On March 15, 1973, President Richard M. Nixon, H. R. ("Bob") Haldeman, Ronald L. Ziegler, Henry A. Kissinger, and Manolo Sanchez met in the Oval Office of the White House from 4:18 pm to 5:30 pm. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 880-018 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
He sold his company in 67 or 68 or something.
Maybe for not a while.
Maybe a million or a million and a half or something like that.
He decided there was no point in working anymore.
He's a young guy.
He's only 50.
And so he wants to work in your campaign, the 68 campaign, Citizens for Medicine.
He did all he wanted to do.
And then his thing out of that was the chance to be a part of the administration.
He just looked, and he took a mediocre little job.
You know, he worked over in the personnel office for a couple of years.
But then he looked at us and said, we have a deal with the authorities.
All those various groups, you know.
He at least had the satisfaction of knowing he contributed to the victory.
And that's how everybody got it.
Now there's, you should have no feeling of not having been there.
Right, because it was, it was not, the thing to be calling the gospel was, called Ralph Kidd to the earth, and his history back to, I guess, it's a lot to remember here.
That's people that cry, or really, you know, when people know, you say, who is this?
Who is this?
Well, I wonder on things like that, if it wouldn't be better for you to take a piece of paper and write out about two sentences in your own hand.
Just sit there, hang in there, we're all pulling for you.
Maybe this call takes less time.
Well, see, not really.
If you write it just that way, you won't.
That's the problem.
You feel
I started doing that.
And I was going to say, on a much lower scale, I had just little numbers here and quotes that are important to people, like around here, that are trying to do it.
And it really seems to be something to embarrass me to call back and thank you.
I really wanted this.
I'm not very honest, but I've told everybody because they get busy on this, and I hope they're following through.
Whenever there's a name in the news center, it's somebody who does it.
I'll call them up and say the president saw it.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Thank you.
It's unbelievable.
Unbelievable.
I can't wait to ask the first question.
What do you want to do about it?
I'm not going to say anymore.
Ziegler could say it, but he's not going to say it anymore.
Well, pretty well, you had a long conversation with Ziegler before, and I said, no, you've got to say this, because one mistake was made, and that was...
But the question of recommending and so forth and so forth, Chapin did.
Yeah, but he had drawn a standard on it.
I said, what should I say?
I said, well, maybe I should say, well, it is the attempt at one.
And so that's the one thing that I decided I had to, I decided I had to draw the line further back.
Because I was going to say that Jim had nothing to do with the hiring.
He didn't hire him.
Yes, sir.
Yes, sir.
15 questions and 7 of them were on the water game.
Pat Gray, you know, all that bullshit.
Well, I think the writing started with the Dean.
I think they gave, you know, but that's all right.
It led with the court testing and so forth.
The Bruce story was the second story.
That's unbelievable.
But don't you agree that it was
Absolutely.
And just stick it right down there.
That's right.
We are in the perfect position now.
Sure are.
You really are.
It couldn't be better.
It's all right there.
It's all right there.
No, I think...
I think they respect the fact that you went out today.
This is a tone I get, really, more than anything else.
Did I answer the questions?
I don't know.
Hello, Mr. President.
Thank you, President, for the courage and the tough decisions.
Thank you to the people for wearing their bumper stickers and their lapel buttons.
And that's what they're doing.
Did any of them get the subtlety of that shot across the bow of an RCA?
Yes, sir, that's one of the lead stories of the press conference.
Absolutely.
That's what NBC led with on their good news.
All the rest was secondary, but NBC led immediately with the...
Well, the appalling thing is that they really did miss the significance of the judgment of Bruce.
They missed the significance of the whole John F. Michigan.
And there were enough people in the audience
I mean, for him to set it up after the opening announcement, no one that was coming in to ask a question about Dean and the Waterman is the most...
He could do an entire chapter in a book.
It really was.
I really mean it.
If you look at the entire...
If I were him, I would fall through and shine a couple of flames and say, well, we'd like to ask you about that.
When the first water said this question to me, I think he was appalled.
But he was the one who was entitled to it, wasn't he?
Yes, he was.
He got it.
It's all right.
And they never got back to China.
Amazing.
Well, there was a lot of marvelous, marvelous things to ask about China.
Sure.
I mean, what's the country leaders today?
They never, for example, I just dropped down here.
Downing, what is the significance of Bruce going to China?
What is the President's impression now that Bruce is going to China?
What is Taiwan going to think about this?
What is his office going to do?
Will you meet with them when they come here?
What is the significance?
Mr. President, what is the significance of you referring to Mr. Bush's ambassador?
I know, but I mean that would lead to a follow-up question.
I don't think so.
I think the first press conference, the tone was just right.
The second press conference, the tone was good, and today's song, this is good.
Did you listen to it?
Yes, sir.
I don't think a constant...
The tone is very important.
Yes, sir, it is.
I don't think a constant fight atmosphere should exist.
It was a little bit hard, though, not to be very hard, because of the nature of their questions.
Their questions were not particularly, for the purpose of eliciting information.
They were argumentative questions.
Yes, they were.
Well, now, don't you think that's a great song?
And that's a little bit of the other thing.
You can look at her and say, you know, you'd be able to speak in front of her.
There's a difference between you and her.
I'll answer the other.
Oh, boy, I love that one.
I'll explain that one.
There's a very great difference.
And it's our surprise that it happens so soon.
I think so.
What would be your guess?
Certainly not before three more weeks.
Why?
Well, particularly if you do the State of the Union thing.
Oh, I do that quite often.
The State of the Union would be...
If you don't, that would go on pretty soon.
I'd argue that if you're going on TV, you ought to do it
rather than a short period of time after one of these, rather than waiting a long time.
No, but not if you're in the state of the union.
I agree.
I agree.
If you do the state of the union, I wouldn't do one before.
Oh, God, no.
State of the union.
If you do that, you see, within two weeks.
We're talking about two weeks' lessons.
If you do the State of the Union, then I wouldn't do one until after Q leaves the country.
That's right.
And then the next one.
One of the things about this is it does get you off the...
It gets you stuck in a lot of ways.
It also handles some asshole things.
It's the Indian-Pakistani tension.
And they always screw about that.
We couldn't be, after today's session, we couldn't be in a better position in terms of dealing with the urban area.
I'm not going to comment on the civil suit.
In other words, let's keep the White House a hell of a period.
I'm not going to comment on the civil suit.
I'm not going to comment on the urban hearing procedure.
Look, why are you spreading the privilege, et cetera, to be covered?
So it's better that I have nothing to add to what you just said.
I'm not going to do stand-by.
No, I'm not going to do it.
I didn't think of standing by itself.
And I can just go.
civil suits you covered there, other charges that appear in the papers and so forth, well, that's a proper matter for the committee to investigate, actually.
I did the same thing.
When you were in a position that received this forum,
This thing tomorrow might take long.
I don't know.
It's a fire.
I don't know.
What's that?
The bargain bulletin.
With the Virginia now.
Bargain what?
The Virginia, the agriculture department every month puts out a bargain list.
Best buys.
Best buys for shopping lives for tomorrow.
We know it's late.
You can point out to Virginia what I said.
The housewife is the greatest weapon in something like family.
Price control is.
That's why it has more power, more power, so if I go twice as many things I need to do, I think I don't need to do it.
But if I'm making decisions, it's not next.
I'm not going to look at it and get a point.
I'm going to do that.
Thank you.
There's an awful good article, I don't know how you're going to get at it, but the deal with others, for seven and a half years, had a lot of taste in it.
You look for it, maybe ten, ten years.
No one knew what it was.
They came back then, and they came back.
There's water in it, and it's pretty good, and it's good health.
God damn it, you don't need this protein bullshit.
It's a medical thing.
You know, I think he just tasted it.
You know?
That's the other one.
Oh, you notice, incidentally, you know, for example, they had several questions.
You can't rush over to the, you know, Henry was in breakfast about what Schultz said.
They didn't ask about Soviet Jew readers.
Jesus Christ, I mean, that's a hell of a big subject for the Jewish church.
They didn't ask that.
They didn't ask about, for example, they didn't ask about Schultz, one of their suggestions that the world might have a huge problem.
The things that are really moving and shaking in the world, they didn't ask about.
It is incredible.
They didn't ask about the...
For example, they got another little leaf that they made.
That's where I said it.
I had ordered the Agriculture Department to give me an opinion.
If I can prove it, under the law, I'm going to remove the tariff.
And now I'm going to ask the Congress to do something.
That's a three percent on me.
That's it.
That's it.
What do you think?
Farmers of Sweden?
Good.
And on the stock market?
No, no, no.
You see, Bob, it's a highly relevant question on a very important subject.
I said, now, they'll squeal and they'll put it on the basis of national security.
But I made that decision.
I mean, they're going to squeal because of it.
But I've made the national security decision.
And now, we're going to get those five miles down.
The copper guy or the tin guy, I don't know the rest.
They are a bunch of bats.
Those stockpiles are a fraud.
They have been for years.
We have a lot of prices.
We're going to get it done.
Well, you can do the more often, Ron.
I mean, you know, this sort of thing.
We need a more often.
It's less work for the ancestors.
It's very good.
Do you think we ought to consider doing it once a week?
Absolutely not.
I'm not for it.
You may panic with me, but I agree.
You don't want to do it every month, right?
Well, I don't think we should go off on it.
Yes, sir.
It's the only way to keep them on.
Sometimes go for a week.
Sometimes go for two weeks.
Sometimes three weeks.
In the summertime, I think we can well stay.
Maybe go five weeks.
That's right.
Just let it go.
Is that your way of doing it?
Yes, sir.
Staggered item is the way to do it.
That's what you do it on.
I sure do.
Well, I'll tell you, we've wasted a lot of that.
The presence of a group of human beings never can let them feel that they, at least my view is, that they have the administration in a position where they are dictating or where they expect something.
If you keep them down, you keep them wanting things.
Don't you agree, Rob?
Sure.
They're grateful for that, not for us.
Right.
You get all the benefits of the autism by walking out there, don't you?
Would you agree?
Yes.
That's great.
You're on television a lot more than that.
Thank God you're on television.
Let's face it.
Television and you're up behind the podium and you're the president.
You're not.
You're not.
You're not cozy and chatty.
That's the point.
I think that's good.
Did you get my memorandum?
Yes, I did.
Yes, sir.
Do you understand?
Yes, I do.
If you put it in the right person, I will.
The book is done on the record.
Who did that book?
The office over there.
And they've sent copies to Julie and Trish.
It's really true what I said this morning and what
I am proud of this administration's record of openness with the Congress and a cooperation with the Congress.
God damn it, it's good.
We have not kept information from him, sir.
We would have put up with him much as a matter of fact, if anything.
And I think, you see, that's the positive.
Rather than being defensive, I'm not going to send him here.
He will appear.
I mean, he will furnish the information, but he's not going to appear.
And we're proud of that.
And other administrations have declined to bring any information.
This man had access to private materials.
Since he was a homosexual, he therefore was subject to blackmail.
Right.
I didn't go after the... What is it?
What is it again?
Baker.
Our man.
Bobby Baker.
Bobby Baker.
Unbelievable.
Bobby Baker had a free...
But anyway, if you agree, I mean, be damn positive about it.
I stand right up there.
For your private information and for your information.
We're going to do probably one of the three things.
But I just want to be sure of paying attention to all that's open.
Well, you let them open.
Oh, I have.
But what I've had is people say, well, you're going to Latin America.
Now, actually, what's going to happen is Roger is going to Latin America, which I think is just fine.
Let him test the water there before we go to Latin America.
I think it's fine.
Because that's where you're going to have trouble.
We'll go to a couple of those police states in Africa.
It would, but then you can't be just resilient enough to have it somewhere else.
My personal theory, I would not recommend that.
I've not had an intelligence analysis made other than that, but we talked the other day.
Yeah, correct.
Not as good as I do today.
You can't risk another incident, correct.
Yeah, I think so.
If there's a real risk, you should be foolish.
Well, I mean, one thing to do is just go to Brazil, period.
True, right?
Well, Brazil and Jamaica.
Jamaica's not bad, but it's good to get in the cutoff.
You go back to the Latin American summit type thing and bring the others into Brazil, right?
It's an island of Yucatan.
Oh, yeah.
Why not?
I'm sure it wouldn't be bad.
I'm sure it would be bad.
At least, they all just wanted to kick us around, and I was pretty damn tired of that.
But that, if you wanted it, it could easily sit out.
We've been sold it.
That's basically what we want to do.
That's our information.
We say we're looking into a break.
First time.
Now, as I understand this, which one is going to come now that we've got a lead time?
Who is coming?
Okay.
Yeah.
Week one is on the 10th of April and the Italian is on the 17th of April.
And we ran on the 1st of May.
That's not a lot of kids, but that's a lot of people.
Do you think that's a good idea to have a lead time?
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Did you get a letter off of him?
Yes.
On Monday.
I'm so delighted with this.
That's the best first-ever news event before the election.
And totally unexpected.
Yeah.
Because, again, they'll never get it.
That asshole who rides the Washington Post from there has got to be dying.
Now that all is told true, we should do the thought that they lost.
Actually, we can predict if the socialists and communists had run separate candidates in their honor.
To call this plurality would have been at least as hard, if not larger, than this.
that has happened before, secondly, that they go have any chance to increase security for all of Europe will be torpedoed if this matter were to happen.
Because what is needed is a mutual reduction of portions, not an elaborate reduction
which would leave freedom weaker than... We should point out that in the middle of these negotiations... And this is... You can say like the...
I just gave it to them in Vietnam.
Just like the Vietnam Resolutions, they have the...
It cuts off the legs of our negotiators.
I've got to say it to them.
They are happy.
They're being part of it.
The other is being part of it.
They want the policy.
This is going to fail.
Okay.
I can go.
Barlon has said he can't take this for another reason.
He has a heart problem, and he can't take that attitude.
He also sort of has the feeling that he's been badly treated because he expected to stay in Iran longer than he did.
And now he's not getting the lease that he thought he was going to get.
And so we've got to figure out what we want to do.
We owe him something, of course, in Pakistan.
Well, two possibilities.
One, Hale is taking Germany.
Would Farland be a possibility in Germany?
I have no idea about where he fits on that scale.
Well, Farland is our man.
He's our man.
He's not a genius.
You don't want him to be a genius.
Why don't you run it by him?
I think I was going to say that.
It just makes it tougher.
Well, there's Canada, which is... What is it?
No, I'm told that that isn't true.
I have no view on sacred at all.
I'm told you have problems with the sacred.
I don't know.
I've never heard of it.
I have no view about it.
I mean, I...
They might think you're putting me to it.
But I would say this, that Barley would go to Canada and give Saper Archie a chance.
How about that?
Go to Mexico and we're going to get Saper.
Father in Mexico.
We just cannot send Reynolds to Mexico.
I'm convinced that Columbia is not a bad place.
Father would love Canada.
Is there anything else?
before Canada and it was over.
Is there any place else?
Is there any place else you want me to get to?
Okay.
You said you wanted me to come to the church.
That's one question I had to ask.
We tried.
Well, you tried our esteem.
Yeah, that's good.
But I told him I'd call him back.
He gives a hell of a word for the country right now.
Croatia's in charge.
It's dangerous.
The Bremen informed us yesterday that they had information that there's a plot on Helm's in Tehran.
It's conceivable because the Iraqis
I took one letter.
You want to ask me one?
No.
Did we get over the arms control thing?
Did you want to mention that?
Did you have that to try after?
No, I haven't.
Do you want to use it?
I want to pull it.
It would be too important.
Max Fischer, to my great surprise, made a very strong pick for keeping Cisco in the Middle East.
He says, getting an inexperienced man in there, he thinks he's going to cause a lot of trouble.
I said, well, I thought you'd be against Cisco.
No, he says, no, we can beat San Francisco, let's be clear about that.
I said, well, I thought you'd follow the system.
I said, well, we don't like the project at all.
At least Cisco is one that can't talk to the Jewish community.
If I don't...
Read each chapter three or four times and try it, and the test won't be good enough.
It would be so much better than anybody else does.
Those things, historically, Henry, they, you know, we know how it is.
They're just, they're just, they're just, they're just, every one of our goddamn ambassadors, and we see them, everybody in the board, so it's hard to read them, because they're required to read them.
I don't think they do.
Why don't I send something to John and myself and say, I commend it to you.
It sets forth our policy.
Then there would not be misunderstanding about the next document.
I think that's a good idea that you sign the letter this year.
I'm going to sign it myself.
So remember, we may have just sent it out without... Let me send it.
I say, I think that this is a credible period in our policy.
Now, here's the problem.
I had worked out a treaty grant with the British, which, as you'll see, this is the one I've worked out with the British.
Doesn't mean God has it.
Unbelievable, Mr. President.
Well, he sort of likes you.
Now, that's pretty good.
All right.
That's good.
Now, I just want to warn you... That will work towards it.
Now, that, you'll get big headlines saying, we undertake to do this.
Now, a lot of people are going to say, well, we put nuclear weapons in a special category.
They won't like Article 4 with the condominium.
On the other hand, that's the same as before.
On the other hand, we can say...
with a state not far east of this agreement appeared about the risk of moving a country to have to talk to us.
We can tell the Chinese we're going to use certain strength.
Now, the British will buy all of this except the first thoughts that probably kick it back, and NATO won't like it.
On the other hand, I think it means next to nothing.
Well, maybe the British will like it.
I don't know.
The United States and Soviet Union don't agree that the objective of their policy is to remove the danger of nuclear war.
Accordingly, we're together on it.
We're not using any weapons against each other.
We don't use any weapons against each other.
We just use it in general.
If you don't want to define that more carefully, would that help?
Well, sure, but let's let him come back at us so I can tell him that I...
And if you were straight reluctant to agree to this, I would let them make a counter-proposal.
He's got to come back from here by Sunday, and basically this is the cheapest currency we've got.
It isn't.
Basically, I mean, you have to be right, it's a crooked drive.
If they want detente, they can use it to say they've made a big step forward towards banning the clear record.
All right, what does it do to the peace next year in the United States Army?
Do they all say, quit building tribes?
Well, if we sign what they want, this is what would certainly happen.
What they want us to say is an undertaking.
It depends how we pledge, Mr. President.
We can say...
Yes, we'll do that as soon as the threat or the use of force is eliminated, which is what Article 2 of our draft says.
So it basically is a high-sounding aspiration with some method of getting there.
And we can use it to say that the conditions aren't met yet.
Until then, I think we have to continue on.
He's never hard for himself.
He's never hard.
He doesn't throw it to you.
He doesn't ever take advantage of his position.
He's never taking any joy rides.
On this thing here, I think what really troubles me about the whole business is whether it's where we're going.
I mean, what kind of price do we want to pay for having to continue big time with the Russians?
Whether that's the right thing.
I think it's better than whether we should cool it down.
You understand what I'm saying?
We are in a position that we can't afford a crisis for a year or so.
Do you think that this might help?
We've got to get well.
We don't want them to encourage a crisis in the Middle East.
We want to use them for a restraint in Vietnam.
So far... And in Europe.
And in Europe.
If you wanted to make a balance sheet, who has benefited from the detente?
You would have to say, so far...
Brezhnev is supposed to be so screwed that one doesn't know whether he can survive indefinitely.
And that is the real problem.
Their troops have kicked out of the Middle East.
In Vietnam, they bombed their ally, but not any effective for this time.
In Europe, they settled Berlin.
Seoul maybe did nothing, but if it did anything, it restrained their programs, not one of ours.
So I don't think he's gotten anything out of it yet.
Now, there's the intangible of creating this general feeling of detour in the West, but we have to weigh that against whether we make it work for us.
It was happening anyway.
You've managed to channel that into my experience.
Supposing you had been against salt, you would have been beaten to death by the domestic opposition and probably sooner or later had been driven.
You would have given your opponent another argument.
But the long-term trend is profoundly warring.
On this I agree with you.
I think at some point we ought to seriously consider coolness.
But also we have to do a few things because the very big game they're playing is a very tough one.
That's the one with China.
Because that is going to drive us in the direction of supporting China, perhaps even militarily, in their attack.
In order to do that, we need a period of detente with the Russians so that we don't look at it, we had done it for anti-Russian motives, but that the Russians were aggressors in a period of peace.
Well, Japan isn't weak, but it's a dangerous, it's a dangerous country.
China can very easily turn, not as long as they're scared as much as they are.
Yeah, they could start a big aggression again.
Probably not in your turn.
That Chinese ambassador here is going to be one of your great allies.
Oh, yeah.
Of course, you know what I was saying.
These guys have been around town.
They're going to speak for you.
These bastards have been around town.
They're going to speak for you.
What do you think is the number two story?
Number two story is also something with Watergate.
Fact.
No, food price.
Food price.
You must have said something about food price.
There is one ambiguity in one of your answers which we are correcting to the press.
You said that the personnel we are not so concerned with because they may be a replacement.
But actually they're not permitted to introduce any personnel, not even for replacements, is the result.
The way I'm putting it is to say you did not want to imply that it was legal to introduce replacement personnel, only that the personnel were not yet changing the strategic balance while the equipment was changing the strategic balance.
And I don't know when they called it.
A lot of them have called it and have said that the President needed to imply that
About the personnel?
About the personnel.
There will be two people who call in George Sherman and Bob Toad.
Right.
We haven't volunteered any information.
Right.
You just wanted out of the...
Except the agreement forbids both, but the infiltration personnel up to this point...
It's not changing.
One could still say that the replacement framework, even though that's illegal, that wouldn't change the strategic situation.
So we have usually a very accurate counter-personality.
That is, we have an accurate counter-personality.
Yes, that is right.
I'm saying it didn't do any damage whatsoever.
I said you mentioned our focus being a leader.
At this point, yes.
So I guess what we'll have to do is to go forward with it.
I think we have to.
See, if we don't do this, then we'll be under much greater pressure on the Middle East, which we may want to do, but which we should do at our own pace.
Certainly these guys, I knew that Egyptians were going to leap back to the Russian.
So I told Ismael,
that the one thing the president will not have to admit is that we value your relationship to Brezhnev and the Egyptians wouldn't try to play you off against Brezhnev and that we were going to keep Duprinin informed in a general way of our discussion.
That they told the Russians.
And Duprinin brought me a message yesterday from Brezhnev how he appreciated the particular way you were conducting.
See, we can't screw the Russians because the... on this one directly because the...
We wouldn't know, not that we know.
Digger said that some of them got the point of the warning.
Oh, yes, that they all got.
They got the point.
Yes.
We're going to be certain of those who called me
Sure, and then tell us who called me.
I thought you called attention to that.
Of course, they don't think you're going to do anything.
They said that was a nice plan, but what can you do?
I said, look, I wouldn't bet on the record of this president that he's shooting blacks.
They had no imagination.
I've talked, I reviewed the plan today with more than 10 people.
I proved it.
Well, the plan is they're going to have 400 tactical air soldiers and about 40 T-52 strikes all up and down.
They'll keep them in trail for 48 hours.
Our present plan is, Mr. President, we sent a very tough note to the North Vietnamese yesterday.
Give them until Wednesday to reply, and then Wednesday night we go.
In the meantime, I've talked to Dubrini yesterday.
We'll see the Chinese tomorrow.
And that way, we'll have it well prepared.
If you do it before, you are saying that
You will run major risks to preserve the peace, even the POWs, which mean most to us.
Well, what the hell?
How can they justify after our warnings?
And that's why it's good to make the warning public.
Oh, yes.
Oh, so we've got it now public.
Well, we've gradually escalated it now.
Since Monday, we've done something every day.
You see, the point is that now it's public.
Even if we do something private, people don't believe it.
We said on a certain day...
On the personnel point, that is a good thing to be sure they understand that we're not approving or modifying anything like that.
That's absolutely true.
You're right.
Personnel cannot be replaced.
That's why it's supposed to be a trick.
That's right.
It's just a very good way to put it.
That has no effect on the balance.
That's right.
That's why you are not yet pressing that aside.
I said you were establishing a priority among our concerns.
You were saying what was legally legal.
That's right.
That's right.
Exactly that.
Or you were saying we should set the ceasefire.
You were saying it was legal.
You were just saying this is the hierarchy of our concerns.
That's right.
For the only reason I mentioned it to you, in case it comes up in some other... Sure.
...first comment.
Huh?
Do you want to see it, please?
What are you seeing in the night?
In 5.30.
See, I want to get in this track before I go.
Oh, yeah.
I'll tell him I had a terrible comment.
You think this is the absolute utmost you can do...
I suppose, I suppose, for American, I'm trying to put it in terms of American culture.
I think our major problem is going to be the government that Congress just votes for and the people who support it and who spend it for military purposes.
What I'm concerned about is whether there's this kind of a deal that might work out on that goal.
It depends how you use it.
You can say, we got all these things through strength.
That's the line I'm going to use.
And you can also, if the Russians ever do something...
Provocative.
You have done the platform that they have done it from.
And you are not the old Cold War.
On the other hand, we must be sure.
Well, we've been through it over and over again.
Yeah, but we have.
But Mr. President, but we haven't ever said this all the time.
Basically, Mr. President, they haven't got much going for them.
But I think this is a strategy.
Yes, of course, we'll have a background critics.
We'll say, now we've done this, but now we've got to negotiate everything.
That's right.
We'll say that will take several years.
But you have correctly identified our big problems.
Wonderful.
The species is not here.
It will never be here.
It never was here.
It's never going to be.
It doesn't make any difference.
Even though communism is overthrowing Russia, the species is going to be here.
And you may have the next...
The aggressive people in the world.
I mean, if you look at Russian history, they'd be standing all through the history of their religion.
Sure.
Now, if you... You know, the interesting thing is, we always try to put that
Now, the Germans had once passed from about 1890 to 1940, and lived basically from 1914 to 1940.
But they are not a historical phenomenon.
Most of the time when they had treated Germans, in fact, they'd been invaders.
The Germans weren't united until 1871.
That's the point.
That's the point.
The people forget the Germans weren't a state.
You had Prussia and Saxony.
Well, until 1870, the President, every European war, or practically every European war, was fought in Germany on German soil.
That's right.
Germany was, as late as 1815, there were 43 different German states.
It wasn't a united Germany until 1871.
Very close to the sea.
Look.
Go over there.
Now he's coming to the bathroom.
Well, I really feel in this curious way.
We know who he is.
He's a person of which they all are.
Maybe so are we.
But the point is,
knows that what people are trying to do, he knows how to try to do it.
He is trying to do it in his way.
And I think in a serious way that that big group of freshmen not with a good old Joe attitude or a
Or Rosenbaum's belief that he had a regular edge on it.
But just like he has today, as an individual, Reshnap, provided we do it as a pure power play between the two of us, Reshnap would like to play a role that was remembered in history, there and in the world, as being a movement towards it.
He agreed that it's possible that we may be trying to set him up, that we're trying to set him up too.
And what he may try to do is to gain, is to create such a mood of relaxation of tension that the Europeans will gradually move away from us.
Now, on the other hand, the Europeans are moving away from us, but not because of the mood of relaxation of tension.
We'll be right back.
Thank you.
I think you mentioned it.
I said, well, that's good to me.
I thought you were against it.
I thought you were against it.
And we were thinking of changing it.
So, for every work, there's actions.
The only reason I mention this, at least Cisco is one that can't talk to the Jewish community.
Yes, he can't talk to the Jewish community.
Go ahead, then.
On that tree in the back.
I don't know how much you want to bother.
This is the version.
If I don't
Read each chapter three or four times and try it, and the test won't be good enough.
It would be so much better.
That's right.
That's right.
That's right.
Right.
That's right.
Exactly that, or you will say preachers of the ceasefire.
Okay.
You will say it was legal.
You will just say this is our concern.
This is the hierarchy of our concern.
But our major concern was what was happening down there.
That's right.
For the only reason I mentioned it to you, in case it comes up in some other... Sure.
...first comment.
Huh?
Do you want to see the briefing now?
We'll be seeing it tonight.
At 5.30.
See, I want to get in this track before I go.
Oh, yeah.
I'll tell him I had a terrible comment.
You think this is the absolute utmost you can do...
I suppose, I suppose, for Americans, I'm trying to put it in terms of American women.
I think our major problem is going to be to get the Congress to vote for and the people to support and spend for military purposes.
What I'm concerned about is whether this kind of a deal will have a metal effect on that goal.
It depends how you use it.
You can say, we got all these things through strength.
That's the line of engagement.
And you can also, if the Russians ever do something...
Provocative.
You have done the platform that they have done it from upon.
And you are not the old cold war.
On the other hand, we must be sure.
Well, we've been through it over and over again.
Yeah, but we haven't.
But the Chinese, Jesus Christ.
But Mr. President.
But we haven't ever said this office has done more.
Basically, Mr. President, they haven't got much going for them.
But I think this is a strategy.
Yes, of course, we'll have a background critics.
We'll say, now we've done this, but now we've got to negotiate everything.
That's right.
We'll say that will take several years.
But you have correctly identified our big problems.
got in wonderful.
This peace is not here.
It will never be here.
It never was here.
It's never going to be.
It doesn't make any difference.
Even though communism is overthrowing Russia, this is going to be the aggressive people in the world.
I mean, if you look at Russian history, they'd be standing all through the history of their religion.
Sure.
Now, if you were... You know, the interesting thing is we always try to put that on the Germans.
The Russians are infamous
Now, the Truman had once passed from about 1890 to 1940, and lived basically from 1914 to 1940.
But they are not a historical phenomenon.
Most of the time when they had treated Truman, in fact, they'd been invading.
The Germans weren't united until 1871.
That's the point of people forgetting the Germans weren't a state.
You had Prussia and Saxony.
Well, until 1870, the President, every European war, or practically every European war, was fought in Germany on German soil.
That's right.
Germany was, as late as 1815, there were 43 different German states.
It wasn't a united Germany until 1871.
Very close to the sea.
Look, over there, there's another piece coming to the bathroom.
Well, I really feel in this curious way.
We know what it is, which they all are, which maybe so are we.
But the point is,
The grand knows that what came was right, and he knows how to try to do it.
He is trying to do it in his way.
And I think in a serious way that that big group of freshmen, not with a good old Joe attitude or whatever,
Thank you.
He agreed that it's possible that we may be trying to set him up, that we're trying to set him up too.
And what he may try to do is to gain, is to create such a mood of realization of tension that the Europeans will gradually move away from us.
Now, on the other hand, the Europeans are moving away from us, but not because of the mood of realization of tension, but for many other factors with which the Soviets have nothing.
Thank you.
those things historically every one of our god-damned ambassadors and everybody in the board of service ought to read that I don't think they do I think if Brian and I said something that John and I saw and said I commend it to you it sets forth our policy and there would not be misunderstanding about the next
I think that's a good idea, that you sign the letter this year.
I'm going to sign it myself.
So, remember, we may have just sent it out without... Let me send it.
I say, I think that it's just a credible theory that there are more policies in here.
So many significant changes have been made.
Good.
Now, here's the problem.
I had worked out a treaty draft with
The British, which as you see, this is the one I've worked out of the British.
Doesn't mean God.
Unbelievable, Mr. President.
Well, he sort of likes you like that.
That's good.
I just want to warn you that we'll work towards it.
Now that, you'll get big headlines saying we undertake to do this.
Now, a lot of people are going to say, well, we put nuclear weapons in a special category.
They won't like Article 4 with the condominium.
On the other hand, that's the same as before.
Now that we can say, if any of them...
with a state not modest to this agreement, it appears that while there is good room for a conflict to happen at all, to us, we can tell the Chinese we're going to use certain strength.
Now, the British will buy all of this, except to show its thoughts.
They'll probably kick it back, and NATO won't like it.
On the other hand, I think it meets next to nothing.
Well, maybe the British will like it.
I don't know.
The United States and Soviet Union don't agree that the objective of their policy is to remove the danger of nuclear war, according to their work together.
They're not using nuclear weapons to be effective.
You don't say you submit the weapons against each other, you just use it generally.
You don't want to define that more carefully with that hope.
Well, sure, but let's let him come back at us so I can tell him that I...
Then you were straight reluctant to agree to this, and let them make a counter-proposal.
He's got to come back from here with something, and basically this is the cheapest currency we've got.
It isn't.
Basically, I mean, you're absolutely right, it's a crooked drive.
If they want detente, they can use it to say they've made a big step forward towards banning the clear record.
All right, what does it do to the peace next year in the United States Army?
Do they all say, quit building tribes?
Well, if we sign what they want, this is what would certainly happen.
What they want us to say is an undertaking.
It depends how we play it, because we can say
Yes, we'll do that as soon as the threat or the use of force is eliminated, which is what Article 2 of our draft says.
So it basically is a high-sounding aspiration with some method of getting there.
And we can use it to say that the conditions aren't met yet.
Until then, I think we have to continue on.
Thank you.
He's never hard for himself.
He's never hard.
He doesn't throw it to you.
He doesn't ever take advantage of his position.
He's never taking any joy rides.
On this thing here, I think what really troubles me about the whole business is whether it's where we're going.
I mean, what kind of price do we want to pay for having to continue big time with the Russians?
Whether that's the right thing.
I think it's better than whether we should cool it down.
You understand what I'm saying?
We are in a position that we can't afford a crisis for a year or so.
Do you think that this may help restrain somebody?
We've got to get well.
We don't want them to encourage a crisis in the Middle East.
We want to use and put restraint in Vietnam.
So far... And in Europe.
And in Europe.
If you wanted to make a balance sheet who has benefited from the detente, you would have to say, so far...
freshman is supposed to be so screwed that one doesn't know whether he can survive indefinitely.
And that is the real problem.
Their troops got kicked out of the Middle East.
In Vietnam, we bombed their ally, but not any effective for this time.
In Europe, they settled Berlin.
Seoul, maybe it did nothing, but if it did anything, it restrained their programs, not one of ours.
So I don't think he's gotten anything out of it yet.
Now, there's the intangible of creating this general feeling of detente in the West, but we have to weigh that against whether we make it work for us.
It was happening anyway.
You've managed to channel it into mastery.
Supposing you had been against salt, you would have been beaten to death by the domestic opposition and probably sooner or later had been driven.
You would have given your opponent another argument.
But the long-term trend is profoundly warring, gentlemen.
On this I agree with you.
I think at some point we ought to seriously consider coolness.
But also we have to do a few things because the daily picking they're playing is a very tough one.
That's the one with China.
Because that is going to drive us in the direction of supporting China, perhaps even militarily, with their attack.
In order to do that, we need a period of detente with the Russians so that we don't look at it as if we had done it for anti-Russian motives, but that the Russians were aggressors in a period of peace.
Well, Japan is weak, but it's a dangerous, it's a dangerous country.
China can very easily turn, not as long as they're scared as much as they are.
Yeah, they can start being aggressive again.
Probably not in your turn.
That Chinese ambassador here is going to be one of your great allies.
Oh, yeah.
Of course, you know what I was saying.
These guys have been around town.
They're going to speak for you.
These bastards have been around town.
They're going to speak for you.
It's a three-story in the south.
The big headland is mixed with other details.
Why is that?
That doesn't make any sense.
It's an old story.
To history, it doesn't make any difference, but it's an outrage because steam, the contretemps with steam, it's never going to appear in a history book.
What you did with China is going to be one of the revolutionary events in diplomatic history.
What do you mean it's the number two story?
Number two story is also something with Watergate.
No food prices, food prices.
You must have said something about food prices.
There is one ambiguity in one of your answers which we are correcting to the press.
You said that the personnel we are not so concerned with because they may be a replacement.
But actually they're not permitted to introduce any personnel, not even for replacements as a result.
The way I'm putting it is to say you did not want to imply that it was legal to introduce replacement personnel, only that the personnel were not yet changing the strategic balance while the equipment was changing the strategic balance.
And...
I have a question.
A lot of them have called in and have said, did the President need to imply that...
There will be two people who call them George Sherman and Bob Toad.
We haven't volunteered any information.
Except the agreement forbids both, but the infiltration personnel up to this point.
One could still say that the replacement framework, even though that's illegal, that wouldn't change the strategic situation.
So we have usually a very accurate count of personnel.
That is, we have an accurate count of personnel that comes through line.
Yes, that is right.
I'm saying it didn't do any damage whatsoever.
I said you mentioned her both as being a leader.
At this point, yes, it is.
Well, I guess what we'll have to do is to...
I think we have to.
See, if we don't do this, then we'll be under much greater pressure on the Middle East, which we may want to do, but which we should do at our own pace.
Certainly these guys, I knew that Egyptians were going to leap back to the Russian.
So I told Ishmael,
that the one thing the president will not have to admit is that you value your relationship to Brezhnev and the Egyptians shouldn't try to play you off against Brezhnev and that we were going to keep Duprinin informed in a general way of our discussion.
That they told the Russians.
And Duprinin brought me a message yesterday from Brezhnev how he appreciated the meticulous way you were conducting.
See, we can't screw the Russians because, see, on this one directly because, see...
We wouldn't know, not that we know.
Digger said that some of them got the point of the warning.
Oh, yes, that they all got.
They got the point?
Yes.
We've got to be true to those who call us names.
Sherman had told us who called, made thoughts and called attention to that.
Of course, they don't think you're going to do anything.
They said that was a nice plan, but what can you do?
I said, well, I wouldn't bet on the record of this president that he's shooting blacks.
They had no imagination.
I've talked, I reviewed the plan today with more than six.
I approve.
Thank you.
But the plan is, second, I have 400 tactical air soldiers and about 40 B-52 strikes all on the ground.
The whole treatment trail for 48 hours.
Our present plan is, Mr. President, we sent a very tough note to the North Vietnamese yesterday.
Give them till Wednesday to reply, and then Wednesday night we go.
In the meantime, I've talked to Dupree yesterday.
We'll see the Chinese tomorrow.
And that way, we'll have it well-prepared.
If you do it before, you are saying that
You will run majors to preserve the peace, even the POWs, which mean most to us.
Well, what the hell?
How can they justify it after our warnings?
And that's why we're going to make the warning public.
Oh, yes.
Oh, so we've got it now public.
Well, and we've gradually escalated it now.
Since Monday, we've done something every day.
You see, the point is that now it's public.
Even if we do something private, people don't believe it.
We said on a certain day,
On the personnel point, that is a good thing to be sure they understand that we're not improving or modifying anything.
That's absolutely true.
You're right.
Personnel cannot be replaced.
That's why it's supposed to be true.
That's a very good way to put it.
Well, I didn't say that.
That's why you are not yet pressing that aside.
I said you were establishing a priority in my heart concern.
You were saying what was legally legal.
That's right.
That's right.
Exactly that, or you were saying breaches of the ceasefire.
You were saying it was legal.
You were just saying this is the hierarchy of our concern.
For the only reason I mentioned it to you, in case it comes up in some other place.
Sure.
First come.
Huh?
Can you see the bridge now?
Are you seeing it tonight?
At 5.30.
See, I want to give him this track before I go.
Oh, yeah.
I'll tell him I had a terrible time and you think this is the absolute utmost you can do.
You
I suppose, I suppose, for an American, I'm trying to put it in terms of American politics,
If the Russians ever do something...
Provocative.
You have done the platform that they have done it from upon.
And you are not the old cold war.
On the other hand, we must be sure.
Well, we've proven over and over again.
Yeah, but we have.
But the Chinese, Jesus Christ.
But Mr. President.
But we haven't ever said that this office has done more.
Basically, Mr. President, they haven't got much going for them.
But I think this is a strategy.
Yes, of course, we'll have a background critics.
We'll say, now we've done this, but now we've got to negotiate everything.
That's right.
We'll say that will take several years.
But you have correctly identified our big problems.
Wonderful.
That's right.
This piece is not here.
It will never be here.
It never was here.
It's never going to be.
It doesn't make any difference.
Even though communism is overthrowing Russia, this is going to be the most aggressive people in the world.
I mean, people could run in history.
They'd be standing all through the history of every regime.
Sure.
Now, if you were... You know, the interesting thing is we always try to put that
Now, the Truman Headlines passed from about 1890 to 1940, and really basically from 1914 to 1940.
But they are not a historical phenomenon.
Most of the time when they had treated Truman, in fact, they'd been invading the city.
The Germans weren't united until 1871.
That's the point that people forget.
The Germans weren't a state.
You had Prussia and Saxony.
Well, until 1870, Mr. President, every European war, or practically every European war, was fought in Germany on German soil.
That's right.
Germany was, as late as 1815, there were 43 different German states.
It wasn't a united Germany until 1871.
Very close to the sea.
Look, over there, there's another piece coming to the bathroom.
Well, I really feel in this curious way.
We know that there are members on a bridge, and they all are, and maybe so are we.
But the point is,
The grand knows that what game we're playing, and he knows I'm going to try to do it.
He is trying to do it.
In his way, and therefore we're going to do it.
And I think in a curious way that that big group of freshmen, not with a good old Joe attitude or whatever,
of Rosanoff's belief that he had a regular edge on it.
But just like he has today, as an individual, Gresham, provided we deal with life as a pure power play between the two of us, Gresham would like to play a role that was remembered in history there and in the world.
He agreed that it's possible that we may be trying to set him up, that we're trying to set him up too.
And what he may try to do is to gain, is to create such a mood of realization of tension that the Europeans will gradually move away from us.
Now, on the other hand, the Europeans are moving away from us, but not because of the mood of realization of tension.
Thank you.