Conversation 854-035

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by any, any crime minister.

Luns is, Luns is a strong, old-time great tradition of harassment.

The people of the crime ministers throughout Europe are all, you know, fucking selfish, uh, et cetera.

And, uh, all the tools, uh, all, all, uh, in order to be affected by their public opinion at home.

That's why the old prime minister did not criticize us in December of the same month.

It wasn't because he wouldn't have made a brownie punch to do it, but he looks out where he knows that the United States is not going to be a credible ally, and Vietnam will be a credible ally, and NATO.

But everybody else took cheap shots at us.

Now the point is, we don't resent them.

I mean, we find it rather difficult to understand.

See, we have this problem with NATO.

If we acted as, acted in our way, in other words, because they treat us so badly, that we say, well, how would you, if you don't want to help yourselves, we aren't going to help you.

If we would do that, NATO would surely fall.

And that would not be in our interest.

On the other hand,

If we just continue, if they just continue to assume that they can go on, out of time, with the present level of American support and manpower, et cetera, and money, without regard to what they do, then we can't wheel that here home.

So we're in a hell of a box.

And what is needed is, throughout Europe, is for them to recognize that they've got to make the same speeches, for example, that we made to the American Congress, that the reduction in portions must be mutual.

They've got to realize that the European Security Conference, the British don't, there's only a device by the Russians, which we have to get sucked into because we have

they didn't realize that if they want to continue to have the American commitment to the alliance, that the alliance must, in the key of willingness, do more for itself, or at the very least, to be allies.

All the rhetoric that five years ago, five years ago, no longer, will still be spoken.

You've got to speak the greatest of minds.

This is what's going on.

All this is true to this day.

The world is very different now.

America is very different.

That could be it.

In America, under different leadership here, in this room,

With insulin, you're in isolation.

With insulin?

No.

What's that?

Out there in that area.

I'm not taking a particularly popular position by finding your adequate defense levels or adequate support of A1 directions, as a matter of fact.

It's only because the American people think, well, the president, he's been right about the things that we want.

But what we're doing, I'm fighting, basically, a God, a very difficult action against the new isolationists, the older nations, against the new forces of peace in the new Christ, take care of our own problems, put it into the ghettos, take it out of our arms.

If we do it here, they die on the sun.

And you will find that

Excellent enough.

Among good pastors' people, they will all understand and appreciate it.

Among most of the people you will talk to, perhaps they may, but the prime ministers, the political people, who are so susceptible to the pressures of their state of television and press and press,

which is much more radicalized even than others, except Europe, where it's about half the country, like ours.

The situation is just beyond the band.

They're unbearable for them.

And so here behind all the, despite their public burden, they know how to be positive in those cities, guys.

We have us Brahmans and the Italian and Italianos and the little countries knowing, too.

But they look at us.

And they always try to say everything to do with the Americans.

Because we went to Russia, because we went to China.

And because we bombed, that's bad.

And now we're getting more, but that's bad.

Because basically the situation out there is still, I'm sure it's going to last forever.

So you have a situation where the United States sits here and we're taking it on all sides, and where the American people, the American people, without their support, nobody can survive this on this.

They're getting it valuable.

They're kind of valuable on trade.

That's why we're going for this tougher trade policy that Charles just talked about.

They got valuable money.

So what can you do?

So I guess what we have to do is, on the one hand, recognize we can't get along without them.

On the other hand, press upon them that they can't exist without us.

And if they can't exist without us, they better do something about it.

Let me put it quite bluntly.

I say we can't get along without them.

We could.

It would be tough, but we could.

It would be an unsafe world.

The balance of power in the world would change.

It would be the best for us.

But while it is possible that the United States and support for Samaritan could continue to survive, it is impossible for Europe to survive without the support of the United States.

So this is what these people have to realize.

And they can't have a free run.

No free run.

And you can speak to the terms, the personal terms, you can say the President has, my God, has supported this for 90 years in public life, reaped dirty shade, marshaled blind, heard too many, fought it throughout the Eisenhower years, for all the rest, continues to, has fought a lonely battle against the isolationists for 40 years, fought the Mansfield amendments over and over again, fought it during the campaign, won during the campaign.

and all the rest that had to see the Vietnam Man through in a way that made us an incredible ally in the world and also brought respect to the Russians and Chinese.

And that under these circumstances, as far as he in person was concerned, they could count on personal support and help him.

But he needs a little help.

From then, when I'm married,

It's getting there sometime.

I wouldn't be quite done, and I wouldn't, actually, it's not that helpful when you just choose to keep the United States around.

And frankly, once in a while, now and then, the dogs are quite the man.

Not I, but somebody.

You know, it's crossed my mind that when I think back to your trip to Romania and your success in this election,

makes you wonder if maybe there's a way for you to help crystallize the majority of the opinion in Europe for what you're talking about and help those political leaders who are weak over there by making yourself

more visible over there.

In Europe?

In Europe.

In other words, you really got a turnout in Romania.

Yeah, but I'm a communist.

I know, I'm a Catholic.

But I will say that frankly, in France, like Bill Rodgers signed the Stanford Agreement, they all were communists, but the church in Romania controls there.

See, a communist country, you can go to the church, it's against you.

But again, the people in Romania too, because when I went there after you left, the reaction was fantastic.

The United States is Nixon.

Those people.

And if there's science in your book, what about television, like you did in Russia?

To Europe?

Hmm?

Possibly.

I don't know, you might develop a thought on that and pass it on.

I don't know.

Speak to the people in Europe so that they see that the man doesn't wear a heart.

And also the logic.

But moving about, there's nothing really...

I'm afraid that the price of time is determined with their perception.

They're very radical elements, very radical elements throughout Europe.

We have them here, but they have perhaps even more.

I don't know why it is.

Well, maybe not more, but they've got them.

They've got them.

That's what I'm looking for.

Well, I've got to run.

and i'm not much of a man for writing fan letters buttering up anything i've got to tell you the last four years you've just done something and i we survived no you've done a lot more than that i'm tremendously impressed and the more i've watched you the more i've watched you in this office the more respect i've had for the office and the magnitude of the job and for your

brains and guts, and I really am a fan, a great admirer, and I'm thrilled to have had the chance the last four years to be a part of your organization and to undertake this.

I appreciate it.

Let me say that I also appreciate what you've done, as I've told you before.

decided to make this move to the senate i believe you should i think you could win you could totally support me here great i have talked to officials trying to talk in writing

But if he could go to the Senate, you could.

Good God almighty.

Such a sad institution.

The Senate is a total loser.

Who the hell have we got down there?

In fact, if you look down the Senate list at the present time, you need to go by the name of Bobby Griffin.

You've got Bobby Griffin in there, and you've got Bill Brock, and that's about it.

Who the hell else have you got?

You tell me.

Who the hell have you got?

Yes, Baker.

Baker's got us in trouble.

But the others are tired, or old, or senile, or dumb, or just unbelievable.

That's the United States Senate.

And the Democrats' side is full of no leadership.

I mean, you can start to discourage some of the stuff that's going to be done about it.

Well, I'm getting mentally ready to do it, and I've done the fundraising people have started, and they've dried up some dough from the other side, and they're moving around, and I'm sending my best people out there.

Well, the main thing is I'm going to talk to them, and that's what they're going to do, is to keep the name ready to clarify.

So that, uh, what's that called?

Crane?

Crane.

He must not run.

No.

He isn't going to hurt you.

Well, Scott could hurt you if he ran.

Oh, but Scott should not.

He's such a lightweight.

He's a nice guy.

What the hell does he know?

He's turned over.

He was a treasure.

But Anderson is looking at it.

He's capable.

He's going to help fight.

Because Anderson is a very able man.

But I understand that Anderson and Derwin Skip both said that if I go on your...

I'm interested in my winning line.

They'll stay out.

Well, you can show them that.

And, I mean, obviously, that I encourage you.

But I'm trying, of course, to bring up the right of the words.

Sure, sure.

But actually, let's see if you can tell that.

And they should stay where they are.

Both of them are moving out of the house.

Anderson is, if he, you know, if he can sort of keep his erratic streak just a little bit more under control so he doesn't make a huge, he's got to be a little erratic, but he could go all the way.

Because he's got the brains, he's got the voice, he's got the, you know, quite all the time.

And he's got to build his tongue.

But, you know, looking at the house, though,

Where in the hell is the leadership in the House of these things?

What are you talking about?

They're afraid to concentrate power in any...

They all want their little piece, which makes them all...

They're afraid of the smart guys.

And they won't let anyone get any power.

And therefore they're all weak and...

Is that what you mean?

Yeah.

Great power.

Even Mansteel.

If the Democrats in the Senate would give him some power, Mansteel could exert it.

He's not a great leader.

He's a fine man.

Yeah.

But they won't give him power.

They've all got their own piece.

I'm sure that's what's caused it in the House.

That's what Albert's problem is.

Albert?

Among other things.

Well, that is the answer.

Very much.

I think that's the understanding that we have about it.

I like the call to Jesus to be risen.

You know, I understand the personal comment of the rest of you.

On the music.

Yes.

It's a...

He's got it right.

He does it.

Well, I don't want to bring him in.

He just wants to say, of course.

Come on, you can shake hands with the president.

No, I'm going to have you do something else.

You come here and sit in the chair.

You can say what you want.

Oh, look at this.

Oh, my God.

Hi, how's it going?

He's a very funny man.

All right, come on.

Off you go.

Thank you.

Looks like his mother.

He does, unfortunately.

Thank you.