Conversation 735-001

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Thank you, sir.

You're welcome.

You sit here, Mr. Preston.

And the picture, the picture.

We may not need it.

This is Mr. Sigler.

My impression of the leader is that it was good.

You had me for it.

Thank you.

Oh, the movies.

They make film, and then they send it to Mexico.

I don't want to throw out one of those.

Why?

I don't know.

Thank you very much.

Thank you.

Okay, we'll take a minute here.

You want to see the numbers of your press?

Yes, sir.

Yeah.

We have a lot of people here.

Yes.

General, please.

Sir, my brother's sister is here.

Well, I want to say that we, I think it's very appropriate that the first meeting that we have after I return from Moscow is with the President of Mexico.

I think it's very important that we establish the proposition

to the world.

Dr. Kissinger, as you know, Mr. President, is going to China tonight.

If you like, I would have to be returning sometime later in the summer.

I would like to have him come to Mexico City and give you a first-hand report on his trip, as he did earlier when he was at Arapuco.

We don't do this with very many heads of government because there are too many governments, but with Mexico and Japan and European countries,

And Canada, we try to have that kind of communication.

And we will get a simpler convenience.

In the meantime, I know that we have a number of subjects

It seemed to me, Mr. President, that on the bilateral, in the bilateral area, the most pressing urgent problem from the discussions I've had with our staff, who have talked to your staff, is the salinity problem.

And I want to, because we are good friends, even though we've only met once before, I thought that if you would like that we might tackle that problem right away.

I'd like to hear your views, and I will try to see what I can do on the problem.

Well, I think that there are other subjects in which, of course, we'll be extremely interested.

But if you would prefer another procedure, John, then you would be more comfortable with another procedure.

No.

I'll deal with this problem, Mr. President, in two parts and very briefly.

The first is a synthesis of this problem, and the second, here comes a note that the Secretary of the Relations of Mexico wrote after having spoken with Dr. Kinziger last night.

First is the summary of the problem, Mr. President.

Second is a note drafted by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Mexico after his conversations with Dr. Kissinger last night.

I have a note for Kissinger.

Do you have a note for Dr. Kissinger?

Sure.

Que nunca el presidente de México había ido al Valle Mexicali, había tratado, había observado y tratado el problema desde lejos, sobre todo a través de ingenieros, que son los que distribuyen el agua.

In the past, the President of Mexico has never gone to the Mexicali Valley, which is the affected area, and I've always studied this problem from a distance and usually hearing the reports of engineers who are the ones who are responsible for distributing the water.

Que en el último mes acabo de estar dos veces recorriendo todo el valle, estando en muchos rincones y hablando con muchos campesinos.

Within the course of the last month, Mr. President, I have visited this valley twice, and I've gone to many far and remote corners of the valley and talked to a great many of the agricultural groups in the town.

El hecho concreto es que en California y en Arizona se utilizaba mucho mejor que un poco adelante en México.

The fact of the matter in specific, Minister President, is that the people in California and Arizona use water that is considerably better than what is used by their counterparts in Mexico, just as in the calendar.

That the Treaty of 1944, and in which the Governor Rockefeller intervened, and I told my collaborators recently, we never thought that something could be different.

And referring back now to the 1944 treaty, Mr. Perry, one of the authors of that treaty, one of the ones who worked on it on the American side, is now the governor of Rockefeller, and he told some of my assistants recently that they never dreamed that this matter, that the water would not be other than the New York.

And he was the coordinator of Inter-American Affairs at the time and participated in that treaty.

Entonces, un 10% de esta agua

So it came about, it has come about that 10% of the water on the river has come from wells.

It's water from a very, very ancient fossilized well and was discarded.

This water is centuries old and it's been discarded into the river.

Another 17% is something a little less bad, which was taken from Colorado and after the flood, by means of trains, returns to the river and also sends us.

Another 17% is not as bad as this first category, it's Colorado River water that is used for irrigation and then drains back into the river itself.

So, according to the statement that the Secretary of Relations had with Mr. Kissinger last night,

I think I could get out of this talk without the immediate problem of Mr. President Nixon, nor with California, nor with Arizona, a declaration that would be an extraordinary testimony for Mexico and for Latin America

And so, according to all the conversations held last night between our Foreign Secretary and Dr. Kissinger, I believe that out of this meeting could come, without creating any immediate problem for you, Mr. President, even in California or in Arizona, but out of our meeting could come a statement that would be a very strong testimony and witness for Mexico and for Latin America that is following these events very closely.

That is to say, if we express that the American farmers

must be irrigated with seawater that is used by the American agriculturists, without reducing the amount of water.

In other words, Mexico, transitorily, can prevent, even if it is contaminated, the return of this water to the people, in order to ensure that if there is a declaration of a general type, that it does not compromise it.

I am aware of the current moments.

with no one in Arizona or California.

And we make the transitory sacrifice, especially in the worst part of the water, even if we take it into account as contaminated.

Because if I feel better water, it serves to add a better amount to my body.

In the same way that the water that carries that bad part, I explain, with a good amount,

And so, for example, Mr. President, I think if we said something in a general way that Mexican farmers should enjoy water of quality equal to that employed by American farmers without reducing the amount of water given to Mexico, I think that this is something that would be a positive step.

We would be willing to have a discarding of the bad water that's going into this area, even if it's accounted towards the amount that we are entitled to according to the treaty, the more water that is.

We can discard that even if we have to have that charged to our yearly account on that.

But if we have a general statement of this kind,

I realize what year this is and what we're facing.

We would not want to create any problems for you in Arizona or California.

We, on our part, would be willing to temporarily sacrifice the total amount of water that we would receive, as I said, even if the amount that is discarded is taken away from our account.

Because we believe that a better quality of water, even in a reduced amount, would be better than the larger amounts that we have now that is not as good.

This is what the Foreign Minister drafted after speaking with Dr. Kissinger.

It's just been given to the President this morning.

I'll translate this for you while he reads this for you.

He mentioned that it's a very balanced note, but he hasn't seen it himself.

With regard to the problem of the salinity of the waters of the Colorado River, President Echeverria expressed to President Nixon that, in his opinion, the definitive solution to the above-mentioned problem would be that the interpretation be given to the Water Treaty of 1944 in the sense that Mexico has a right to receive waters of the same quality as those coming from the imperial dam.

And President Nixon replied as follows to the above.

First, that it was a very complex problem

Second, that he was deeply impressed by the statement made in this connection by President Echeverria.

Third, that it was his sincere wish to arrive at a definitive, fair, and just solution to the problem as soon as possible.

Fourth, as proof of the above, he will immediately proceed to, one, order that a substantial improvement in the quality of the water be effected.

Second, to designate a commission or a commissioner in order that additional improvements in the quality of the water be achieved.

And third, that he proposed a permanent, definite, and just solution to the problem.

This commissioner for this commission will present a report to President Nixon before the end of his present term in office, and he in turn will send it to President Echeverria for his information, and if it deserves his approval, he will thus express it to President Nixon.

To the abroad, President Echeverria replied that since very recently he has on two occasions visited the valley of Mexicali in Baja California and had talked with the rural population on the subject.

His point of departure was that in the expectation of this definitive resolution, Mexico would continue to irrigate the valley without using any of the waters coming out of the Welton Mohawk, which would mean a considerable reduction in the salinity of the waters of the Colorado River.

President Echeverria as well as President Nixon will proceed immediately to instruct the respective commissioners on borders and waters to defect that as soon as possible they proceed to prepare and sign a document which will contain the agreements and expressions mentioned above.

This is an additional addendum.

Dr. Kissinger said that this is an important improvement in the waters referred to in paragraph 4 of this next document

means that the quality of the water will vary between 1,120 and 1,150 parts per million, even though they could not be ascertained whether this referred to units used in Mexico or those used in the United States.

You know, Mr. President, that, of course, I think that a technical thing, he cannot compromise it.

It would be a very ignoble study.

Of course, I understand, Mr. President, that without, on a technical matter such as this, that you cannot commit yourself without a prior, very careful study.

And I know that there are interested farmers in Arizona and in California that are watching this very closely.

But on the other hand, there is significant interest.

There are many mentions in Latin America.

And there is a real problem that is serious.

But on the other hand, there's a great deal of interest in this in Mexico, there's a great deal of tension all over Latin America, and we are faced with a very real and a serious problem.

And then I think that we might come up with perhaps a ballot statement, more or less along the lines of what Dr. Kissinger and his Foreign Secretary agreed upon.

Even if this is in general terms, I could then go back to Mexico

and take steps so that without impairing or hurting the farmers that use the water in Arizona and California, that we not use this very conspicuously bad water that has been coming to us, and then we could have a very detailed and serious technical study of the problem.

This is a synthesis of some rewriting.

Well, Mr. President, there is a problem.

as you have alluded to, of our Congress, the Congress from Arizona and California, who represent the interests of the farmers there.

I realize it's a very, very sensitive issue for your people, but as you know,

farmers on either side of the border always want something for themselves.

And of course, if I were to take some action at the executive level and the Congress would not approve, this would be a very unfortunate development.

So what I would like to suggest is that we have, you and I, Mr. President, I don't know, Mr. President, I wonder if the President has to leave to get to that job.

He's supposed to leave Black House at about 15, but I think we,

He's supposed to be due on the 12th, 25th, or 12th, 30th.

Well, he should leave here at 1210.

1210, yes, sir.

He doesn't, uh...

Uh...

He, if you could go direct to the warehouse pickup, that's just, uh... Yeah, it's...

the President's Chief of Staff and our schedulers in the morning.

My meeting was scheduled to be for only 45 minutes.

I didn't realize that.

She said, if it worked out with the President's schedule, cut one of our other people out so that we could talk in our, because we got, we're in a very interesting discussion here.

It has now need more time

You cut off one of his earlier plans a little shorter.

I'll keep my mind free.

The second point is that, Mr. President, is that let me talk very pragmatically to you.

As you know, I just returned from a discussion with Mr. Gresham.

Here we were dealing with, basically, not on the basis of personal friendship with Russia, and not personal belligerence, but basically the United States and the Soviet Union have very, very differences.

But the reason that our conversation succeeded was that he and I talked directly to you and are talking now.

And when I couldn't do something, I said so.

Now, I do not want to make a statement on the water that the Congress would reject, because that would mean that I would be misleading you and misleading your people, your farmers,

I don't want to make a statement about something that was rejected by Congress, because in that case it would be a disappointment for you and your people and your president.

I understand that.

Now, let me say to the President, what I would like to do with you is to make a personal commitment to do something before the end of the year, to work this out before the end of the year.

What I would like to do, Mr. President, is to make a personal commitment with you to elaborate, to put a solution to this thing before the end of the year.

Yes, of course.

You can count on my words.

Yes, of course, I understand.

But an expression of great generosity, of which all of Mexico is now aware, and all of the North Americans of Mexican origin,

perhaps in the sense that seeing the technical problems, studying them in depth, we found a solution.

That is to say, well, perhaps we have to find the way, the technical way, so that the Mexican peasants, and I say this in a way similar to the North American peasants, because it is a very divine feeling.

Mr. President, I think that an expression of a general nature would be useful because all of Mexico is waiting for something like this, and I'm sure that this is in the thoughts of all the Mexican-American citizens that live in the United States.

And I think that if we could express something in the sense that a deep technical study must be made in order to find a solution to this problem, that it is a technical problem, we would have to take a technical approach to a solution

the Mexican campesinos can in the future count on having the same quality of water as American farmers do because it's something that is felt very, very deeply and vividly in Mexico.

No, I didn't mean to rule out a statement after in our communique at the end of our meetings.

There should be a general statement.

But what I want to tell the President directly is what I think we can accomplish before the end of the year.

FOR EXAMPLE, WHEN I MET WITH YOUR PREDECESSOR, WE DISCUSSED SALINITY DOWN AT THE

We discussed solidity again when I was at Puerto Vallarta.

We discussed it again when he came to San Diego.

And each time, we left it to the State Department to work out the matter.

And I thought it was being settled.

And now I have decided that it has to be taken to the presidential level, and that I, with you, must work this thing out.

For example, Mr. President, in my meetings with Mr. Rodríguez Solárez during his presidency, we talked about femininity in the third half, we talked about femininity in Puerto Vallarta and again in San Diego.

And every time I thought, well, the State Department is going to solve this problem, but we see that this is not the case, so I have decided that this thing has to be decided at the presidential level, and that is why you and I have to continue to understand the problems of Mr. President Inicio clearly, right?

Mr. President, I understand very, very clearly what your problems are.

I have no intention of making a proposal that might be awkward for you.

He has an expression of interest for the Mexican farmers who have been receiving very different water from the North American farmers, but also to calm the North Americans.

He talks about the technical study of what remains of the year.

This will undoubtedly be very positive.

This note can be seen a little more slowly in that sense.

Meditate just for today, to see what you perceive this morning.

Yes, Mr. President.

Well, we have to multiply the tide in the spirit of understanding that surrounds our two peoples and our two governments.

And, for example, tomorrow, after we will have held our second meeting, perhaps we could say that you expressed an interest in the lot of Mexican farmers, that they should receive water as good as that received by the American counterparts, but at the same time to allay the fears on the part of the American side

to speak of a technical study in depth that will have to be made in the course of the year on this problem, I think that this will be a very positive contribution.

And I think that we will, if you will read this note a little bit more carefully, perhaps, and think about it today, we will see by and large what you might view.

What I would suggest, if it agrees with the President's view, is that Dr. Kissinger, this afternoon, and General Haig,

talk again with the foreign secretary and work out some language to be put out publicly and the foreign secretary will submit it to you and Kissinger will give it to me.

Now, Mr. President, there's a little sensitive bureaucratic problem here.

The State Department has been handling this matter.

And so what you're discussing the matter with other

people, for example, Secretary Rogers and others, you should of course raise some expression of concern, but simply say in general terms that you hope that a satisfactory statement can be made

the White House rather than the State Department.

If you're a Secretary of State.

Now, Mr. President, if you allow me to suggest that in your conversations with the personnel of the Department of State, the Secretary of State, among other people, that you should raise these issues, raise your concerns and say that you hope that some clarifications will be made in the statement, but knowing that we here in consultation with the Secretary of State and here in the House of Representatives are trying to

kicked around for 28 years since 1944.

And I will make you my personal commitment that I will work out a solution in cooperation with you before the end of this year.

Well, the unconscious problem is that, to use a current term, here you are in the football league, in the 28th World Cup, and now everyone is going to beat you.

I give you my personal commitment, that before the end of the year, before the 10th, tell me that you have been in the hands of technicians, of engineers, but that you have also been in the hands of politicians, right?

Because, at the border,

that Baja California is the border of all Latin America with Mexico, with the United States.

That is to say, it is the testimony of a North American attitude towards Latin America, which is the main problem that there is precisely the border, that Mexico is the border of all Latin America with the United States, which seems to me, should not be considered that.

Yes, Mr. President.

The problem, I think, has been also that for many years this issue has been left in the hands of technicians and of engineers when it is essentially a political problem.

But I would like to leave one thought with you in your consideration of this, that the border of Baja California with the United States is more than a border of Mexico.

It's the American border with all of Latin America.

And so I think this is very important for you to remember this, that this is perhaps the most important problem coming from south of the border as far as the United States is

And as I said, there is a border between the United States and all of Latin America.

Tell me, Mr. President, that in the speech that I'm going to read in an hour in Congress, I ratify my thesis of the Third World against the powers.

Because if in Latin America I don't take the flag, Castro will take it from us.

Estoy perfectamente consciente de eso.

I would also like to say, Mr. President, in the speech that I will deliver to the joint session of the Congress within the hour, I will reiterate my principles of the third world vis-à-vis the great powers of the world.

Because if I don't take this flag in Latin America, Castro will.

This is something I'm very, very conscious of.

We feel it in Mexico, that I felt it in Chile, that you feel it in Central America, that you feel it among the youth groups, among the intellectuals, that Cuba is a Soviet base in every sense, military and geological, that we have it in our mouths.

Because we in Mexico feel, Mr. President, this is, I felt also, I sensed this also when I was in Chile, in my meetings with Central Americans, with young people, with intellectuals, that it's clear that Cuba is a Soviet base in every sense of the word, both militarily and ideologically, and we have this right rubbed against our noses.

Que, sin duda, los Estados Unidos, estratégicamente, no permitiría nunca, ni en el Caribe, ni en México, ni en Centroamérica, ni en Sudamérica, otra Cuba no,

That we are aware of that.

That Dr. Castro and Cuba are an instrument of penetration in the United States themselves.

They want to be in Mexico and in all Latin American countries.

And we're also aware of the fact that Dr. Castro and Cuba are instruments of penetration even into the United States itself, and not to mention Mexico and the other countries of Latin America.

They are unceasing in their efforts, using one path or another.

is to project itself on the African and Latin Americans.

And that if we, specifically Mexico, do not adopt a progressive stance within the reality, with friendship with the United States, this current will project itself.

And I believe, Mr. President, that it's obvious that with this very heavy subsidy and its very deep complicity, there is an attempt to project the influence into the groups within the United States and Latin America also.

But if we in general, and Mexico very much in particular, do not adopt a progressive attitude within the framework of freedom and of friendship with the United

He has not had any scruple in sacrificing his country.

And all liberties have a Soviet instrument that is making a great journey in these moments for many small socialist countries.

He has not had any compunction at all in sacrificing his own country and in eliminating all freedoms there, just to be a tool of the Soviets, and we see now that he is making a grand tour of some of the smaller socialist countries in Europe.

And the big problem for all of Latin America is at this moment the growth of the population, the unemployment, and the social tensions.

that international communism causes, which, therefore, is very important.

I believe, for me, it is a matter of great personal concern that we remove the banners with real testimonies of cooperation at the official level and with private initiative and with technology.

And this is a very serious problem, and the very serious problems faced by Latin America at the present time are population growth, unemployment, and social tensions that are aggravated by provocation by international communism.

And therefore, I believe it's very important, and this is something that I feel very deeply myself, that we must take their flags away from them by taking positive steps of cooperation using not only government, but private enterprise and tactical approaches to it.

Next Saturday, I'm going to have dinner with the president of the Anaconda, General Motors, and Quimbrey, I think, and 40 others that were invited by Governor Pérez, and I'm going to tell them exactly the same thing.

That is to say, to give an official policy of the US government and a policy of early liberation, but with a lot of understanding of what is happening.

So good evening, Mr. President.

I'm going to have dinner with the president of Anaconda, General Motors of Kimberly, and about 40 other leading American executives in the home of Governor Rockefeller.

And I'm going to tell them the very same thing, that there should be an official policy on the part of the United States government and on the part of American private enterprise investment sectors that they should have a full understanding of what is going on.

The world of today is not the world of 15 years ago.

Look, Mexico has to contribute, more than any other country in the world, to remove a flag of progress from Castro Cruz, which is not a matter of personal rivalry, but rather that we have to preserve values and provoke sources of work with different texts than what Castro Cruz means with an American incentive.

And therefore I believe that we must find other ways of... Mexico now has a greater responsibility perhaps than any other Latin American country in taking the lead and in snatching these flags of progressive action from Castro.

And there is no element of personal rivalry in this at all.

It's just a matter of the fact that I think that we have to preserve certain vital values, and in doing this, provide a source of work for the people of Latin America, because it's not a different approach.

You're using a different approach than that used by Dr. Castro.

I'm going to tell the inversionists that we need to be private and honest inversions.

I will tell these American investments on Saturday night that we need to have the concept of mixed joint investments, that we must encourage the growth of the Latin American businessman class, that we must receive technology and therefore create more jobs.

that I just presented to the heads of the Mexican private initiative, of the businessmen, of the merchants, of the bankers who come with me, along with the workers and neighbors, and who are aware of this thesis for economic development.

I just presented to you in receiving my Mr. President, some of the leaders of Mexican private enterprise are leading businessmen and bankers that are brought with me, together with the leaders of our labor and our peasant movement, and they are all very well aware of the fact that we need to develop this new approach to economic development in our area.

And to these business leaders, I am going to tell them, we want and we can be partners and not employees.

Vamos a buscar mercados juntos en el mundo hoy.

And what I will tell these American business leaders when I speak with them is, I will repeat, that we want to be and can be partners with you, but not employees.

Together we can seek other world markets for our products.

Porque por excepción de Brasil, que ha resuelto el problema en toda América Latina, existe el dilema e incentivos para grupos de estudiantes, de obreros,

I wonder if Soviet solutions are not accepted.

What is debating at this moment?

Because all over Latin America, with the exception of Brazil that has solved the problem in its own way, in all of Latin America this dilemma is being faced, is being debated by groups of students and workers.

Is perhaps the Soviet solution the best one to this problem?

Is it the wisest one?

This is what is being debated the first time.

and that all the countries in the world where there is unemployment and poverty, either give capitalist solutions, like Mixto, preserving our freedoms, or another will advance.

Antwerp, the countries of the Third World, were under employment as rampant as is poverty.

Either capitalism, a mixed approach to capitalism, will provide solutions, and within a framework of preservation of freedom, or the other ideology is going to make progress.

What is the president's view with regard to the problem of expropriation?

When he talks to these leaders of American business in New York, I think that's a question they will have and they will ask.

The American business leaders that he refers to have a very different attitude than the American capitalists that came to Mexico, for example, 50 years ago or even 25 years ago.

But on the other hand, if they face

a substantial risk of expropriation, then the amount that they will invest and the partnership that they will participate in will be substantially reduced.

I would like to ask you, Mr. President, what is your opinion on the matter of expropriation?

I know that the leaders of the North American private company with which you are going to meet on Saturday will ask you this question

a matter that interests them very much.

And even though in their approach the North American capitalist, the Mexican inversionist is very different from the man who invested in Mexico 50 years ago and even 25 years ago.

But there is this problem that they confront and if they believe that there is a substantial risk of expropriation, then evidently the amount of capital they want to invest and the amount of associations or partners in which they participate will be reduced.

For example, Mr. President, I was talking to an American businessman, a very big businessman in this country recently, about the problems of the hemisphere.

And he said very honestly to me, he said, there are only two major countries he would invest in, Mexico and Brazil.

And the reason is that each of these countries, each in its different way, provides stability without the fear of a violent

takeover or expropriation.

For example, Mr. President, recently I was talking to a prominent executive of a private initiative in this country and he talked about the problems of this hemisphere and he told me that, frankly, there are only two important countries in Latin America where I would invest my capital, namely Mexico and Brazil.

And why?

Because each of these nations, in its own way and with its own direction, has established a stability and there is no fear of the occupation

If we could get more countries to follow the example of Mexico, which has freedom of speech, as we saw with all these reporters, freedom of the press, and elections, a mixed economy, this would help enormously in attracting the private capital into Latin America, which is

potentially much greater than the government capital that could come, because private capital is expensive and government capital is limited by budgets, any programs, and so forth.

Yes, I don't want to insinuate, Mr. President, that the solution is a right-wing dictatorship, evidently.

But in my opinion, I think that it would be useful if other nations followed the example of Mexico,

There are elections, there is a mixed economy, and I think that a situation like that in other countries of the hemisphere would be extremely useful in attracting the Latin American capital to Latin America.

Because in reality the capital is always expandable, the private capital.

The official capital is always limited by budgetary considerations, while the other can be expanded almost without limits.

that I see as a synthesis an opportunity for mixed North American and local investments in each country for the creation of employment and production, or many social compulsions.

I see the future, Mr. President, in the synthesis of my thinking, a future of either, on one hand, American capital invested in a mixed economy with a new flow of capital and personnel for the creation of jobs and the increase of production, or, on the other hand, a great deal of social disorders.

Of course, that's what I was saying.

But not of social proportions.

But that, in Latin America, is reflected within the United States, in racial

in the people of Mexican and Puerto Rican origin, in different North American groups.

Because there is land, or there are solutions,

And another phenomenon, Mr. President, is that these events that take place in Latin America, when solutions are not found, are reflected within the American society itself, in non-Mexican Americans, in Puerto Ricans, in other minority groups, other racial minority groups.

And therefore, either we find a balanced economic solution to the problems of our neighbors to the south, or there will be events in these countries that will have repercussions within those borders here.

Of course, there is a great success in the conferences of the Western Union in China and Russia, but everything that China and Russia can do to cause problems, they will do it.

In Latin America we felt it.

I observed it in Mexico, I saw it in Chile directly,

And of course, Mr. President, the great success of your meetings in China and Russia, in spite of the great success of these meetings, is that they will do whatever they can to improve the United States in one way or another.

But in Latin America, we feel that there are other events that can take place.

I sense this in my own country in Mexico.

I saw it in Chile more directly.

And in each Latin American country, one way or another, I've seen the seeds of a possibility problem.

I think the first of the president's analysis is very receptive to the problems of the hemisphere.

I appreciate the fact that he is taking the lead, speaking up not only for his own country, which of course is the first responsibility of a country of almost 50,000 people, but he's taking the lead and speaking up for the whole hemisphere.

Because Mexico, as he said earlier,

that provides not only the US border with Mexico, but the US border with all of Latin America.

And Mexico also, you could say, is the bridge, the bridge between the United States and the rest of Latin America.

I think for the president of Mexico to take a leading role in speaking about the problems of the hemisphere is very constructive.

That's one of the reasons why I welcome this opportunity to get the President's views on not only his own country, and we also settled problems of solidarity between Kissinger and Haig and the Foreign Minister, I trust, but also to get his views on these very profound problems that have shaped the whole hemisphere.

Well, Mr. President, first of all, I would like to say that the analysis that you have presented

In the second place, I want to say how much I am grateful that you have taken the leadership to speak not only in the name of your own country, which is your first responsibility in a nation of almost 50 million inhabitants, but also for having taken the initiative and the leadership to speak in the name of the whole hemisphere.

Because, as you said very well a few moments ago, Mexico does not represent only a border with the United States, but the border of the United States with the rest of Latin America.

But, in addition, the Mexican border serves as a bridge between the United States and the rest of Latin America.

And therefore, I think it is extremely important that the President of Mexico has taken such a prominent role to talk about the problems of the Hemisphere in such a constructive way, and I think it has been a constructive contribution.

And it is for these reasons that I thank you for the opportunity to give you my blessing here, to listen to your point of view, not only on the bilateral problems of our two nations.

And I want to reiterate at this moment that I believe that the solution can be found in the combination of Dr. Cristian Llorente Navjey and Secretary Trabaza.

But I also thank you for this opportunity to listen to your penetrating analysis of the problems that are occurring

Now that I came here, groups of Mexicans communicated with friends of Ángela Deyes, who are aware of the purpose that there was an organization that is managing Ángela Deyes now, to make a demonstration in San Antonio to protest for the existence of political prisoners in Mexico.

When I was about to leave from Mexico for this trip, Mr. President, I was informed by various people that groups of Mexicans had been

of the organization that Angela Davis is connected with in this country, of working to have a demonstration in San Antonio protesting the existence of political prisoners in Mexico.

All of this is related with the people in Chile, with the people in Cuba, with the so-called Chicano groups in the United States, with certain groups in the University of California.

They're all working closely together.

There was the idea that she was a sanatorium, a manifestation, to protest for internal things of Mexico, within a thesis that all political prisoners were in all countries.

We were the mystic.

As soon as this idea was proposed that Group Go to San Antonio to actually interfere in internal Mexican affairs, within this idea they had of saying that all political prisoners in all the countries should be believed, we were immediately informed about it in Mexico.

They are in an intense activity.

And that these phenomena of Latin America are reflected here in the United States.

They are working very actively.

And again, these events that take place in Latin America have repercussions within the borders of the United States.

Entonces, tenemos que ofrecer soluciones en América Latina apartándonos paulatinamente en donde se pueda en los países con dictaduras.

And therefore we must offer solutions in Latin America, following a course that will enable us to sort of move away whenever possible from those countries in which dictatorships have adopted.

And that, gentlemen, of the great American businesses, I will tell you, for the prosperity of the United States itself, think that the continent is one, and that you are the ones who must offer capital and technology, but associated.

Compartiendo responsabilidades.

This is what I'm going to tell the American business leaders when I meet with them later in the week, that they should look at the continent as a single unit, and therefore it is incumbent upon them themselves to offer the capital, the technology, to work as partners, sharing the responsibility for the progress of the continent.

Si no media que el tiempo pasa, el comunismo se va a meter más como un incentivo, como una solución.

Because if not as time goes on, if solutions aren't found, communism will loom ever larger as a possible alternative.

And that would be reflected in the United States.

When the economic measures of August 15, about two weeks later,

I visited the president of the Anaconda in Mexico.

We were in a process from months before for Mexico to buy shares of the Anaconda in a large mine that we have there in Canarias, Sonora, of copper.

And someone asked him if he had been a repressor to Mexico for the 10% overtax and so for the economic defense injuries that President Nixon made on August 15.

And the first defender of the ethical act was the president of the fund.

I'd like to give you a little illustration of some of the things that have been going on.

When you made your announcements on August 15 of economic steps that would be taken by the United States, Mr. President, a couple of weeks later, the president of the Anaconda company was visiting in Mexico.

And we had been for months working on a formula by which Mexico would buy shares in the Anaconda Company with respect to the operations of the paradox copper mine they had in the state of Sonora.

And so the president of that company was asked if what Mexico was doing was a reprisal for the 10% surcharge and these other economic defense measures that's been announced on August 15.

And the first person to defend Mexico's conduct on that occasion was this American businessman, the president of Anaconda.

Quiero decir, en América Latina no hay capitales suficientes, ni hay tecnología, ni investigación científica suficiente.

Y está creciendo la población.

And so we have this problem in Latin America.

There's insufficient capital, there's insufficient technology, there's insufficient scientific research on the one hand, and an increase in the population on the other.

Y entonces, toda la propaganda soviética en China...

And so the line taken by Soviet and Chinese propaganda is that in their respective countries they do solve these problems, whereas the capitalist system with all of its traditional freedoms do not solve them.

Which means that we must produce a system of balanced investments with shared responsibilities within a framework of increased and strengthened freedoms.

Well, it is supported by the Communist Party, the Socialist Party and other three or four.

And I was telling him, what is going to be the way to encourage industrial and commercial investments, at the medium and small level, because we are in need of everything and there is a great lack of things in Chile.

Well, I was talking to President Allende, who is now supported by the Communist Party, the Socialist Party, and three or four other parties, and I asked him, what is the path that you're going to take to promote industrial and commercial investments in your country on a medium and a small degree?

Because, after all, there's a great scarcity of the best articles and products in Chile.

And that, independently of a nationalized policy of basic resources,

no encuentran el camino para estimular la invasión en muchas industrias y muchos negocios, que no es necesario hacerlo.

And leaving to one side a policy of a nationalistic policy, a policy of nationalization of the basic resources of the country, they have not been able to find a way or a path to stimulate investment in industries and businesses which they need very much.

Que sólo en la dictadura socialista

it is possible to resist private investment, because all the investment that has to be done is to serve the State.

Because only in a socialist dictatorship can you prescind or do away with the private enterprise, because all investments, at least, are attempted by the State itself.

And because of the economic problems, the dilemma that is posed for the next 5, 10, 15 years is the casteist solution

of dictatorship as a surrender to a socialist power and as an anti-North American base, military ideology.

And so we see that as far as the economic problems, the dilemma faced by the countries of Latin America in the next 5, 10 or 15 years, is on the one hand you have the cultural solution of dictatorship with its accompanying surrender to a Soviet-associated power, serving as an anti-American baseball from the ideological and military points of view.

And we have to think about it next year, but also in the next 10 or 15 years.

So the propaganda is,

With the United States, you will not solve any problem.

The solution is in what you have done.

So, the Soviet Union is using the Cuban regime.

concealing with propaganda the great failures that exist, and divulging some progressions that have had real or supposed consequences.

And so the Soviet Union is using the cast of the Cuban regime and with a campaign of propaganda that completely hides the failures, the great failures that they have met, but trying to stress and highlight the progress, some progress that has been made, whether it be real or alleged.

And despite the prosperity of the United States, there are many groups of university students in America

conditions of food and the possibility of studying, which have been going on for eight or ten years in Cuba.

And in spite of the great prosperity of the United States, and in spite of the fact that American students are living in a society that will permit them to be very well fed and to study under optimum conditions, for the last eight or ten years many of them have been going to Cuba.

So a rethinking of the North American policy arises, in front of the whole American people,

And so, therefore, there's an urgent need for a whole new shaping or recasting of American policy vis-à-vis Latin America.

Porque lo que pase en América Latina se va a realizar forzosamente en los Estados Unidos.

Because, as I've said, what happens in Latin America inevitably has repercussions in the United States.

Somos una unidad indisoluble.

We're an indivisible unit.

Yes, I think you could say, and I think the President should emphasize this,