On January 5, 1973, President Richard M. Nixon, John D. Ehrlichman, and Henry A. Kissinger met in the Oval Office of the White House from 4:55 pm to 5:29 pm. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 834-022 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
Welcome to Shabbat Yom Kippur.
Enough long presses, is that sure?
Well, it's the same thing with the press.
It's the same thing with the press.
There's a lot of bobbing and weeding and a lot of smoke up their ass about the White House staff.
And I'm just going to put a few thoughts and go down the house where it's not there and look at it like this all the way through.
I think the one-window theory is a very good idea, and it's the fact that we're going to have a great contract with the cabinet, so we'll share it.
Yeah, I gave the press a heavy load of that stuff.
Yeah, that we were putting more into the department, so the department would have more responsibility on the cabinet officer's side.
But the cabinet would continue to work at the NSC, the domestic council, and he would continue to have contact with them in these ways and so on and so forth.
And, of course, any cabinet officer was free to come in and see you when he had to.
All of it, you know.
Yeah.
But I mean, that...
Well, I think, kind of medically, it's going to be fine.
I think we're going to get a lot of mileage out of this.
Are you sure?
Well, it cuts across all the business about your isolation and about your being a
in the thrall of the White House staff, and the White House staff's too big and all-powerful and all that business.
And to break some of that up, we don't have to defend that.
And you're leading the way.
And it's basically you're the charge.
And I'm sure that you can't actually control the state.
And I'm sure you don't.
And you've responded to the thing.
You may call the doctor tomorrow.
Well, they're such miserable-looking people.
I would say.
Now, I think you, especially the Vietnam remarks, were perfect.
I still love them.
I can put the others on the road with them.
I can put a computer here and go smoke up their ass and get them on a laptop and make them realize that something's happening in the world of Vietnam.
But quite truly not.
Good, firm, I don't know if you get that much.
Which would have been a disaster.
I mean, I don't want you to take them on for being highly responsible for Congress and their negotiations at this point.
And if you want to even ask for their support and so forth and so on.
The president can't be in a position to do that.
I mean, others can say come on down.
They all get the point.
When I say I'm not going to say anything, I can go off and make a nice little speech and support it, but I'm not going to say anything.
My temper doesn't go cheap.
All you know is that.
And that tells them that they should.
You've got the help.
And if they don't get the point, the hell with it.
It's another thing to say to them, John, to the kids, you see,
I must say, the thing you understand is, I guess it's because we're both lawyers, but I can't get him to ever understand subtly, subtly, subtly, how there's more than that.
Or see, his whole view is just go on the elements.
I mean, what can they say?
That's it.
Another approach to this that I just came on, and you've been saying the last few days, Richard was up, and he's doing a piece for the wire service.
He says, well, does the president feel beleaguered by the attack of the Congress?
And I said, well, Dean, look, I said, the president feels
that over 60% of the American people have approved of what he's doing.
I said, you remember what the issue was in the campaign?
It was bug out or stay in there and work for a responsible .
And I said, if there's anything that can be called a mandate out of this election, it is that a majority of the American people, and way more than the majority, approve of what the president's doing.
Now, Joe Baez,
And Ed Brooks and William Payne Coffin.
And these people weren't part of that 62%.
But 62% of the people are sitting out there approving this.
So I said, the president feels very comfortable about this today.
And it hasn't changed.
That was one point in the story that I, again, got across much more clearly.
What Henry suggested, he wanted me to go out of that.
I mean, the first is not to discuss details.
I'm not saying it's critical.
I think part of the problem he has is negotiations, Jonathan.
He just may not have the solid sometimes to get across either ways.
Yeah.
Yeah.
But anyway, like the whole matter of .
I think that it's enormously effective with just simply that deadpan
saying on May 8, we did this.
On October 8, they did that.
We had a break, and we had an agreement.
As a result, I suspended the bombing of the clinic.
Then after the election, they backed off of the agreement.
As a result, I removed the annex.
Two days before the years, they agreed to come back and stop shooting.
I suspended the event, got as long as they're shooting.
Now, you don't have to say that, you know, if people can't read between the lines to know why the bomb hit another airline.
Did you get the point?
Absolutely.
I think that was the clearest explanation of the constancy of the policy that I've heard lately.
OK. Yeah.
said it.
He said it, but he has not said it with that constant thread running through it.
He said, well, we've returned the basis of our made policy to them.
But it didn't come through quite the same way.
At least I got more out of it.
It is too bad that I can't go on.
I mean, I haven't been able to go on.
It was a huge and well seed.
It would have been a disaster to go on, as Henry was strong to recommend, I think, after the negotiations blew up, because then I'd be on the defensive when everybody else, the goddamn war was starting again.
But now it started again, that's all.
But then to go on afterwards and then say, ha-ha, they came back to that house instead.
That might blow the thing.
That's right.
That's right.
Our time will come.
Now, either of these negotiations will succeed next week, or within the next, shall we say, two weeks, or whatever it may be.
Or if they fail, we have to look around the whole.
And then, if they succeed, God knows what will happen.
talk to any business, but I can only say that if at this point they do not succeed, they never will.
That's probably not the case.
I mean, they know, and you can't
You know, you say, you can't do that.
You've got to understand, it's not the process, it's not the ocean.
So how many times have we done it?
We did it on February 3rd.
We did it in Cambodia.
We did it in Laos.
We did it in May 8th.
We did it over Christmas.
Now that they have not got a message from that, the only other thing that you can do is destroy them.
And that we cannot be conscious of.
See my point, Bill?
Absolutely.
That's what I tell them.
And I tell Henry, who goes back to the talk, I said, now, Henry, we need to talk that way in the room.
I said, but you've got to know, from negotiating the standard plan today, there isn't a hell of a lot more we can do.
I said, what more can we do that we haven't done?
You want to destroy them?
No.
That's what we can't do.
That ended the World War II.
It's probably unfortunate that it didn't.
I mean, the Martians, you know.
If it was both Korea and Vietnam, it would have been ended in a matter of months had we followed the policies.
I don't mean this.
I'm not .
I mean the policies of civilian, of devastation down in .
Well, let's look at it this way.
If we follow the policy toward North Vietnam, but they follow it toward South Vietnam, we get things about that.
Because they have been talking about one damn little hospital up.
But the panel, for Christ's sake, they destroyed scores of them.
And their characteristic attack is not a military installation.
These rocket attacks are all within the civilian quarters of the panel.
Oh, it can't be.
It can't be.
It can't be.
I just can't get the facts out.
I can't get over those shots.
But they wanted me to do it.
You know, we could try it time and again to get out of the facts, but the devil's saying it.
When is anybody ever going to take on the right people?
Even when we were doing the response, they were telling us that they needed help.
And killing, and they started arming us.
You know what I'm saying?
So, you know, that's a very, very...
Right.
We thought it was very, it's a fact, every time we're in, in Fagot and down in the Delta and all that, it's all submitted.
It relieves us.
And ours, our army is directed to military targets.
That's right.
That's right.
There are a lot of easier targets around.
Anyway, that's what we do.
Tell people, I say, you know, around the wall.
What the hell with that?
You've got to realize it.
But what's the move?
So if it works, fine.
But doesn't it do something else?
I think that's got to be our attitude more in this congressional group, too.
The Congress is in a contusion with the Democrats because they've got to have something to lash out at the Republicans because they're frustrated.
Yeah, Conable was saying that at breakfast this morning.
He said the Republicans are going to try to put a lot of space between themselves and the OMB.
I don't think you've got much choice.
In terms of the overall economy, I think you've got to do it.
That's the point.
Why am I raising the question?
So why don't you have any choice?
Oh, I don't see that you have any choice.
Because to do what we would have to do to buy peace with the Congress would be terrible inflation.
No question about it.
As I understand the economics of things, these experts tell us.
Well, we shall have to see what I can do.
It's going to be rough.
I'll tell you, it's going to be good in a lot of ways.
We're getting at farm programs, for instance, that are cracking programs.
And the screams and howls are going up all over the place.
Well, he said, you hear all these screams in the Limestone Institute.
It's very interesting.
But he said, who are the beneficiaries?
Only 13% of the recipients of the money for this program are farmers.
And yet all the protests are coming in in the name of the farmers.
Who are they?
Well, they're wealthy people who make country places.
They're large corporate landowners, people of that kind that are building lakes on their property.
And I think that's certainly, he nailed it pretty good.
Then he went on and he added that this disaster really is 1% global business.
And
$5,000 forgiveness and all that.
He demonstrated the abuses that the Congress is building in that program.
He just can't permit it.
He's going to run away.
I know that.
So we're supposed to have a smart, tough man in that job.
Yeah, it really is.
And they said, well, why do you allow the OMB to do it?
Well, now, wait a minute.
He said, I suggested these guys.
He said, those guys in the Department of Agriculture didn't come from the OMB.
Yeah.
That's the most important thing you've ever done.
Why?
Because you're doing the right thing.
He was extremely cordial.
62% maybe means something to him.
He only got half or 1% or something.
I brought you some posters that are kind of interesting.
They're residents.
They've done a big drug project.
And if you ever talk to Allen or Brown or any of those guys, they each have done one of these.
And they're very well done.
Gilbert, Jurgensen, and the whole bunch.
And virtually every player in the squad has done something all different.
He's gone to schools, boys clubs.
Very good action shots.
We love you, though.
Well, I don't know.
Some CIO worked with Barron Narcotics, a special narcotics operation.
They got quite a thing going.
And the Redskins are the only team that's done it.
The Redskins, yeah.
Thank you very much.
We got one of those citations.
Oh, right.
Put together and figure out if you want to present it as findings to somebody here.
All right.
I don't want to appear and exploit the right.
Amazing.
I would say that he would age right probably in the second half of the best team in college football history.
Yeah.
Yeah.
It's just almost mechanical.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah.
That was brutal.
Yeah.
Diving over the goal.
That guy is something, isn't he?
That other guy was fast running the way he went.
Yeah.
Boom.
That was gone.
They had a big passage here who just won quick.
That's fantastic.
Yeah.
And this kid is an underrated passage.
That's great.
That's correct.
That he is.
Very good.
Now, there's not pro-material in that, do you?
No.
There's all those.
You see, the pro-materials, at first, we don't see.
We're not probably going to be coming in there.
The ones that you're really going to get
They had to be good at moving the high wall, et cetera, et cetera.
The first half was dang good.
I thought they were .
Well, it was a good game.
Up until halftime, it was this way, except that that team was showing a lot of class that Ohio State was not showing.
They weren't supposed to pop yet.
but if he's almost that uninteresting to her, he can't.
Oh, I didn't listen.
Right.
I'm going to see Scott.
We just decided what's going to happen to the drug program, do you think?
Goddamn Canadians have touched inanimate the past, the revolution, and the past.
Introduce that I've learned to protect and love me another way, I thought.
No, I'm just ignoring it, but, uh, put it to another way.
You know what I mean?
It's something they want.
Or is it the auto thing or something?
I'm just trying to figure out if it's got something within Michelin tires.
No, it doesn't.
I mean, what's happening is...
It's just such a big risk to your family, aren't you, to be putting up in their apartment?
Yeah, somebody had talked to you tonight.
of our own Congress and so forth.
There are very few stand-up people in the world.
We have to realize, of course, that Canadians may be, I don't know what the hell they're in for.
I mean, they fucked out of Europe already, so I mean, that's an evoking thing.
This is a Trudeau influence.
I don't think that nobody would think to
I told Kennedy, Colonel Kennedy, the other day, yesterday, I guess he hasn't gotten to get it.
I've asked this for several times.
He's got a list of hospitals, schools, etc.
that have destroyed South Vietnam.
What a hell of a story it is.
But my point is, I can see condemning war dreams.
I can see condemning the Supreme Chancellor, but I can't see it on the center.
That's right.
And also, the President, when an ally is engaged in a war, when he ends his negotiations, and he has to put forward a resolution, without acting out first, what's the progress of negotiations?
We've all been talking about that.
So we've got to wait a week and see how these negotiations go.
Who is their foreign minister?
Yeah, but their prime minister could have stepped out before coming.
Yeah.
I mean, that is the whole thing, sir.
I mean, this is the type of resolution that the North region needs to be based on right now.
When Quantree was settled, when Antelope was settled for 30,000 pounds,
And destroy them in death.
Death is the operation.
They really have to have a revolution all the time.
The meetings, the technical meetings today, again, that's quite a lot.
In their very business life, they're not going on through articles.
I did read in the U.S. they have about four articles agreed on today.
And the U.S. board for the upcoming election.
And they're talking only about the subject that we want to talk about, the Metro Commission.
How much is that?
That's the only thing that bothers me.
Anything that detracts from the creativity that we want to do it again.
You and I, we know what we know.
And I didn't have to think that it could happen again.
And I suppose that's the trouble with the Congress, too.
See, that's what the Congress should think about.
In fact, it doesn't bother me one bit to stand in front of the Americans.
I do believe we can't place them down before we do it again, if necessary.
But if the question is the effect it has on those dead, people will play it out.
I don't think we will have major problems with this hour.
I saw two of those emissaries that he's got over here.
Tran Van Do, the old foreign minister of Cambodia, and their old ambassador.
And I'm not sure he can lie to you here now.
You were here.
Who held this country together at the time of Cambodia?
You know what bureaucracy is doing.
And you people are attacking the West Bank.
And he said he agreed with us.
He said he would see that it was no trouble.
There was nothing against us.
And he was, what about the president?
No, no, he was very nice.
He said, yeah, president, I want to speak to the president.
And he's looking for a way of climbing up.
I think we get agreed next week, Bill.
I said, you have done more damage to yourself.
I said, if your president had stood next to us in November and had the American people properly agree, then not because it would make any difference, because the agreement is what the president knows the American people it is, not what these legalistic laws say.
If you turn this into utter brawl in another few weeks, there won't be enough authority left for it to make any difference.
in terms of enforcement.
I mean, I always say this, you know, and they did not, they didn't give me any of this, but they don't know the reason it's true.
So I think that the leader of the Republican Party said, what happened to them on the trip?
Uh, with all this stuff going on, that I can't judge whether they've changed their mind or not.
I think he left with, uh, with the intention of that.
Their presentation yesterday was very positive, even though I'll press this flag and I'll register it.
I didn't hear about the press flag.
I had to take a second or two on the computer for it.
Well, I'll press the flag.
It's just annoying.
whether it's the press, or the Congress, Henry, or any of our critics.
The further off the limb they get, the worse off they get.
And the lucky thing is that the text of the congressional resolution, luckily it works for us.
I know.
In a curious way.
We think it will.
Yes.
And also, they don't know yet.
I mean, they've seen it too often now.
They don't know what traffic we will pull up.
So, about the Canadian Parliament, sir... That's enough.
Let me say the reason I wouldn't call the man.
I think we ought to prove to Canada that some of these things, I don't like to believe, they suck around, they want everything from us, and we don't need them.
You know, I really mean that.
They need us a hell of a lot more than we need them.
Would you agree with me?
These are serious issues.
I think we should tell the State Department and no one about Debbie, because I think Debbie can see that.
That's us.
That's us.
The hell with us.
But listen, don't let you get your doctor down.
Oh, no.
No, no, no.
I just want you to follow this in that way.
Don't, uh, you'll be fair here.
I, I, I have a pen in there, too.
Oh, yes.
Give it to me.
I'll get it.
I'll get it.
Uh, you have to stop when you go about the International Control Commission.
Right.
That'll, that'll do.
You know, it'll be hard for her.
They had their effect on him a whole lot more.
I mean, I could care less about what the Canadians do.
Or the candidates.
Or the candidates.
It occurs to me that Henry, I want to say to you, you guys have really shown some class in being able to believe in Canadians.
I mean, of course, it doesn't make any difference to us, but it's kind of an interesting exercise.
And not let it, not let it flop around.
Would you follow through on the charge shell spelling and find a way to squeeze them real hard?
Sure.
We've got two ways is that I know of.
I don't know.
I just have a charge.
Sure.
Whatever we've said about it, there are reasons that we have to try to just squeeze them.
And anything that we're doing, we just do a little.
I just believe in playing the game that way.
All right.
I'll give him a call.
Well, very good.
Good God to hell.
If there was anybody who wanted to bomb us tonight, I don't know who it was.
Well, that's it.
Who wanted the irony?
Who wanted to spend Christmas with another bomb?
Yeah.
Yeah.
And that could be done.
Otherwise, we'd be sitting here with no cards.
We've got cars now, but this is it.
This is the last.
I've told her doctor, this is it.
You can't give her another term in the bank.
In a sense, it's rather good that maybe the Congress does kick up and maybe it's addressed, because clearly, apart from the international bullshit, I'm concerned about that.
I look at it another way.
The fighters, there just comes a time when
When we achieve what we call an honorable end, the cost may be too great.
Is that my point?
Yeah, sure.
In everything, there's a point you have to destroy civilization to have coverage to save your honor.
Yeah, that's my point, sir.
That's the real thing.
So we'll see.
And now, of course, the point is to destroy it.
See you later.