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John, how are you?

How are you, sir?

How did you make it?

Oh, uh, hot.

Yes, sir.

That's nice.

We had rain the other day.

Rain like the third devil.

You know, yesterday I saw the prime minister.

He's trying, but they're going to have to export some people.

I guess that's it.

They know they really need

get some more investment kept.

And they've got everybody a little bit jittery now with this change in administration from Shearer to Manning and some of them like Eason.

Yes.

And they're a little bit fearful.

I don't think they have too much to be afraid of.

But he's moving it.

But he's a very personal dog.

Good looking dog.

I think all those islands out there, whether they all love you, Jamaica, Nassau, or the rest of the states of the United States, it would really save them all.

The British are too far away.

They don't do anything for us anymore.

We are very busy.

Anyway, that's the problem we can't do it in.

If you have to worry about it, try to do it.

Well, I wanted to get your sort of...

I have to finish my...

I have to go down and get mentioned out of the way.

I have to wait.

Chicago on Thursday, Michigan on Sunday.

And I've gone enough to Michigan to dedicate an Eisenhower high school, a school named Eisenhower.

Suddenly what I, at least, and I'll make a little subtle point about my defense, at Eisenhower Hospital, I'll make a talk about why I believe in the neighborhood schools, both non-political police.

I went to go to California, and went to San Diego, and went to San Diego.

through San Diego and all the way up back to San Clemente, just to show the action.

Now, none of this will be, none of this will be, can be considered to be, you know, the power of San, or, or, or a frantic campaign, right?

Because I have to do the legion, the dedication behind our school's partner.

I've got to go to California before going all the way to Japan.

I mean, to Hawaii, Hawaii, the Japanese,

So, and they would expect, you know, to go up.

Sound all right?

Oh, sure.

And after that, Hawaii.

Hawaii will be literally three days after that, about the 31st.

Well, it's a week from the time of the convention.

It's going on Wednesday.

Thursday is back.

Right.

So we're all set for that.

And I'll spend a couple days in Hawaii.

And Hawaii, I'm on there to do that.

I have a big reception Sunday night at the president's house for the celebrities.

That includes all of them.

That includes the whole group.

In other words, the young ones, the old ones, and so forth.

You have them and their wives.

That would be a picture-taking session.

Well, we're not going to press it.

We can do pictures if we want.

Probably a good idea.

Just to give them a picture.

Oh, yes.

We're talking about Pittsburgh on Labor Day.

That's a possibility.

The idea would be the president do a nationwide radio address on Sunday evening.

On Labor Day, if he has to make a statement, he does it by radio Sunday evening.

So it runs in the Labor Day papers and on the radio through the day on Labor Day Monday.

This is a big radio institute.

Right.

a Nixon Labor Day thing.

It's not, it's a Nixon event, not a big-line event.

It'd be a family rank-and-file type thing rather than labor leaders without having, without trying to speak to, to be very important because of the fact that, you know, the picnic and so forth, everybody running around, the baby swallows, the rest of the staff aren't making any kind of significant speech.

But just thank you.

workers and the auto workers in Pittsburgh with us.

Pittsburgh's a damn good city for us.

And it looks to the world, to the country, like a hell of a tight-lipper city.

I think you get outside of Pennsylvania, or outside of the political sophisticates, people would be astonished to think Pittsburgh was a good city for us.

That's life in Detroit.

No doubt.

A tough factory town.

Right.

So that would be basically the only activity of significance I would engage in in that period.

It's never been my view that a hell of a lot could be done just before Labor Day.

I mean, everybody is, you know what I mean?

It's awfully hard to get people's thrift.

And after that, they began to turn their minds to school and to politics.

That's about what I've got in mind.

That's how you get something that's really good.

And I think it's above.

Yeah.

But it does show some activity.

I guess it's very critical.

It hurts.

Yeah.

We go out there and go to Hawaii, of course, it's time to go.

It's been a hell of a long trip.

What was the plan, John?

Well, I think that's fine.

If Bill will do it, and if Laird does it, I think that's fine.

Laird is going to hit it very hard in the defense.

I didn't know whether you were going to try and keep them coming.

Well, the charge made that they should stay out of it because they're in that.

It's totally ridiculous.

The difference, you see, is this.

They say, well, the Secretary of State did not get the campaign success.

The first is not true, but the other point is I, being a major spokesman in both 64 and 68 foreign affairs, always defended the policy of the United States when I was abroad.

Never attacked.

Never, never, never, never, never.

he said that he hasn't had time.

The problem is you don't get to play.

He said, well, he ended up getting some of the calls, but they're not getting him to play.

But Larry hasn't had time.

I hope that he really hasn't.

I can say that.

I'll get to the credit.

I will continue.

He wants to get a meeting.

We're going to let him.

But I think, again, the

Never, never defend.

Absolutely.

If you ever start defending against these fellows, they're going to run us crazy.

And we just have to start continuing to attack.

But I really think if we can really try to nail the Shriver thing right now, and they're even talking about things that happened in summer of 68.

wanted to stay on the prestige of the job.

Sure, I don't accuse him of it.

Just say, if you're alone and you want to stay on because you want the prestige, you want the job.

He tried desperately to stay on.

He wanted another assignment from the United States or elsewhere.

He just said, there's nothing wrong with it.

But there's no point in lying about it.

I think it has to be just that clear.

I think that I would bail him pretty much at the outset.

Well, there's a chance here that he set himself up yesterday.

He just hit a whole series of points that he's wrong and we can tear him apart.

And I just think it has to hurt him.

But it's going to be a thing.

It's going to be a thing.

Well, the point is.

I think that's what we've got on him.

I'm sure we've got the whole range of stuff, you see.

McGovern's got one shot, I think, out of which is, he said, that they, that are going to be sent the signal by withdrawing their troops, and the one next

I just think it boils down to, there was one signal that they gave, and there was one way we could have ended the war, by putting in a communist government in Saigon.

And there's a way to end the war in the Saigon, by putting in a communist government in Saigon.

Nothing's changed.

That's the only attempt to say that's precisely what we've ever moved on.

You see, they hit Trevor.

They hit Trevor on that yesterday.

They said, well, would you put a coalition government in?

He said, the issue is not, we wouldn't impose any government.

Well, bullshit.

If you want to pose a gun, you want to hit the wall.

Because that's what we've been for a couple of years.

Sure.

I have no doubts about that.

Well, they have to.

Sure.

So they swing well.

And also, they're that kind of people.

That's true.

These are totally, I mean, they're men without honor.

I mean, any guy like them ever run over to Paris and lie about, well, I haven't actually.

He's got assurances that if we'll, if they release the prisoners, if we'll stop the bombing, then it goes on.

If the head says that, then it goes on that story.

And with all our troops, and with all our soldiers.

The whole, well, it is for people.

That's right.

I don't think you need to change it yet.

I think that

growth from within destroys growth from within without.

We have to maintain a strong defense posture.

We have to have a viable economy here.

And in some quarters, we've been criticized because we've said to our partners and competitors around the world, trade partners and trade competitors around the world, that we have to have a fair shake.

So we do have to have a fair shake.

And I'm going to insist that we do get a fair shake.

And we're going to have a fair shake for the American working, and we're going to have a fair shake for the American investment.

And if that shouldn't be sure, I'm not going to apologize for it.

It's, you know, I say the word, but it's this sort of, you can have a fighting speech without going on the attack against McGovern.

You can fight against McGovern.

Let me ask you, would you not take on saying that without mentioning your name or something?

for nothing thing that we're going to give up.

How do you reject the thought that on a very personal level, it's not in your favor?

Do you think so?

We just mentioned that.

And we reject the... Oh, I just want to say, yes, I'm in the line of speech.

That's the trouble with all of your rights and all of this.

So, you know, quite generally.

But you say that you take that on and reject the idea of how our defense is going

I would reject the idea of a return to permissiveness in the practice of judges.

Yes, sir.

And I reject the concept of a return to isolationism in this country.

And I just keep hammering on him, not by name, but by interaction, to say he is an isolationist.

And I just got to do something.

full of water and Atlantic pursuit down over our head.

Or close the shores, or some such expression as that.

But I think it has to be a strong speech in those terms.

And I think that I would use a remedy card.

Martin, Barton, and Fish.

This idea, you don't use a name, but you use, he is Colonel McCormick.

Those three words, every school kid, Martin, Barton, and Fish.

Okay?

Now, I think you, I don't know that you need to do it yet, but, well, it might even be, when you talk about permissiveness, and just say that

I want to remind all of you that in 1968, one of the plans of this Republican Party, the platform, was that we were going to get Ramsey Clark out of the Attorney General's office.

Whatever else you can say, I certainly don't want to stand to return as Director of the Ag Act.

And our opposition last year said, you're the great Director

of the FBI to succeed J. Andrew Hoover.

And I leave it to your judgment, in the light of his recent activities in Hanoi, who was right.

I just don't think he heard anything of this.

I just, that's what's pretty political.

I have the greatest difficulty around here to get our people to understand that.

I say, no, don't say that.

Don't say that.

They'll say, what is the answer to put a question to the suggestion?

Screw it.

You don't do things that way.

What you do is say, Senator, on such and such a day, in an interview and so forth, you are quoted as followed by a reading.

It's a question answered.

They're goddamn sons of bitches that we put out.

We're so dumb that they just will not do it.

That is it.

That's not the case.

No, but we tried to put it up.

It was leaking.

No, it came off almost easy.

The Montgomery interview yesterday.

Well, you've got to use the record.

We can't control David Graswell.

He was kind of hard at all.

But we did.

I mean, David Graswell, just reading Graswell.

That's how he tried to stop Graswell very good.

He's good against Graswell.

He's a smart, tough guy.

Smart, tough guy.

I was amazed that he would grind on the government.

Like what?

Absolutely, you have to have a few political tickets.

You're not there just as President of the United States.

You're there as the head of this party.

And you've got all your people there.

You've got the whole country watching.

And this is a permissible time for you to become political without involving the President necessarily in dealing with all this stuff.

That too.

The end sure can.

And I wouldn't just try to be a bland president.

What you need is, you need those people on that floor shouting and stomping and hollering.

You need a bunch of real kids in the speech.

You don't want to come off looking like you think you're smoking.

I haven't talked to them.

Well, it's a struggle.

There's no danger of it, but that's what some people are.

No, no, no.

Three-fourths.

Nobody disagrees that he should be presidential.

The disagreement is how you define presidential.

Oh, absolutely.

President Bolshevik, a man who knows where he's going.

Now, they may not agree with where you're going, but they think you know where you're going.

Well, I'm going to take on, it seems to me, I think this guy's going to take on very, very strongly, first, the whole matter of defense.

By defense, I mean national security.

National security in the broadest sense.

Because there, you can bring all the changes with the Jews,

but I'm actually going to be on Israel.

You can bring all the changes, but the people that are concerned about what happens, they know you can bring all the changes in regard to being sent to the Russians, which I'm going to stick right in there.

Actually, the Russians, they'll all know.

You can bring all the changes in terms of begging, which I'm going to use.

I'm sure you can beg.

I'm sure I'm going to use those terms just like that.

And I think you just don't want to say that you're firing your voice.

I hope I never live to see the day when America froze.

or any other gap.

We're never going to be so weak that we have to be.

Anyway, the national security would really kill them.

And I thought the second one, the distribution of wealth, I'm going to do it more with ridicule.

I can say honestly, it would be tough.

I say this idea of thousands of, that we talk about thousands,

say that instead of talking thousands of dollars, we ought to talk a little sense to the American people about this proposition.

And that those who advocate this would raise the taxes for 80 million Americans.

They would put on, they would put 80 million more people on welfare.

And just, I think I'll get those very much.

And I don't think they will.

and you might talk about it

a thousand dollars a person.

I just say that the country's always had people who've been unfortunate.

They've been crippled, they've been blind, they've been mute.

But all these people, I have the courage and the passion to care that they're going to be provided with.

But not ever will I

may not want to tie to him, he can throw it on us and say it's over.

But in this whole concept, instead of just saying it's a socialist approach, I just say that you're not going to reduce the country to its lowest commonality.

And this is something that I don't know that it has a bad implication.

I think that's just most people.

Well, if people want to feel, they don't think they're the lowest competition.

I'm just trying to get the garbage batch.

Somebody lowered the average.

You don't want to be dragged down to that batch.

That's exactly right.

Do you expect to be moved up to the garbage supervisor next month?

I think so.

And in the defense effort, we talked about the defense effort, I was sure the use of expression

just instilled a little fear in the minds of all of these people.

That's right.

Because you just hit both of the big elements that you've got to have to win this war, I mean, win this election with the Mediterranean concept.

history.

Roosevelt was president, actually, but he came to flip it, but Jesus doesn't support it.

He just murdered, ridiculed, and lacerated him every which way.

He had people like, I don't know about you, the heretics, just destroyed him.

He was a very good boy.

I know, because he was mean.

It's real.

But even Roosevelt also got to be involved.

His speeches were not soft.

I'm sure they're not soft.

Obviously, Truman's in a different situation because he's fighting on the line.

Eisenhower didn't, but I did.

That was a different affair.

In 1956, I just kicked the hell out of Stevenson.

I just murdered him.

You know, that's the action.

We just took it.

We decided it had to be done.

Now I want to ask you, though, a very critical point about Agnew.

How much did you love him?

If he laid off the press, not yet.

It depends on what happens.

But I would really be throwing in the Bill Rogers.

Now Herb Stein.

Herb is excellent.

He's got a sharp tongue.

He's got a great whip.

And I wouldn't be afraid to use Herb Stein.

Let me say one thing.

On foreign policy.

When he returns, this thing continues.

By that, he's perfectly loyal.

And on national television,

the other side of it is he's intelligent he'll ask better questions well we don't want an intelligent instructor

How about you, Peter?

That's what you have to have at that point, you know?

Don't ever, there's the other mistake, Bob, that all the speech learners make.

They're so goddamn intelligent, but they certainly can't use me.

You see, there's no demagoguery.

Well, Henry's got to do that, though, at first.

I know, I know.

But I mean, unless you get the question.

That's true.

You see, unless you get a question, the guy gets up there and says, well, now, because you give us your analysis of the question of what happened,

I think Paul is so smart that he will not give him the kind of question of one or over the goddamn question.

And the other thing I would do, why are we in for CPS?

I don't see what the others offer.

I don't see what the others offer, but the

The others haven't offered.

I think we're going to have a tough time getting them.

Television.

Not for him.

I don't know.

Damn it.

When he goes off, I'm a damn big on it.

I'm sure.

Nobody else will hold him, too.

No question.

I would like to take him to the media.

Well, the other thing is to go for a three-hour event, which is not totally impossible.

If there's a news thing out of this trip, otherwise, if you ride...

The problem is that I don't...

But you have no concern then about having a giant, of course.

Larry's got no problem.

Larry's been out just raising hell in the defense plans.

He's got people scared to death.

We've probably got him served since a long time.

The government's pledging, you know, saying they're going to cancel the airport gate.

So ship all those people out.

He's going to go up to ground and say,

I think Henry has to be prepared.

Public.

That's true.

Public.

I got the key.

You can't do it in the background.

No.

Yes, that's right.

That's wrong.

First question's wrong.

They're going to announce the other one tomorrow.

It's fine.

No, we worked that out.

And on the other trip, later, we're going to announce two days before the other trip.

cards, but the American people don't want to arrest people in their country.

They want somebody they don't know and don't understand.

So he's got to get exposed.

Let them say he's not the devil incarnate, because that's what they have

Hi, John.

How are you?

Very well.

How's your dry socket?

Oh, it's a little wet.

A little bit.

I have never, I have not found it.

They have, they say they can't find it.

What Sandburg are you in?

It's the third volume of Sandburg.

Where else would that be?

to anybody who deserted the Newman forces.

He shot the bastards, or put them in jail, or made them serve off their mercy.

See my point?

That was Lincoln, because he was a war person.

Now, here's a perfect example.

One of the sons of bitches in the staff.

God knows how I had to read the book to find out why.

A deserter wrote to me.

service again.

Identified by clothes he said he would be wearing, he was arrested and detained.

The president wrote on his letter that he should be returned to his regiment without penalty, except that when his term of enlistment service expired, he should serve in prison the number of days he was absent by desertion.

You see, it's so perfect.

It's kidding me.

Now, he made it certain.

And then he put him in jail.

And that's what I want to do.

Why the hell did he let him out?

One guy gets killed when he serves.

Some poor slob.

Another guy goes to Canada and sits around drinking and raising hell.

And he comes back and says, all is forgiven.

Never.

He's got to go to jail.

Well, let's get on with our other problems here.

Well, they're on the offense.

We're on the defense, in a sense, in that we're fighting.

We're on an offense, but it's a counteroffensive rather than an initial offensive.

So they've got more...

I believe that this will continue, and that somebody better put together a factual position to do that.

Including this NISM-1 that they're talking about?

Yes.

And how hard do they come up with it?

What do they come up with?

Well, what they come up with is that there's not all the details, but it's

whether it signaled a possibility of a peace or a possibility of war.

It proved out, as a matter of fact, it signaled that they were re-moving for a new offensive, because a month after the president took office, they launched a new attack.

The reason for this is that they didn't want to be arrested.

They didn't want to be shot.

In 1968, we were caught.

There was a little thing called Chetney.

Chetney and his father was playing with Washington Press.

They didn't want to be caught.

It was solely a military exercise.

It had nothing to do with negotiations.

And then in 1969, they started an undetectable.

That's when our casualties went up.

While we were in, over 250.

Nothing could be wrong with it.

Nothing.

Wow.

But then the key line is McGovern then says that instead of trying to negotiate, escalated the bombing.

Well, we waited two years for the escalated bombing.

Negotiated the hell out of it.

I don't know about it.

They know that people's memories are short.

As John indicated, we'll keep making charges.

Hopefully, we'll be constantly following.

Well, Bill, you said we've got to get the facts laid out.

Hopefully, and this is what's supposed to be being done right now, is that Bill, who is before the platform for the Indiana Press Conference today, is laying out the facts and then getting the charge.

Now, once you get that laid out,

Hopefully that puts it on the public record, and we work from there.

Now, the press knows this, too.

Lissagor did a good job of ripping this up in his own little thing.

And David Kraslow did a superb job on Shriver yesterday, to the extent that he could have.

The main purpose of this at the moment is to discredit Shriver.

There's a chance he'll do it.

Total point.

Absolutely total point.

He said that he had ideas.

Hell, he was sucking around so hard to study the paragraphs that he had any ideas of

Yesterday, he already is impeached himself, but that wasn't very many people who asked him to do it.

That's not very impressive.

In fact, other than the opposition, I think Jerry Ford's line is good, but I'd ask Jerry to continue it.

He said, of course, we could have negotiated it any time.

has now, by putting the communist government inside that, rather than surrendering to us, they don't need that.

But it is, to put a communist government, that's the word that really hits the rod, or communist.

We hold all that.

Impose a communist government.

We enforce a communist government on the 17 million people of South Vietnam.

Don't say Saigon.

Yeah.

How about another thing that's, you know,

Of course, that's all for getting rid of it.

If you read the debate on 315, that's all it was about.

Remember Scott said, you're playing chicken.

Anfield said, I don't believe a president ought to debate at all.

And Pastore, who voted for getting rid of 315, said, I do this, but with great doubts as to whether a president ought to debate.

So that's what the vote was all about.

It's a partisan vote.

Now, my point that I make is this.

I might come to a conclusion with the idea of not desiring to be in a position of .

What I'm getting at isn't to, I don't know how we .

We don't know what

Open for air.

Yeah.

That's true.

That's the same.

What Governor said yesterday, he said he saw no possibility of 315 passing.

He said, I'm not arguing for that.

I'm arguing that Nixon and I should ante up 50-50 funds to buy that for a debate.

Well, why don't you just take the money and make it sincere?

The national interest.

The president said, what does the president believe about it?

So I'm totally comfortable with it.

You just say it.

And I will address it when I get to California.

I'll say it like this.

I don't know.

You don't mind at all.

I'm praying on it.

People don't.

It's depressing.

Everybody thinks it's just a thing that I have.

You know, I've had it twice on these interview shows, and they understand it.

They don't press on it.

Good.

Speak about it again.

When somebody's alive, you don't.

And he almost gave a flat lie yesterday.

He almost denied his own vote, and then he slipped away from it.

But you're right.

He had no compunction about lying.

His only check is, well, they catch me on it.

That's the only restraint.

You know, the Rhode Island Democratic Germans.

Well, the GAO, of course, is doing that audit, and they will come out with something, whatever it is.

I think it's at that time that the stand statement ought to come.

That's... Who are the lawyers?

Who are the lawyers?

There are two of them.

I don't know.

One of them was for Roger Robb's law partner, Ken Parkinson, with Justin.

Not only the legal lawyers, but they've got the whole firm involved in it.

And Paul O'Brien has been doing more of the investigating.

That's the name of the firm?

No, this is from the second one.

We brought in two firms so that we would get the use of both of them, and I think they've been outstanding in a very difficult situation.

I think we can beat on this one.

The part of that considers the real estate you have to pay something, whether or not you wait until the grand jury invites you, or whether you prepare the stage for it.

I'm sure there was.

But the main point that I make is this.

I think that the case has got to be made that the re-election committee, John, with the total cooperation

Now, rather than answering that, another way

First, you have to sort of think about now what the reflection is.

So you see your choices, it seems to me, are very, very limited.

Your choice is either to go down and let them sort it all, and then have a health pitch, and then have an investigation demanding of everybody, everything else,

in mind the fact that this has nothing to do with the law.

Forget the law.

I mean, except if we're in jail, fine.

But if this has to do with public relations, then the line would be to get something out.

In our own way, prior to the time of the Grand Theater in Dyson,

I say this based on experience.

We never waited until the courts acted.

We, as a committee, always wanted our version of the court of the courts.

It's a one-off relationship.

We've got that one-off court.

Once it turns out, we want it in the courts, too.

But we couldn't make a difference if we wanted the case beforehand.

In this instance, we are something very important for the lawless.

I think it might be that you could resolve your report, resolve all the documents.

that's one thing the grand jury would say the grand jury they could interrupt you I guess if they missed a day and if they didn't say it now the papers are going to write it and say well what about all the rest that's my concern I think you put it in the right posture as to how to get the minimum

Minimum impact out.

I think we have to be very careful to know what the facts are going to be and what's going to come out of that grand jury.

So what he said is not out of the grand jury.

That's correct.

That's why Bob said he should have had a deed set off at least.

He's good.

Yeah.

It wasn't pure.

He's not very great.

Well, at least the grand jury receipts will be controlled in the Justice Department.

They're not going to go off on their own over in the U.S. Attorney's Office.

And that's where we've got to know what they're going to recommend to the grand jury.

And once we know that, then you can state the timing of the attack.

Unless the grand jury runs away.

Well, you'll think it will.

I don't know if it will.

Well, it seems to me that if you can't lay that down, nail that down, then the procedures are by

White House and the rest of the committee.

Well, then they even went further than that in a goddamn time magazine article in which they inferred that there was a blockage of the committee in the White House.

That was last week's time.

Oh, right.

Yeah, that's right.

They said we were in that number.

They were there.

Final report of the investigation and non-cooperative construction.

I want to be sure you handle this in a way that you don't get marred by it, because that would hurt the campaign, too.

But the way that I would have it in mind is to say, I showed up higher, I was higher, I was high-powered.

That would be his name.

There were a lot of versions of what was on.

But we want to know on our own.

It's true, it should take a long time.

There's no way that we can cut the losses.

Well, so far that's not been as well as it should have been.

how they came out on it.

The other problem, that explains the 25,000, and that immediately raises the question, how do you explain the 89,000 in Texas?

Well, from Mexico.

That's all the public, isn't it?

From Mexico.

Well, now we have two things.

The GAO will come out with a report.

Next week, presumably.

That's what they've said.

The GAO?

Yeah.

They said last week it would be completed and make the report within two weeks.

All right.

We have any information on that?

reporting of that act.

But, there again, that's a, you know, it's just an argumentative point as to whether it was or wasn't.

Well, there's no kick in it.

The money was delivered before April 7th, as I understand it.

Then GAO's out of it.

It has no jurisdiction on that.

That ends their report.

I understand that.

It was delivered after April 7th.

the fact that the expenditure wasn't .

That's what I meant.

Well, last I wrote was the point that this was a cash, part of a cash deposit that stands.

And I believe that this is what Sloan has testified to before the grand jury.

Well, that's where they got the cash.

The cashier's check.

The cashier's check was delivered to the committee.

The committee cashed it by giving the money to them.

What happened was this Dahlberg check, $25,000 check, which dated after April 7th, rather than putting it in the bank account in Washington,

it as cash on hand.

They should have not gone through this process.

They just should have reported it as cash on hand.

Did they report it or not?

As cash on hand?

And it is true that my dad raised his name on the surface because he's made some kind of contribution to the law.

They're disposable.

For example, when I purchased a couple of tables for the dinner in Miami Beach on Sunday, my dad's name won't be.

Perry will be well publicized as a contributor to the Republican cause and to the President's re-election in about a couple of weeks.

Twain's already talked to Gilbert Humphrey about it.

Sure is.

He has no problems.

Humphrey, when you were there.

Well, I don't have a good answer except to kick it around.

Well, we'll be able to get that brief.

As soon as he finishes.

Yeah, and out of the Justice Department.

Out of the Justice Department.

Sure, they know what they said.

Sure, not only know what they said, but the reaction to the court findings, Peterson is going to have to approve the indictment.

So they're going to go ahead and...

Was that 10 million reported?

Sure, sure.

In all?

Yeah.

Has the money on hand?

That's what I was reporting.

It was whatever was on hand at the time they started.

If elected over a period of preceding whatever, any time.

How do you handle that, Mark?

It doesn't do.

The thing they all say is that you see the bottom, right?

Really, it doesn't bother us, Mr. President.

This doesn't bother folks.

I think this will diminish in time because you're going to have a series of reportings of Nixon contributors.

You've already had one series.

And what did you do?

And there will be a series of these, so you're going to have a whole series of reports about people contributing.

I know that, I know that.

But mine is over $10 million secret fund.

All I talked about was 100% compliance with the law.

So we complied with the law.

I don't know.

Democrats, a lot of Democrats contributed.

No one knew what the law was.

And it would be breaking faith with them.

So that if we could, somebody, you know, think about this, but somebody could hit back, probably Clark is the one, maybe Stantz or someone.

You've got McGovern's charge now.

The next is afraid to reveal these names because it would be embarrassing to him.

Come back and say, Mr. McGovern, we are not afraid to reveal the name.

who have come over to support President Nixon.

And we've made a commitment.

Put their names out.

Step up like Andrews and say, I'm one of them.

You could say that and ask you to say that.

Yes, I said I.

Well, I said I. I was a huge fan.

You can do that without saying he was a $25,000 guy.

And then that way, if you ever wanted to say he was a $25,000 guy, you'd lay the groundwork.

The other thing is they hit him on the basis which we have to get the goods, and if we don't have them, we can do it anyway, on the basis that he is not, we've never said we were revealing all of our funds.

He flatly says all the time that he has, but the fact of the matter is he does not.

Yeah.

Yeah, but if nobody had bothered to call Bob Pinch, I guess Bob Pinch had one.

Well, he gets up and says, well, I have given money that this man has not reported.

I should have destroyed it.

Well, he confirmed it.

You see, well, you've got to get somebody else on Pilevsky.

Well, I think that's the key.

Pilevsky might have to support it.

I don't understand what you're trying to do.

Well, you understand what I'm saying.

I'm not going to decide what it is.

You know, one point that you might make before I go to your audience.

There's one thing in this country that should be against quotas.

In government, or in convention, it should be the Jews.

Let's just take government.

You can say, now let's look at the President's family.

The head of national security, the head of the Federal Reserve, the head of the Federal Reserve, the head of the Federal Reserve.

and I'll see you tonight.

Thank you.