damn thing.
I understand.
I don't know.
I think there's no better way, except that it's very rare.
Speech writing is hard for anybody.
It's very hard for me when I've got a hell of a lot of other things to think about, you know, about decisions here and there and the other.
But by God, I'll do it.
But it does seem to me that with 30 people on the speech staff, or maybe five, whatever it is, goddammit, some of them ought to pay attention.
Why can't we get more examples, Don?
What does that man preach?
He's got a priest over there.
Oh, he doesn't send anything over.
Where are the examples?
Do you tell them to get examples?
Oh, over and over and over.
You do, too.
And here's another one.
But this very sense of promise in our dealing with our adversaries is a tenement for us.
This very sense of promise in our dealing with our adversaries must make all the more important our advances with our friends.
Very nice.
Very nice.
Rewind.
But as we seek better relations with our adversaries, it becomes all the more important to strengthen the alliances with our friends.
We must never forget that the strength and unity of the West has been an indispensable element in helping to bring about the new era of negotiation and peace.
It's simple, isn't it?
Well, it's more than simple.
That term, phrase...
is is memorable as you as you just read in the west no no i'm not a good speaker i i could be if i had time if i had that time i could be because i that's my job but it takes me a hell of a long time it takes me a week to write a paragraph god damn it there ought to be somebody we've been here all this time and where the hell is the person
A ray can't do it.
Are you sure?
Because if he doesn't recognize the weakness in this, how the hell can he do it?
I think that's, what do you think, that's a part of our problem, is the whole...
He had exactly the same problem as he had.
He was a writer and an absolutely marvelous man.
And I said to him, you know another thing I want to say?
In terms of the quality of the written word, this administration has probably been the best in this century.
In terms of memorable spoken word, unless the event was great, we've been lousy.
That's all.
Would you agree or not?
Yeah, I'd like to see us try it with somebody who's good speakers.
We've been trying that.
That's what the priesthood is supposed to do.
Is he pretty good?
Well, he was a candidate for the Senate.
Oh, hell, that's...
So he's a speaker by trade and was supposed to be a good speaker.
Let me go over a couple of things, John.
First, what about Pop's Proposition?
It makes some sense.
It'll raise... Well, we may well.
And what this does is raise us from no chance to about four chances in ten getting something in the Congress.
Right now there's no chance.
It's not even a march, right?
You do not get killed.
That's right.
Well, don't you agree, or do you agree, that the last time I made a police comment, I said, look, we know what these Americans did with the press.
Please, will you all say that all the Democrats are stalling, destroying around.
They are for busing, and we're against busing.
See, that's what you've got to get.
That's the issue.
And that's the thing I think we have to keep silent.
Our guys here, they were really trying to do something.
A pop's pressing very hard on this.
I didn't plan to think that.
I was telling him, go ahead and try it.
He's not going to get any place with it.
I'm going to send you down a very provocative memo that Ed Harper's done on busing.
Well, he's a sort of a maverick sort of fellow.
He thinks that busing may turn out to be a liability in the long haul, even though on the polls he runs very strong now.
And I'd like to have you read it just for what it's worth.
So we change our position?
No, no.
I wrote him a memo and I said... Well, that's the case.
There's nothing we're going to do about it.
I don't need to read it.
Well, I'm not suggesting to you that we change at all.
It introduces some thinking that I think it's important for us to at least entertain.
I wrote to him and I said, Humphrey flip-flops, and that may be characteristic of Humphrey, or there may be more to this than meets the eye.
Why did Humphrey make the statement that he did, and why did he move the other way?
And that led to this.
And he gives Humphrey maybe more credit than he's entitled to.
So he thinks that Humphrey's right to come out and bust it.
He thinks Humphrey may be politically very shrewd in what he did, not just because... Why don't you tell me what the argument is in that speech?
Well, all right, let me study it and then I'll tell you.
Don't let me paraphrase it now.
I'm not ready to do that, but very simply, the argument that he makes is that busing is not a voting issue.
It is not the kind of issue that will motivate people to vote for a candidate or against a candidate.
That it's a surface issue.
And that we have to be awfully cautious that we don't put too many chips on it for that reason.
Because it is also the kind of issue that alienates people.
It certainly does.
I would say that we would have to go back and check what has happened to Griffin.
Griffin's been saved, but he's not.
Well, he'll argue that we don't know whether Griffin was saved or not.
people who are concerned about blessing, blessing is more of a meditation than anything else to other people.
He's absolutely right.
Well, I don't buy his thesis.
Well, I think, I really think that you've done the right thing thus far.
And I don't mean, I don't, no, wait, don't put too much weight on this.
I don't mean by mentioning this to you that I'm sold by any means.
I'm not.
The way you wrapped up this meeting is exactly right, that you've got them in the opposition in an intolerable position right now.
They've got an impossible choice.
And I think we ought to drive that for every bit of advantage there is in it.
because whether that makes votes or not is really not as important as whether it tears up their peep-hatch.
Well, that's the point.
They're going to have a hell of a fight about that in their platform.
Oh, Lord, are they ever.
Let me come to the other things.
I've got several items.
What is the situation on...
I talked to Connolly about the tax return that he said he worked on.
I talked to him also about the age, who was the head of our damn drug program, Armstrong or what's his name?
The drug program?
Ambrose.
Ambrose, yeah.
He started the company, the original, he even did an amateur job, a totally amateur job, this was in 2000.
I said, I'm going to be asking for it.
He said, we've got five of them.
We're going to ask for three of them all.
I told Conley, I said, God damn it.
Here's one place.
Go for $2,000.
Well, he carried one stuff, for example.
I said, is that all we can go for, $2,000?
I think we should go for $2,000.
I should have mentioned this.
Just tell Schultz it hasn't.
I mean, he and Conley.
But he said, where you can do something that is highly visible and highly effective, do it.
If, for example, you can hire 1,500 bar agents, and he says he can train them in two months,
1,500 more.
I don't think he's an empire owner.
I don't think he is.
But if you can hire 1,500 more customs agents to do what these little customs agents are doing, going through that miserable thing, searching ships and searching cars and searching planes.
And so they pick up one suitcase with $5 million retail of heroin.
John, it's worthwhile.
I stopped talking right after you did.
And we're on this.
You should understand, don't let it spend your life planning.
Now the other thing on IRS, I told him about the withholding thing.
I said, John, why don't you send 10,000 IRS agents out to offices
and set them up, even set them into big plants and send them there for the specific purpose of helping people make their farms up and put it out if you're doing
so that individuals could come in.
I said, the average guy can't afford the tax collection and the taxes on IRS.
Who and I have our returns made by somebody else?
We've got to do something about it.
He said, well, of course, we've cut back.
We've cut IRS applications back and all that.
And I said, I understand that.
But I'm talking about a one-shot deal, like a census.
There's an easier way.
Huh?
There's an easier way.
What's the easier way to get the money?
Put a simple form in everybody's paycheck that says simply sign your name at the bottom and that will result in one more withholding.
His idea is better.
And this is the thing Connolly and I talked about yesterday afternoon.
Supposing right about the first of September everybody got a blue check from the government.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
You see my point?
It's a time ascending ritual.
Can you give them a refund?
Oh, yeah.
Give them the money.
It's a nice dream come true.
Why not?
Because the other one can stop the withholding now.
So they get the money.
Well, Bob, there's several things we can do.
We can mail, you know, this form.
And we can do that at a modest cost.
Right.
You can do it every day.
We can...
withholding for two weeks.
Simply not withholding from people's checks for two weeks.
All people.
Is everybody being over with them?
Everybody.
Unless they filled out a new W-4.
And... Well, but you see, the problem with that is you don't get any credit for it.
The check is coming from you.
And there's a slip in there that says, I've been distressed to discover that the statute that the Congress passed resulted in overwithholding.
and so we're going to anticipate that problem by sending you this nice check now keep track of the amount that we're sending you because you got to put that down in your income tax form well who's who is following up connolly is following it and he's got a three-step deal and we're following up yeah but that's what he's busy and everything but the over i mentioned joining
well he got hit twice in 20 minutes then because i hit him on it also and uh uh he's we'll keep following him on this i think the mailer should go as a matter of course just all armor uh no he's not enough for christ's sakes there's one of the intellectuals
You know, there's another thing.
Somebody looked me up and said, I used a damn good line for them.
I said, now, John said 80% of the people of this country are against busing.
I said, that's true.
80% of the people of this country, and we haven't got our message across.
I said, 80% of the people of this country are against busing.
And 80% of the press of this country are for busing, except for their own children.
That's the way they did it.
Bust them right in the ass.
Then it's the Congress.
Then it's the Congress.
Yeah.
All the Democratic candidates support busing except for their own children.
That's another thing.
We've got to get something.
If our McConnell's happy, the ways of being will report it right to the Senate.
Yeah.
Which promptly will go over to the Senate and get attached to H.R. 1.
and be able to veto the biggest money bill in the history of the nation.
Okay.
The other point that I can make is this.
I'll get this.
I shouldn't be getting, I don't want you to handle this crappy stuff.
I should have, who is it, Coles?
I don't want to get Schultz and things like that.
I don't want to work with more than one person.
What kind of thing is it?
Well, this is a note from Griffin.
And Griffin says that the Detroit judge brought.
I would like to say that I have talked with you or the acting attorney general.
And if the judge issues that order, and she is required in the next 10 days or so, the justice will immediately move and court the appeal, sustaining or defending the appeal.
Martin.
Martin, you can deliver that and Cole can write it.
Well, could Griffin get a call?
Yep.
You bet.
on the Muscogee Nine.
It's very little business.
It's a lost generation.
Now that's a very good subject, if it's followed.
But none of them will be able to do it unless they're followed.
Connelly made a, according to all accounts, a burial speech, because it's on lupo, or something like that.
or in a Q&A on loopholes on the exotic Chicago.
I want the loophole thing circulated to his part on loopholes, circulated to congressmen, senators, and so forth, because he devastates the hell out of the Democrats and points out that the loopholes, like he said, for example, I believe in the loophole that provides for the municipal
I believe in the loophole that allows you to deduct the taxes on your residents.
I believe in the loophole that provides for this and that and that.
You know what I mean?
That's the way to do it.
Take the intensity to kick them in the balls.
Get the loophole thing.
Get it down to one simple page for me and say, here's what the secretary said.
You can call the commons office and see if one of their clowns has got it.
He probably didn't answer your question because I know that's the way he operates with that.
But they said his speech was very intuitive.
I thought Henry was fine this morning.
I mean, I thought it was fine.
I was just thinking, though, after your presentation, that if we had told him 15 minutes, he would have been better.
Am I right?
I think so.
I think so.
Really, the exercise of boiling this down helps to...
I think he was just still.
It was still a half hour at the absolute outside.
He used to do a half hour job, he used to do a half hour, period.
But what you, you see, I know I have my word of discussion.
That's what I probably didn't get across.
Not his fault.
He didn't mind.
He's known it really is.
He laid it out there.
But I think the main thing is, if it's not a John Henry, Henry always be, frankly, with Congressmen and Senators at hand for it.
And make it simple.
study the problem, and then take the most abstruse thing, rather than making it more abstruse, which they often do in the elections, make it less.
The thing about the Churchillian speeches, and any good speech, the longer you work on it, the more simple it becomes.
Would you agree with that?
The more you think about anything, you make it simpler.
And our guys, the more they work on it, the more virtuous it becomes.
Margaret J. Smith tottered up afterwards, and she said, oh, these one-page fact sheets are so helpful.
She said, those big, thick things, I can never get through.
Well, one of the questions I get through, that's right.
Let me tell you.
Let me tell you.
We all need them.
I mean, to be perfectly candid with you, it isn't the way I look for it.
I prefer the six pages.
I'll take it, read it, and I'll make up my own fact sheet.
But I know my colleagues in the House and Senate, they will not do it on me.
They will not do it.
Most of them are too busy.
And also most of them are not people that will sit in their ass and work it out.
Don't you agree?
So they toss it to an A.A. that just doesn't do it at all?
The A.A. doesn't much work.
And he doesn't have the, uh, any ante in the, with on their same wavelength.
But we gotta give them, I want every meeting like this from now on, John, I want it actually done.
And I want it simple.
And I want it very pure, cold-blooded, disabled people.
Right.
Bob, one thing about this meeting with the Congressman, that should be McGregor's bag.
I don't particularly see any reason to have it.
I guess he can have all he wants, but he has to let the congressional ladies have it.
The main thing, I'd have all of that.
that you want to have.
I would not, in this instance, have White House staff and White House the rest and so forth, because it's purely to butter up those goddamn clinics.
On the other hand, I have about a hundred and twenty, and I have, you know what I mean, with round tables, with round tables, and
they appear to me you know you've got to keep dates over just be sure they don't put over the date when i'm supposed to pack people to express my understanding now let's see a couple of other times
on the move there.
Keep hitting, but not on the basis of trying to kiss the ass of the farmers.
Let's kiss the ass of the farmers.
Keep hitting in terms of fighting the middle man, fighting the retailer.
Kick the hell out of them.
Let Clarence Adams and the rest of these guys, their lobbyists, let them squeal.
Retailers are a bunch of bastards.
Let's fight and make business.
You understand?
Well, Adam, he's saying the way to his thing, because he talked about it, and he said that
because the supply is going to go back down and the prices are going to start coming back up again in December.
But the House won't see them because of intensive pricing on the dish for most retailers.
Whatever the situation is, I want to be sure that we're on the side of fighting high prices.
I want to be sure we're on the side of fighting busting.
I want to be sure we're on the side.
You see, either remaining, the worst thing we can do is to be unbusted in the present and billable position that some congressmen think we're in.
They're neither here nor there, right?
That we cannot do, and they kill us.
As a matter of fact, I think more people know about our busting position in the country than we may realize.
I think that variable may be possible due to the fact that we did the television job.
Well, the controversy helps that.
Every time we're attacked by the blacks, that helps.
Every time we're attacked by the libs, that helps.
But every time we're attacked by the carnal karma, it doesn't help.
That's right.
So that's why you want to get the settlers to start attacking the libs.
I don't know, maybe you gotta get that cop out and write a thing, a hotline thing.
It's not getting much play.
It's a story again this morning.
It's a pretty good story.
And we could keep trying to push the story.
Let's see if you get my memorandum in regard to the players, the tactics, the issues, et cetera.
Now, you talk over that, remember, with the little group.
You, Erland, McGregor, did you decide to have Schultz or not?
Well, my view is not that.
Well, in a political group.
I don't believe that you need pension funds.
If you want to have them, you can.
But I don't want to take pension away, frankly, from running the damn campaign too much, you know what I mean?
You don't want the campaign separate from what's happening here either.
I'm talking about, you're right, you've got to have pension for other reasons, because the players, the players, the players, yes, he should be there.
Because if you will sit down and put these players down, then, you know, like when we, I mean, Colson was raised by them.
He said, maybe we give it to somebody and I'll say, well, how about this one?
I'll say, that's a good idea.
That ain't the way to do it.
The way to do it is to have that list of players and look down that list and say, is this one of Agnew and me?
Or maybe this is the time we dip down and we pick up Sam Devine.
Or we dip down and we say, well, this is a good colorful thing for the family to do.
You see what I mean?
Yeah.
Can we do that?
No, sir.
But you've got to think in logical terms.
I can't emphasize too strongly about the players, the issues, the appearances, and every day, sorry, I'm sorry.
How crooked is this guy at San Diego this time?
I don't know about that.
It seems like a strange bunch of capital fish.
This U.S. attorney?
Yeah, one good thing about Vietnam at least.
That would have been an ethical letter.
There isn't any question of what he basically is.
No, he just saved his pal from having to appear before a grand jury.
He went around and interviewed him himself, which is very improper.
But it was not so improper as to justify firing him.
His pal ultimately got indicted, tried, and convicted.
So, no way it all ended up.
I was pleased to hear this call.
Peterson, he's obviously getting interested in the job and so forth.
If you were to kick him right in the ass in terms of getting him out to sell those things that are worth selling, I think you're going to find a willing at the time.
But I think he's on the right track on a lot of things.
We may eventually have to close the quality of life program.
Interesting how his coloration has changed since he's been on that survey.
Yeah, he was done with so strong of the environment.
Now, the point that the president particularly made, and I think it's important, John,
His idea of giving proactivity or morals, like Willard said to me.
Has anybody thought about how we could do that?
Well, you know, I made the radio talk about the dignity of work.
Yeah.
But who's going to do something about this?
Well, I've asked Peterson.
Let me tell you, let me, I want, I've got to follow him.
The one thing about the Productivity Council, and here's where Peterson is so much better than Schultz.
Schultz had me meet with that goddamn council four or five times, and I'd meet in the Cabinet Room, and Schultz said they were great.
It's not his fault.
And they didn't get one.
All right.
What are we going to do about it?
Well, I've asked Peterson to do two things for me.
One is to figure out some events that can be hung on productivity.
The second is to do a speech, to actually write a speech,
that could be put in your mouth by somebody else.
What I'm thinking is, you know, this kid that got a lot of in yesterday or the day before that's come on the staff is the Italian who believes in the war campaign.
He's an Italian.
He's a former garbage man who's now on the White House staff.
And dedicated to you because you wrote some humble beginnings and you believe in the work ethic.
So he's going to help you do something.
Well, let me see what Peterson comes up with.
We've got him on a fairly minority business enterprise.
I don't think there's much in that one.
But I'm perfectly willing to use that as our Negro thing, if you've got to do a Negro thing.
You know, I've been on that one.
Peterson isn't aware of the fact of how often we've done stances.
And remember, we've had stances where you could have, I went over to speak to him and he treated me.
I think we've done an awful lot of stances, made at least 150 speeches on it.
Is there anything in it?
There's nothing for you to do.
I think this is the kind of thing Peterson can do.
Tell him, well, why didn't Stan sell it?
Well, Stan sold it, but he sold it from the boardroom of the Chase Manhattan.
And he never talked in political terms about it.
It is our Negroes.
Stimulating the inner city, which is why I don't think the inner city is something we want.
The inner city is something pretty good to stay away from at the moment.
I've got Romney coming in this afternoon on the inner cities.
He made a line of speeches on that in Vietnam or something.
Who, Romney?
Yeah, yeah.
Somebody called him up and made a speech.
He really called?
The president was very pleased with the speech on that.
That would be nice, because I'm about to hit the fetuses and say, I know the problem with Romney, and I wish I could have told it to be resolved.
I don't think there's, I'll tell you, I could go out here
I really believe I could fire half the White House staff and replace them with blacks so that we have real salt and pepper to each other, she said.
and i don't believe in terms of our winning credibility from this issue and i've gotten that pressure i don't think we can do it because they know very well that i just don't go for the all-out national integrationist lines
because you'll never go find one that says you did a good job.
The blacks can't let you get any credit because they can never say you've gone far enough and said you've done a good job.
They've always got to take the line.
You haven't done enough.
No, maybe.
I don't know Scotty's mom in this world.
No, ma'am.
I hate you so much, too.
You come back with Churchill.
But he's a, if they wrote the whole thing, he died.
He became prime minister in 66.
Then came back as prime minister again.
Probably when he was 78.
And he was damn good then in 53.
And he lived more at 66 than most of us will ever live in our lives.
Because he started at 20, running around the world.
I haven't read it.
Well, you'll have fun.
I mean, so you look at the television.
It's too volume.
Too volume.
It's too volume.
And when you wake up at night, it just doesn't read it.
I like it.
It's a kind of, I mean, it isn't basically, it's a bad one.
Jenny and Herschel's a rather bad one.
But nevertheless, the main point is, it's a brilliant discussion of British politics.
And tells you how people are handling the rest of it.
But the amazing thing was, there was a woman when she was 66 who married a man of 41.
And then died the next year.
That age factor.
That's the reason I'm here.
You're hardly coming in here one month on that 59-year-old man, and we're stacking that goddamn thing with 41 girls.
It's killing.
You don't know what it's worth.
We're not getting people that aren't going to see us already.
That's what's really bothering me.
Cotton did pretty well today.
He stayed awake through the whole meeting.
He really did?
Yeah.
He stayed awake.
We're back at the same point with Clint East.
In that our posture now is that Urban won't confirm unless Flanagan testifies.
All right.
He will not accept the statement.
He will not accept it.
Flanagan's heart won't go over.
Answered all his questions.
Senator said, yeah, that's fine.
You just come up and tell him to make that.
As soon as he finishes planning it, he wants Erland.
And when he finishes that, he wants the rest of the vest.
The result of that is that it's clear now that Eastman feels that there's no way he can get planning.
He's concurrent.
He can't get his hearings ended.
He can't get on the floor.
Eastman has come up with an option, discussed with Mitchell last night, which is that he will go to Mansfield.
And he and Encio, he wanted to do it today, he and Encio would move to drop the hearings until after the election.
And we'd point each to the acting attorney general and say that it's clear that there's no point in pursuing the confirmation proceedings under the political atmosphere that prevails.
That would leave you with the problem, you said you didn't want to be left with, of an acting attorney general.
It would also leave the question zero points out of an attorney general, an acting attorney general under indictment who hasn't been cleared.
Sure.
And there's an issue.
That's right.
So if you talk to Mitchell about that.
Yes, indeed.
What's he going to do?
Did you raise the point in the last meeting that every Democratic speaker would be out there and say we can't confirm it because he's a crook?
Yeah.
What do you say?
He's been wrong on it all.
He figures that the other options are he would draw a line east, start all over, and then he would turn general.
Or to send Flanagan out and let him testify on the germane matters only, which our people will all say is, see, that would satisfy Irvin.
Irvin's made it clear it would not now.
His third option is to fight it out, which probably would be forever.
In other words, now the hearings and everything's going.
The fourth option was raised by the Gregory today, which was to move now to withdraw the Kleindienst nomination and submit a Superman
as Attorney General, with or without, he proposes with, the understanding that that guy would only take the job for the balance of the shares.
A silent understanding.
A silent understanding, yeah, not a public understanding.
He re-claims he's deputy, which he already is, and has been confirmed that.
So you aren't admitting Clineen's guilt.
You're keeping him in the office.
You're keeping him in the head of it.
You aren't affirming it.
No, no, he says a Lewis Powell.
And a guy that the Senate will...
The feeling being that if you put a clean man...
If, for example, you were to send John down for attorney general, they'd cut you up for the same reason Schroeder and all these people.
If you sent the only other one, we're talking this thing in shock, the only other one you could send down was McGregor.
Same problem.
And they'd cut McGregor because I think they'd cut him up for...
I don't think so.
I think McGregor's idea was a dean of the Harvard Law School quote-unquote title.
Well, that was one name we kicked around, and the guy from Texas is another one.
Right.
Yeah, but he's got flies on him.
And after kicking all these around, we came up with an interesting parlor, which is to put Elliot Richardson in and move Weingart over to AGW.
both of which might be very good notes.
Richard, of course, is a potential member of any cabinet and of the Supreme Court, as we all know, if you're in that direction.
He runs the shop well, and he has proved to be loyal.
Why are you a victim now?
I think so.
They feel that he's so close to them that he's a really better option.
I'm not deciding.
I just want to see what our options are.
Well, one advantage of Weinberger is you can vote if you want plaintiffs later on as Attorney General.
You can move Weinberger in as attorney general now with an understanding with him that you move him to a court later.
Yeah.
And Weinberger wants to be attorney general so bad he can taste it.
Yeah.
He wants to go.
That makes a difference.
He has some advantage.
Some advantage.
That is, he's considered by many to be true.
Yeah.
And he doesn't deny it, does he?
I don't know whether he does or not.
I would say relevant anywhere is the fact that people think he's Jewish.
And we know that the guy is a hell of a lot more conservative than people realize.
And he will program when he wants to.
Yes.
He'll program him on anything.
He's on good standing, according to Clark, on the Hill.
Did he have a job with P.S. ?
Yeah, I see.
Yeah, very good.
Very good.
He's in very fat with the Bar Association.
You do not have to do anything, of course, with Kleinbeech because he's already been confirmed for death's record.
He only stays on there.
Well, my feeling about having Kleinbeech stay on
I still feel that the best thing you have to do with a thing like this is to cut your goddamn losses, if you can, and get out.
Now, what Mitchell's argument is that if you don't cut the losses, the Kennedy, the Urban, and the rest are going to continue the investigation.
And in other areas, if that's the case, hell, let's just let them continue to investigate Klein piece.
Do you see my point?
What's your argument about that?
This is all it's seen.
I've got the brain in waiting.
I just wanted to tell you, Butz is in Moscow, and Breshman called him in, and he's slobbering all over him.
In fact, it's funny, he's trying to imitate you.
He said Breshman boasts about his own good memory, having no need to take notes.
And being at all times aware and able of, I don't know what to say.
Acknowledging the Soviet Union's people and technical peace, the President stressed that the two greatest nations must live together in mutual respect and understanding.
That's yesterday.
That was yesterday afternoon.
The President actually gave that shot.
He said, Brezhnev intervened to ask Secretary Katz to bring to the President's attention a peace feeling that Soviet people had over the communism that we had done.
They thought this was unnecessary.
It's sad, though.
It's nice.
You don't consider that idea that way.
It's sad, but all the people that care about it.
He said, Brezhnev then said,
President Nixon would be given a big welcome in the Soviet Union.
The visit would be a new big step since he was sure they would find many boys in common.
He had been in touch with the President recently answering some of his questions.
The President would be invited to stay in the Kremlin and would be given a flag.
And on and on and on.
He's just saying about the president.
Now, it turned out, Mr. President, that the charge submitted by those who are using it, who won't delete it, are wrong.
are off by one kilometer north of New Zealand.
So they didn't hear anything this last night.
Well, no.
They had this happen.
The bombing errors compensated themselves.
One of them, they absolutely knocked out the rail opening.
The other one, by accident.
No, the other one missed, but it seems to have blown out every window in vain.
And they are absolutely scared out of their mind.
That's why they don't pronounce it.
They have yet to explain that they were bombed there.
But what it meant is that we had to scrap two of the targets this afternoon, and we're only attacking an airfield, which is almost unworthy, but... Why are we scrapping there?
Well, because if they're off by one, those two were at the outskirts.
Well, can't they correct it?
Well, they don't know yet in which direction.
Are they bombing visually?
Don't tell me.
Don't tell me.
How's the weather at the DMC, anybody?
The weather in military region one has improved, and...
They made it something there?
Yeah.
Oh, yes.
And who violated my instructions about...
The air cavalry people take as photographers and they take pictures.
You see that picture of the Washington Post and people getting off a helicopter with their guns and so forth.
You saw that picture, yeah.
It is not a big thing.
My point is, though, it's just the kind of these sons of bitches are trying to do.
But actually, Mr. President, the TV is not as bad as these photographers went off.
I mean, the CBS, for example, last night had an almost glowing account
of how well the South Vietnamese were fighting.
That's the third course, but up in Songha, they show captured Soviet tanks, and they say the next time they come back, they'll meet them even more.
I just want to be sure that you put the restrictions
Oh, and hey, hey, keep the restrictions on any pictures of Americans in that battle zone down.
They carry a photographer up there.
They have that.
Huh?
Almost certain.
Sure.
I think the son of a bitch got in there.
He walked.
I thought, Henry, did Henry carry out any orders like you?
Well, I don't think Abrams has gotten the message yet, but he will.
Because Walt talked to Moore this morning, and he said Abrams just doesn't understand that Abrams is fighting a very good battle for winning.
The battle?
The battle, yes.
But the real point is, which the politicians understood this morning, is that we have to win the war.
And so they don't start again.
And also so that we also set the stage for negotiation and end everything, which we could well do if we hit them now.
But the point is, Henry, your B-52 thing very much disturbed me, though, because we can't, if we don't hit them today.
I know we're hitting them, but I don't know what I mean.
Find something else to get them.
I'm just afraid if we order them, and they get civilians, then it will be the president who orders them.
Well, I'm concerned about it.
We order them, they lose the plane.
That's true, but it's a pity.
I was outraged when I heard it.
I calmed down.
You tell more about this outrage.
But at least we have the congressional people.
But it's moving on.
But you know, these people in there, they're all for what we're doing.
They don't even hear it.
And what about all those Catholics?
Why doesn't somebody make a point?
Oh, I've said we haven't.
I've been miscalculated upon the American public.
So far.
Let me say this, though, Henry.
That commonly makes the point very strongly.
And I feel it very strongly.
as long as you've got it for two or three days, bust them.
Because then it'll change.
And we don't, and then we won't be able to bust them.
And also you want to remember, you've got to hit them so they say ouch, and then you quit hitting them and they, and then they need you something for it.
That's what we're going to do.
That's why you're bombing the North.
It's a denunciating thing.
The first time the weather cleared a stick and we hit the 300th airplane.
Where?
The North?
Yes.
What do you mean, the DNC's on?
Well, the death could go up to 540 miles.
How about the Navy?
Did the goddamn Navy go up there or not?
They're going up very systematically.
And you said the Navy had only an 80's charge.
You told me 30.
I was going to tell how many are there now.
There are 18 there now.
All right.
Why not 30?
I thought we ordered 33.
There are 10 more coming with the Midway.
And they'll be there next Tuesday.
And there are five more coming in this week.
We have one cruiser.
We'll have two more soon.
We'll have, we have two cruisers.
And there'll be one more soon.
Two more soon.
And, well, the reason they have, they've fired 10,000 shells into Northeastern.
I hate things, and I agree with them, that this naval selling is more demoralizing for them than the economy.
It's because it means that city gets, imagine living in Dong Hoi also, and also anybody, I know very little about it.
I've never been under shell fire in some years.
I haven't.
I've had a modest bombing, and it's frightening enough.
And you're just sitting there and wondering whether it's an economic urgence, a direct hit, or a boxhole.
But they tell me that shell fire is the goddamnedest thing that there is.
It is.
It's coming.
Oh, it's coming.
And you know how accurate it is, too.
I helped in the Air Force for the day.
You must be a good chair on this, Henry.
We were a lead crew in the 8th Air Force and dropped tons and tons of bombs.
Our bombardier and our lead crew, everybody, you know, dropped on us.
When we dropped, everybody else dropped.
Turned out they had 2,200 eyesight after we'd been at this about four months.
You couldn't see it then?
You couldn't see it then, I'm telling you.
So even, can I ask Henry if, after you see the brain, what time will that be?
Are you lunching with him?
And then I'm going to New York to see the Chinese.
I think we better give them a job.
What time are you going to China?
I'm leaving about 2.30 or quarter to 3.
I'll talk to you tomorrow.
You've been looking over to China.
The canvas is... That's good.
I wouldn't turn this through on the Soviets more than the Soviets' tremendous speech in Canada.
Uh, this?
Well, I, you saw what we wrote.
That's fine.
All right, that's good.
But I don't get that.
Because it is tough for them.
Well, if you do that, those two are fine.
No.
Remember, I raised the question.
It's better than we have to be baroques now.
What they don't, if we play a game of being very careful and deliberate, they'll drag us into maturity.
Let me take a question.
Take one, and you tell him to bring it up.
They want something.
the French have made a formal appeal to us.
Yeah, that's nice.
To return to the conference that when I say to call them in and protest, say that we won't listen to such talk.
Well, they know very well what they're doing.
The state wanted to protest our clueless tensions and do not have anything in any way to imagine.
I said that we had to be ferocious now.
Throughout the whole course this morning, he said his men talked to the North Vietnamese in Paris and they seemed to have been in a state of shock.
Great powers must not use the atmospheres of the economy as an energy with which to prepare for subsequent efforts, and listen to me, sir, this is our argument, to achieve their objectives, you don't allow them to bring them their pressure.
The betterment of relations is required through strength by great nations, both towards each other and towards other nations.
Limitations of arms and declarations of peace and purposes will not bring peace if the aggressive use of existing weapons is encouraged directly or indirectly.
In this respect, a special responsibility falls upon great powers who cannot avoid responsibility for the aggressive actions of those to whom they give the mainstream mark of aggression.
Great powers must use their influence to halt aggressions, not to encourage them.
I think it's excellent.
But that, I think, the half-concept is, we shouldn't make any other statements until then, or afterward.
I think it's very good.
Well, Scott wanted to go out today.
That's why I mentioned it to you.
I told him not to mention the Soviets.
No one in Ocala even did a trip with Joe.
Christ, he didn't want to do that.
Are you kidding?
No, Scott, Scott Hughes is the other.
Scott wanted to say, he says, can I go out and say that you will announce, I don't think we're going forward, but you will announce another troop withdrawal in May.
I said, no, Hugh, you can say the President will make another announcement.
before the 1st of May, and it will be based on the assessment of the situation at that time.
You know, but you see what I mean?
Dex conquers our bets again, doesn't it?
Absolutely.
And we've got to keep this unrelenting drive going now.
I think they're going to crack.
I think they're really going to.
Well, there will be if we can get a few bombs off.
Oh, okay.
But even more than the bombs, Mr. President, this tremendous concentration of naval power, they have to figure we're going to go much beyond it.
You're now servicing submarine.
I'm going to go to Camp David tonight.
You call me there.
Well, there's nothing to call about the gun.
And so the strike, what are we doing?
Sending two or three Bs or twos?
No, we're sending twenty-four Bs and twos.
To do what?
To knock out that A-2 that's got ten legs on it.
Yeah.
And it helps calibrate.
And is it, is it in one where it's relatively safe?
Oh, yeah.
Is that, is the A-2 not screwing around about the safety?
No.
What?
The gun that you sent to him.
to get bombing actors, they're doing it through a combination of radar and computer.
Well, they have too much technical stuff.
Well, just get out and fly a little bit.
I think it's a tragedy in a way, because if we had it near Tangwa, which we were going to do, that would have been a good signal.
But we can't find it.
It was just too dangerous.
If they drop it on the city and kill 10,000 people, we are through.
I think, I think we are experiencing a battle and not considering more seriously the blockade at this point.
I don't think we should do it before the meeting is ready for.
Aren't you late then?
No.
Do you want a public opinion?
Oh, we will have a public, as long as the South Vietnamese hold, we'll have a public opinion.
Well, we hope so.
Coming back to this thing, what is the argument about...
I just don't think you can keep one of these on.
Special argument to keep him on?
Strong?
Genuine?
What?
You mean to keep the nomination in?
Yes.
No, we have that argument to keep him on.
Not confirmed.
You can make a case for it.
Well, I'm sure you can.
But stop the hearings?
How the hell do they stop the hearings?
Well, that's the other thing.
That's what Eastland is suggesting.
That there's no reason to believe that Eastland can get Mansfield to agree to that.
And even if Mansfield did agree?
Well, how the hell do they get the votes in the committee?
Mansfield's about to leave town.
That's right.
So he leaves.
Now Byrd, we've lost Byrd, which is the other problem that Eastland's got.
Yeah.
Byrd has demanded that I may testify.
Now what is planning it now?
What is it that they want to testify about?
Is it about the San Diego thing?
Well, now it's his first consultant.
Oh, yeah.
And that's no problem.
And he has, in effect, with the letter he set up, said that and done that.
I know.
Well...
I'm sure it is.
But the point is, it isn't planning and testifying that they want.
I know.
They want it.
Busting the dam up.
It's eventually Henry that they want.
The urbanists determined that Craig was saying that.
That's right.
Well, sure, so were we when we were tracking it.
In his case, I was doing it by myself.
We were doing it by various people.
I was satisfied.
I thought, damn, why didn't it come down?
They were right.
It couldn't.
Captain, excuse me, come down.
But any of that, a message that they wanted, we're not going to put him down there.
Peter would do all right.
There's no stopping that.
And there's no lying drawn against future situations.
Well, there'll be no compromise in the J.D.
principle, I agree.
Is that what you say, John?
That'd be my recommendation.
All right.
Having that in mind, something we're not going to have or what's going to happen.
Well then, I guess, Eastland's lost control of his committee.
That being so.
And that being so, climbing to the dead end of him.
It's a question of how you bury him.
I think you've got a great statement to say about politics.
It's a political thing.
I think it's a partisan politics.
Now, what does that do with regard to the other hearings?
That's what I'm concerned about.
Aren't they going to go forward with the hearings anyway?
I raised this before about what a person these people are.
They don't think so.
They don't think so.
Do you mean that they won't go forward with the hearing?
In fact, they're looking at San Diego and Arnold Smith and people going to the committee.
Well, the subcommittee, the Kennedy subcommittee might approve by the committee.
Well, I guess they did not.
So the subcommittee will go forward, huh?
I wonder if John wouldn't appear to be a little bit of someone harassing them.
Maybe they'd say, we were trying to avoid the hearings.
The subject is much bigger than Kleine's.
We've got to get to the bottom of all this, according to the administration.
They might, right?
They might.
And if it isn't this, it'll be something else.
You'll never, from now to November, we're going to have oversight hearings on everything you can imagine.
And would you say that's the case?
I'd rather have this hearing go on than... Oh, but you'll have the others, too.
You'll have the others, too.
Yeah, I don't think this is going to be a substitute for the others.
The San Diego thing is pretty thin.
And once they've had Peterson, if they have his agent today, it seems to me they'll draw most of the poison.
The Arnhold Smith's a fat target.
Somebody might want to have a hearing just to get him up.
and shoot at him a while.
But if that's going to be, that's going to be, whether it's in Clandeen's thing or somewhere else.
Well then, I guess, Eastland's lost control of his committee, that being so.
And that being so, Clandeen's a dead Indian.
It's a question of how you bury him.
I think you've got a great commitment to say that politics is a piece of political, they might be a piece of partisan politics, and then you stand up and say, now, what does that do with regard to the other hearings?
That's what I'm concerned about.
Aren't they going to go forward with the hearings anyway?
I raised this before about what a person these people are.
They don't think so.
Gregory doesn't think so.
You mean that they won't go forward with the earth?
In fact, they're looking at San Diego and Arnold Smith and people going to the committee won't.
The subcommittee, the Kennedy subcommittee might approve by the committee.
Well, I guess they did not.
So the subcommittee will go forward, huh?
I wonder if John wouldn't appear to be a little bit of someone harassing them.
Maybe they'd say, we were trying to avoid the hearings.
The subject is much bigger than Kleine's.
We've got to get to the bottom of all this crudeness in the administration.
They might, right?
They might.
And if it isn't this, it'll be something else.
You'll never, from now to November, we're going to have oversight hearings on everything you can imagine.
And would you say that's the case?
I'd rather have this hearing go on than... Oh, but you'll have the others, too.
You'll have the others, too.
Yeah, I don't think this is going to be a substitute for the others.
The San Diego thing is pretty thin.
And once they've had Peterson, if they have this agent today, it seems to me they'll draw most of the poison.
The Arnhold Smith's a fat target.
Somebody might want to have a hearing just to get him up.
and shoot at him a while.
But if that's going to be, that's going to be, whether it's in a climbing sting or somewhere else.
Well, that's our problem today.
I don't know what happened to me.
I just wonder, though, about riding through the whole recollection of an acting attorney general.
What's your view?
I've actually got a problem.
The point of this race today is that it is another one that we haven't discussed that seems to bother me, and that is that Klangdienst as acting attorney general is going to have a lot of mental reservations himself on the things he does and doesn't do.
He's going to be afraid to offend any of the Senators.
He's going to avoid...
I mean, it just can't help but hang over his head and affect the way he goes at things that we may need to get done or want to get done.
Sure.
You could...
I think you could exist with an acting Attorney General, but not Kleindienst.
Because for Kleindienst now to be acting Attorney General...
is to have an indicted man.
Correct.
Indicted, not convicted, but indicted.
And not cleared.
That's right.
It's just the each and every one of them.
Somebody else could, I think, successfully perform the duties.
I'm afraid so.
You could put it in a library, and they just didn't get around to the department.
It would be no problem.
It's free.
Well, the other thing you could do is put in a Weinberger and not submit it for confirmation.
Just appoint him as acting Attorney General.
But I don't know what you gain by that.
I don't know why.
The only thing you gain by that, you get a little grandstand on the busing thing if you say, I want the Senate Judiciary to cope with the busing problem ahead of this confirmation.
And I can take the head of service acting Attorney General until then.
That is a pressing, pressing issue, and too much time is a lapse.
You might get a little grandstand out of that.
Pretty clever.
And to avoid any problems that might arise, point her to your consolation.
Watch for the very thing that you confirm rather swiftly.
No.
There's a reaction.
There's nothing else.
Basically, the Jewish... Yeah, but the Senate would leap at the opportunity to confirm somebody, because by their haste in doing so, they would prove Kleine's guilt.
In other words, the only reason they wouldn't prove Kleine's was not because they're trying to block you, but because he was guilty.
I really would agree.
Gregor just called in saying there were eight votes in the executive session this morning, the result of which is to give us more time.
We don't need a decision in the next few hours now.
Eight votes?
I don't know if they voted on it, but.
They've been on witness.
Proceed.
And he's always wanted to crack this executive privilege thing.
Ever since we got here, he's been chipping away at it.
That's one place where, that is not new, is it?
Comes up all the time.
But he's got a dandy here because he's got about half the senior White House staff on his list.
Well, and the leverage is, you know, just ideal.
He's just been waiting for a place to get his lever.
What is the situation?
Mitchell wants to see it through.
His judgment is not good.
He's too close to it.
What does McGregor think we should do?
The last plan was McGregor's idea.
He came up with it last night as he was trying to find a clean can of esta clean.
Well, but do you consider that what he considered, you don't know the name of Weingart?
Yeah, the name Weingart, he would not consider Weingart
Meaning exactly, he's not a Louis Louis Powell, but he thinks he would be confirmed.
I think of all the administration people, he's got a game of people.
He's not anybody else.
No, no, no.
We've got to keep this job in the administration.
That's what I thought.
What's our Louis Louis Powell?
Why do I notice I've got a company that's starting to bring in antitrust groups?
They start looking at them all the time.
I go, hell no, I'm not going to do that.
That's, you know, you've got to throw over the casket.
That's right.
Cap was the guy who was in action.
Well, Cap still has a right to assume that he'll get the Jewish seat on the court.
As long as he assumes that without anybody having said anything to him, he's under control.
Sure.
He wants that more than anything else in the whole world.
You've got to run to him.
It doesn't settle for as we were talking about for the Ninth Circuit, maybe.
Or San Francisco.
But only if you went to them and said, Cap, there's no chance for you.
Take this, you know, because otherwise that's... That's why the worst possible way to go is to get back to San Francisco.
She's gone.
She leaves?
Yeah.
Yeah.
If I go back, I'm going to turn back.
So you can just walk on the edge of it?
She's not God.
No, she isn't.
She's a character.
That's what I was thinking.
She's not much.
I'll tell you, there's another guy around that fits this category, and that's Jim Lynn.
Really?
He's too young, I suppose.
No, no, no.
He's clean as hell.
I think he's absolutely clean and so forth.
Probably too young to have a lot.
Cap, I think, is sort of in a position where he's not an engineer.
I think you probably could.
That'd be four years of hearing.
They sell tickets for that.
I don't think he could live with Kleindies there.
I don't think Kleindies, frankly, looks like a good marketer.
somewhere in there.
I just don't think it quite comes off.
I think he handles himself very well.
I just think the idea that he's an indicted man, where law enforcement is so important to him.
Of course, he'll still be indicted, but that is all right.
You'll be able to separate it away.
Let's go somewhere.
I would say that he likes this plan.
He personally admits that Eastland can't swing his committee.
And McGregor said, as he pointed out two weeks ago, that Eastland made it very clear that his plan was to set up a new staff design committee.
Now, one problem you have is that you will, by moving a Weinberger in, you'll be going against Eastland, who wants findings to be able to help Eastland.
Well, what I meant is that we've got to send a man that is good up there, and he can get confirmed.
Eastland's got to go.
Eastland's probably going to have some evidence.
It's great.
The chances are true that he isn't.
I don't think that from a PR standpoint, really, if we find these, I just don't feel it.
I don't want to have that Democratic convention being held there.
I mean, they will still talk about IT&T and how you couldn't get the land use procurement.
That's fine.
How much do you make out of the fact that they could attack Ames or Carlswell?
We didn't get it confirmed, you know what I mean?
Once they were confirmed, it was pretty goddamn hard to attack.
Would you agree?
Yes.
There's some residue, but it's marginal.
And the important thing here is to cut your losses.
That's right.
And get going.
You can't unwind the bell as it's rung so far.
Now there's another good reason to do this.
No.
Fast.
Got to be enough to cover that.
That's right.
Sure.
I mean, just put it right in the middle.
There's bombs in the north and everything.
You know what I mean?
That's right.
I don't believe in waiting.
That would be the big story.
And I think you should talk to Mitchell when you get out there.
I think we can persuade one of them to tell you.
I'll take that job.
Well, Mitchell, have you ever raised Mitchell's, uh, winder with Mitchell?
No.
I don't know.
No, not to that.
He will be against it.
He'll say, well, he's not law and order, he's a Jew, and all that.
The thing to do is to say, John, we'll control him.
That's the lie.
He'll do what we say to him.
He'll take it on a temporary basis.
Same thing.
Lie and anything that's necessary from this score.
the point is we can't we've got to have a value we can get it confirmed and he will play ball where he's never had a timeline where he's played ball he creates embarrassing i'm just saying also you might find mitchell
because of his strange, perverted ideas about the Jewish folk, he might like that, you know what I mean?
He said, well, he could say, here, John, it's the way we at least get a little credit with the Jews.
That's the credit with Reagan.
Reagan likes it.
Yeah, Reagan's pushing for the Supreme Court.
He gets credit with the Jews.
He's a California man.
The wine burger is a lot different from Goldwater.
Goldwater also is half Jewish.
The difference is the wine burger
who probably is more than half Jewish, whatever it is, and he looks Jewish.
He looks Jewish, and he runs with that community in San Francisco now, in the space of 10.
That's true, one.
Not much.
I mean, he has a much more Jewish look.
The owner doesn't look Jewish at all.
He ran a goddamn good office, too.
Sure.
He'd shave that old boy's head.
He and Clankys are not going to work well together, we might guess.
Well, Clankys has got to be found something else for him.
This is something that will break his heart.
But he's a loyal, good guy, and we've just got to find something else in him that doesn't require confirmation.
Actually, he could probably be confirmed for something else.
This whole farrago up there has not been really about Clankys.
They haven't laid a glove on him in terms of culpability.
He's sort of the occasion.
He's the innocent victim.
And I would think we'd want to play it that way.
Well, I think he should go out.
He's got to make a moderate statement.
If I'm asking the president to withdraw my name,
Because, again, we should do it, I think we should, frankly, I go up seven during the television.
I have a statement to make, and they all know what it is, and I'm asking to withdraw it.
I won't embarrass them.
And then just lashed out at the committee and so forth and so on.
More important than my confirmation here is a chance to, you know, people have written some speech on it.
You have to make the cut again.
You can't invoke separation of powers, the strength of the Constitution, the urban strife of the road.
It's evident that there'd be filibuster, it'd be bad for the president's legislation, it'd be bad for the party.
Well, he can say it for a check.
He can make the bust.
Sure, for a check.
This committee, there'd be a delay.
Well, I think it's very important.
Yeah, that busts.
That would cut her.
That would cut her.
That's right.
They're delaying it because of it.
And we cannot continue to delay the business of this committee and the business of this Senate and put it on the bus.
John has got to realize, too, is that he's got some vision for Friday here, too.
The longer this goddamn thing goes on, this one.
about the Justice Department.
I mean, I'm not sure they are going to stop it all, but I think it's a lot of the fire that goes out of it, doesn't it, John?
The Kennedy subcommittee is starting to investigate about what the hell is it all about.
It's the handling of the re-annotment trust cases and the warrant over goods at that time.
Do you agree with me on this?
Yes, I do.
I do very reluctantly, because I don't like to lose one of these, but I think when you come to the conclusions we did this morning that it was lost, then you've got to move fast.
Well, actually, let's face it, you do not take a record of the damage you're losing.
You lost better to lose.
You thought it was terrible.
unless it was the loss of the straws.
And I personally shook it to occur because he thought it was an affront to him, which it wasn't.
And it didn't make a damn bit of difference.
Nobody thought straws was a crime.
Huh?
So now we lose money.
The thing to do, though, is to get the goddamn thing out of the way now, before the Reichenstein, during the Vietnam War, before the convention, so at least we're thinking about it.
He wasn't necessarily... People's memories is all the goddamn charges there, with great events coming in between them.
That's the thing I wanted to say in there and didn't dare.
By November, people will have forgotten what meat prices were in April.
They'll be thinking about what meat prices are in November.
We can't win it.
We can't win it.
What about, you want to talk to the Mitchell thing in the morning?
I'd love to see me.
I think maybe I'll try to go to Camp David and do that.
You're clear.
There's one question tomorrow that's too .
Except it has to be at 4 o'clock.
And I will have them in for the Jews and the neighbors.
Now, what else is there?
Now, this is Jews.
No, I won't do it.
That's your Jews.
That's right.
Here we stand.
Oh, that's a great question.
Of a CEA meeting, and Conley suggested it would be a good idea to have a program meeting with all three members of the CEA sitting in.
Good.
And we should do it at three tomorrow, not four.
Three.
Because you've got, what have we got?
Four.
That's something I'm going to have to do, I don't know.
Whatever else we're going to do.
Youth group.
Yeah.
What time do we leave?
Five.
Well, you better.
This meeting is going to take more than an hour.
Why don't you make it 2.30?
I'll get all my work done and then I'll come back here tomorrow and get my clothes ready and have this meeting at 2.30 tomorrow.
Is that fair enough?
Evan, you're the other man.
Go up the counter.
That is it.
It's awful when people don't really understand.
It's horrible, sir.
But nevertheless, we must not overestimate what people understand about things like IEDs and so forth.
Unless it has the symbolism of the person who built it.
That's the missing thing that they don't have here.
I mean, again, God damn it, somebody ought to get up sometime and say,
When some press guy asks a question, he says, let me ask, before you take that question, this is what I want to make sure.
Can you take one person in this administration, one of the press, and charge it all personal, and recognize it?
And you won't be able to.
I'd like to ask all members of the press, would you please, to the same question, being a name like three years.
Can we say that safely?
Is there anybody we didn't have to kick out after three years?
But really, was there anybody that did it?
I can't think of anybody else.
Let me give that a little thought, because that's very practical.
That could be a Calvin line.
I've played that line a little bit in terms of how you rung out the Catholic conflict of interest.
The way you do it, you see, is if a press guy asks a question, what about the matter of the war of submission?
It's not the other thing.
All right, let's try to separate the thing out.
You talk about the issue with the one-sided process.
Talk about the personal integrity of the family.
And to name one person in this administration, one person, might have been present, since he's been present, in which there hasn't been any evidence of any charged name, any charged group, person, or anything.
I can't think about that.
Would you check it a bit?
Yeah, I sure will.
We have a devastating thing on the PD providing.
Somebody who needs a press or something can throw that right back against anyone.
I asked all three members of the panel the same question.
Because if you have, we'd like to know.
I think our audience is trying to know what these charges are about.
Are you talking about that?
Or are you talking about the issue in which we can't argue about that letter for sure should not be in tolerance?
But a lot of Democratic politicians are pressing the candidate charge.
I'll tell you, we've sent every New Jersey politician of this decade to Jacksonville.
They're all gone.
He's just the last, I think.
You asked about that California unemployment.
I checked one of those figures.
California Department of Human Resources Development figures.
And they show that employment increased by 69,000 and is up 96,000 over last year.
Number of unemployed decreased from 603 to 579,000.
And the California officials say they're not at all worried about the figures because of the very big increase of unemployment, because of the number of unemployed decreased.
And this is the fourth straight quarter in which unemployment has decreased.
On a quarterly basis, unemployment was 7.4 in the second quarter of 1971, 7.0 in the third quarter, 6.4 in the fourth quarter, and 6.0 in the first quarter of 1972.
And monthly dip?
Governors, yeah.
But it was a drop in the statistical figures.
You have an enormous number of people.
The labor market was selling jobs.
I mean, because they have plus and plus, just as you've got increasing numbers.
I think part of the problem is, well, meat prices are affected.
You know, part of the problem is lives.
And first, there's unemployment fluctuation.
It's commonly expected.
God is the end of the planet.
So you've got five in the two, but not in the fourth.
$400,000, or $4 million at most, never had a job together.
Never had a job.
And he said, that's what a lot of people think.
It was a wealth of work.
It's true, a lot of people in the market.
But I'll tell you a little point here.
The way it works, you know, if a plant worker loses his job, immediately he and his wife and his oldest boy get unregistered for jobs.
So I've got to have, I don't know where it is from now, I've got to have the talking points for the Vietnam thing.
I mean, I want to know what the hell became of it.
You mean from this morning?
They were supposed to hand out to the leaders this morning.
Talking points on Vietnam.
Henry did not hand them out at the end of the meeting.
Thank you.
According to Billy Graham, John Connolly made the greatest single defense of the benefits administration you've ever heard in the National Association of Broadcasters.
He is a persuasive man.
It's coming.
How do you think it's going to go?
Better.
You had a nice little phrase, and it sounded smart.
Did you see that?
No.
Oh, yeah, I did see that.
I did see that.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
I think he's being very careful about the way he's moving around.
Well, he's a man, you know, of great dignity.
He's a man that therefore has a certain mystery, which is good.
He doesn't get it out of the way.
He's nice.
You know, you've got to have him.
He's a Greek boy and he plays it like a king.
So be it.
He's still got a screw loose on the substance as far as I'm concerned.
Oh, I bet him, yeah.
He doesn't understand either foreign or domestic policy.
You worry about the domestic policy.
That, as I said, doesn't make any difference.
Everybody's wrong about domestic policy.
But the point on foreign policy is there can be devastated.
He always comes up with, I mean, no question about his being, you know, patriotic, hardliners, but he, I know he's a breeder, but he just comes up with things that, what the hell was it he wrote this morning?
Yeah, that kind of concerned me in there, because he asked questions, questions of fact, that he should have known the answers to as vice president.
Well, Henry didn't need that.
Henry is supposed to read... No, he's got his own guy.
He's got an actual security liaison guy.
And he's got that information available on a momentary basis.
There was some question about... Let's see, how many...
Airplanes did they have?
Could they come down and hit us or something?
Oh, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.
How many airplanes did they have?
It was such a ridiculous question.
But I can hardly believe it.
They have only 200 airplanes.
We totally command the air.
And for him, who sits on the National Security Council, to raise the question creates doubts in the other lines.
That's his point.
And of course we totally command the air.
And he says, could they, and also, could they have enabled the military to come down?
Could they have launched the plane?
With American Spurge up there, nobody's, we command the sea and we command the air.
We don't command a hell of a lot more, but we've got that.
But the fact that he would ask you.
He shouldn't ask the question now, even if he doesn't know.
That's right.
He should write it down and ask his man after me.
Yeah.
But, anyway, on, in fairness, though, he's, you know, one thing that's helped him look better
to decline Muskie.
Muskie and Agnew, of course, were competitors.
And frankly, Agnew was more of a man than Muskie.
He really is.
I mean, talk all you want.
I mean, here's Muskie with a press panning to do the right thing for him and the rest.
or would you agree i did i'd say he's been handling himself very well
Shall we leave the, uh, the quantity stack out, or are you, how do you, is that the way to handle it?
We'll handle it with Mitchell, or should I get him in now?
I'm ready any time, but maybe you ought to explore your ground and try the next sale.
It has to be done.
It has to be done.
I'll tell him.
But, uh...
We just tell you, for doing that, you have to wait until next week.
You can't do it until the hearings.
For Christ's sake, do it now.
What do you mean, next week?
We voted to continue the hearings until next Thursday.
Until you know they aren't going to stop next to each other, you don't know anything else.
Well, you have to get the Irvings.
You've got the Irving thing.
I think, I think you, I think as long as you're triggered to do it early and get it done, then Irving and Byrd should be done.
Yeah.
And since Irving and Byrd have both dedicated this, I think Lindy should up and beat it to the punch and not wait until the Irvings drag it to Mr. Millett.
If you're going to cut your losses, cut it when you've got an opportunity.
There'd be a vote.
and we'll lose the vote is this i just want to be sure that this second draft right here is that the draft hasn't been murdered
They have to, who's, who has to see it all?
Who has to see it all?
Is the state trying to get it clear?
Yeah, I just think it needs a half hour.
No, but I mean, Henry's gone, you see.
And if it's Henry he's waiting for, I just need to know so that I know whether to, how long to wait for it.
But ask him if he wants to, Henry wants to look at it again.
If he does, fine.
I'll wait for it.
If he doesn't, then somebody else can do it.
I'll take it.
I'm not worried.
I don't care that much about the damn speech.
I think we ought to do something.
I think we ought to, I think we ought to do something.
I think we ought to wait a week.
If you want to do that, maybe you ought to just get the children to do it.
Before you leave.
Keep the recorder down.
She's got a British accent.
There's something screwy about the way she talks.
You guys, she's married.
She's been married before.
I think she's a little nuts.
I'm not leaving for the Vietnam War.
I'm not leaving for the Vietnam War.
I'm not leaving for the Vietnam War.
I'm not leaving for the Vietnam War.
I'm not leaving for the Vietnam War.
I'm not leaving for the Vietnam War.
I'm not leaving for the Vietnam War.
I'm just blanking.
He went through those 12 different times.
We've got to get agreed on.
And this is not the time.
They're ready to talk.
They don't come that different way.
But he's going to be on the train for it.
This judgment may be done this time.
But at least we've got the right to pray.
Rosa, get in.
He is so passionate about it.
They didn't even talk about it.
They said, well, I think we ought to negotiate with them later this fall.
I said, no, I'm just going to talk about that.
I said, there ain't going to be no later this fall.
He said, we could have four or five meetings and so forth.
You ever talk to him about it?
Yeah.
He really thinks that.
We're just going to have a long cycle of events.
It's going to work.
It's going to work.
It's all over.
Ten minutes until midnight.
Well, as I said, this went well this morning.
John, John, you did a good job.
And frankly, it was three nights a day.
I sat there, and Shelby was sitting there, and Simon was sitting there, and I thought of Richardson doing the lesson and the rest.
And God damn it, they just aren't good enough.
So you've got to put up your great man.
And Henry, basically, was paid away in comparison to him because he was too long.
But Henry at the time, Henry would waddle all over the place.
That was his single problem.
He educates Shredder himself.
Shredder, he has to respond to the whole thing.