Conversation 865-006

TapeTape 865StartWednesday, February 28, 1973 at 8:15 AMEndWednesday, February 28, 1973 at 9:01 AMParticipantsNixon, Richard M. (President);  Haldeman, H. R. ("Bob");  Usery, Willie J., Jr.Recording deviceOval Office

On February 28, 1973, President Richard M. Nixon, H. R. ("Bob") Haldeman, and Willie J. Usery, Jr. met in the Oval Office of the White House at an unknown time between 8:15 am and 9:01 am. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 865-006 of the White House Tapes.

Conversation No. 865-6

Date: February 28, 1973
Time: Unknown between 8:15 am and 9:01 am
Location: Oval Office

The President dictated a memorandum to H. R. (“Bob”) Haldeman.
                                           -3-

                 NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                                    (rev. Mar.-09)
                                                           Conversation No. 865-6 (cont’d)

      Employment of minorities and ethnics
            -Failure to follow President's directives
            -Frederick V. Malek's approach
            -Competency
                    -Transportation Department
            -Appointments
                    -Ambassadors
                    -Advisory committees
                    -Percentage of minority
                            -Goal
            -Mexicans
                    -Anne L. Armstrong
                            -Tejanos, Californeros
                    -Robert F. Finch, Patricia R. Hitt
            -Poles, Italians, Mexicans
            -Eastern Europeans
            -Political commitments
                    -Effect of inaction
            -Italian appointments compared with Polish, Eastern European, Mexican
                    -Michael P. Balzano, Jr.
            -Blacks
                    -John D. Ehrlichman
                    -Symbolism
                    -Job losses
                    -Prestige positions

       Congressional relations
             -Social events at White House
                     -Ehrlichman, Haldeman, and William E. Timmons
             -Meetings with small groups
                     -Ehrlichman, Gerald R. Ford, Hugh Scott
                     -Vetoes
                     -Demands of President’s time
                     -Bryce N. Harlow, Clark McGregor, Timmons, George H. W. Bush,
Ehrlichman
                     -Recommendation
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                   NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                                       (rev. Mar.-09)
                                                               Conversation No. 865-6 (cont’d)

The President talked with Willie J. Usery, Jr. between 8:42 am and 8:43 am.

[Conversation No. 865-6A]

[See Conversation No. 37-3]

[End of telephone conversation]

       Congressional relations
             -Certain individual groups to be emphasized
                     -Republican, Democratic supporters
             -Need for plan
                     -Maurice H. Stans
                     -Timing
             -Efficacy of social events
                     -Evenings at White House, Church services
                     -Substantive talks

The President finished dictating at an unknown time before 9:01 am.

This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.

The purpose of this memo is to underline a couple of points that I made too early so that we can be sure they will be followed up on the paragraph.
I am very distressed about the failure to follow through on my firm directives with regard to the employment of the ethnics and other minorities in the administration.
I think the analog approach, which of course is totally right from the standpoint of getting the job done well, is causing us unnecessary problems on the political front.
Also, I think sometimes we go too far in insisting on a very competent person.
when someone else who may not be quite as competent could do the job with adequate banking at lower levels.
The Department of Transportation comes to mind in that respect, very carefully.
In any event, the damage has already been done at the highest levels, except for possibly an avancid burial point or two.
Now we have to compensate at the lower levels and compensate in addition to spades in all of the honorary-type committees, advisory commissions, etc., which are quite a great paragraph.
I, one time, told you that, I recently told you that one out of five of such appointments should be from the minority groups, period.
This is frankly too low, probably going to be two out of five.
Set that as a goal, and we might end up with one.
I'm particularly concerned about Mexicans.
Here I understand Anne Armstrong is following through, but be sure she just doesn't tackle the situation in the standpoint of Mexicans in Florida, I mean in Texas.
in Texas and should be supplemented by a pretty good group in California.
Here, Mitch and Pat and others perhaps could find some names for us.
You have already mentioned the necessity of getting some foals.
Basically, what I want are more Italians, foals, and Mexicans.
as far as other eastern europeans are concerned uh it's mattering is okay but not as absolutely necessary from a political standpoint we have commitments in the three groups
All hell is going to break loose if we don't start showing some on those commitments.
I realize we're doing better on the integrity front than on others, and moving Balzano into action could have a pretty good effect in that respect.
So consequently, at this time, it is the next thing.
uh, foliage, and to a message that Eastern Turkey, a group with which I'm concerned, are concerned about the appointment of neighbors, uh, I suppose some symbolism.
is in these years, and certainly we don't want to be in a position where we are not putting qualified neighbors into jobs, particularly since we are removing so many from positions in the job in the OEO period.
However, the first priority should go to the groups I mentioned above.
The blacks already have a disproportionate representation as far as the minority groups are concerned, and no matter what we do in this area, we seem to get very close.
However, Erland's view must be taken into account, even talking to him, to see what he recommends.
I think as far as the blacks are concerned, what they really want are prestige-type positions, rather than people that are made fouls of the bureaucracy.
On another subject, I told you last night in a conversation I had earlier, on our congressional relations,
This seems to be a nagging problem, which not only does not go away, but which on the contrary is one where the more we do, the more criticized we are.
I had the distinct frame that it was early with you and yours as well.
And I had also understood that Pimmons agreed with this view that the greatest feat at the present time was a number of social events where the congressmen and senators and their wives were invited to the Vikings.
We don't invite them all.
Partly all that could possibly be invited.
And yet, the gratitude is greater than ever.
Erlichman tells me that he has not made up his mind, but he is leaning pretty strongly to the idea that I should meet with small groups of men.
So Jerry Borg is a recommender, and Scott is now recommending a very, very vigorous doer.
I am willing to do this because getting the votes that we need to sustain vetoes is the highest priority, period.
On the other hand, let us determine what we're going to do with the Congress and Senators, and then let's knock off some of the social events.
It just isn't right for them to have it both ways.
Of course, you realize if we are going to take three or four mornings a week or an hour and a half session, the groups of congressmen and senators, this means that we're going to have to put less emphasis on some of the other groups who want to come in very carefully.
It is simply a question of priorities.
And the important thing is for us to know what the priorities are so that we put what available time I have to the very best possible use of it.
It is for this reason that I think we need a judgment broader than that of evidence.
I would like for you to get Carl McGregor and Bush, as well as Jim and Steve Edelberg, and hammer this thing out.
And give me a recommendation.
Hello?
Yeah.
Got it.
Hello?
Uh, Bill?
I just want to congratulate you on the Philadelphia Strong.
Yeah, that was a fine job, and I appreciate you telling Pete Brant that I called Julian, because I know he was interested in it very much.
You did me a good thing.
I don't want to use the clock, but I don't want to raise me for some money.
But when you're chatting with him, you can tell him I called and thought that he and you and everybody's are friends.
The real problem here is numbers.
I think that what we have to do is to select out those who are indistinguishable from our cause and put our weight in that sign rather than trying to cover
the 230 Republican House and Senate members, plus the around 50 Democrats in the House and Senate who have been rather good supporters,
The problem, as I see it now, is that we are building a group on an investment basis, not on a planned basis.
At least we can say there's more chance that he gave us a plan for him.
a financial privilege we couldn't take care of his client total but at least we could take it and then work it down to what my kind of ability was we don't seem to have that kind of
and thinking going on with regard to the House and Senate people.
Let's get a plan and see what we can implement.
The times are the essence because these votes are coming on pretty fast.
Perhaps next week is the time to concentrate on getting some of these people down.
Very, very.
Looking back, I think the major mistake we made was to go a long while on these meetings in the White House and church events.
We take a great deal of time planning, a great deal of time.
That means to say a great number of seats in the White House, which should go to other people who would appreciate it more.
Yet, for example, I have to have substance and drugs, and that's all that we can trade.
Let's have substance and drugs and the hell with the social benefits.
That's the end of the memorandum.