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I can give you a dead stool.

We haven't checked it ourselves.

And right now, we don't have an active negotiation with North Vietnam because they haven't kept their side of the bargain.

But assuming I go there in the middle of May, as now is the tentative plan, assuming they then agree, really to implement the agreement, assuming we then go through with our side of the bargain of giving to May,

I understand the whole process of it.

I mean, Maury Williams, I know, has confirmed this.

So with the North Vietnamese, we would ask you to give us a chance to explain to you why this concept will probably not work right now.

Yes, sir, sir.

Do you believe me when I make this statement?

I'll be sitting in the jury in June.

I have no insecurity.

I don't have to say any comment, but I have to be honest.

I won't support this administration.

I will support this administration.

I'll issue a funny statement any time.

I'll be in 60 news paper in Louisiana.

I'll leave here, you understand, praise the president, because you know he's doing a good job, and I know he's doing a good job, my own committee.

I say to the greatest president the nation ever had, I say it to Democrats, I say it to the committee, I say it to Louisiana, and I believe, otherwise I wouldn't say it.

But when you get ready to go to North Vietnam, I'll beat you to death.

Because I've made my living selling for a long time, too.

And I'm on the board of directors of the bank, and I know just a little something about how to talk to people.

This is, to a certain extent, the grandest act that's going to come with concessionary terms.

But I'm thinking about getting the bills through now.

If you set the stage by getting, putting it on the loan basis, Laos and Campo, you don't say, well, they are not able to pay, you don't know what they can do 10 years from now.

What we're trying to do is develop these things.

If you have not had a development loan fund,

And they said they'll never pay a dime of it back.

Well, I've handled this service interest target fund.

Less than 1% of those accounts are delayed.

Is that right?

So the poorest, undeveloped nations are up to date.

So if you set the stage by having Cambodia, Laos, and South Vietnam, and North Vietnam, I mean, Korea under this thing,

You can rest assured I don't care at all for you if you have to stay on North Korea.

I don't have to stay in the caucus, but I have to be responsible.

And if the president decides he's going to have a bill for North Vietnam, I'm afraid it's going to be the most impossible thing you're attempting to get legislation through.

But if you have such a stage, it just may well be.

They have some people up there that know something about finances.

If you're getting it on a 50-year basis, you can say, well, now, you're not thinking about aid, possibly for two years or three years or five years.

You people may have a program here that we want to provide this assistance for 10 years.

Let me do the selling, and if I can't do the selling,

I'll beat you there, follow you there, either way you want it.

And if I can't sell this bill of goods, I'll just pack my grip, and I won't sport you a plan.

Don't detoy it until you have seen the other in action.

Well, why don't we talk to you, Mr. Chairman, after we see whether there's going to be any inquest at all on North Vietnam, because right now the odds are against us.

Well, why don't you move on the basis of what you're interested on, and he'll let me help you get this bill through.

And get it through...

Certainly, as they say, well, now, the president is following the same basis here.

He has on domestic property, putting it on the business basis.

You can sell this building.

The Congress is waiting for it, that is, the House members.

And I simply, as I say, any time you want to know how many Democrats are going to vote for me, you'll build.

You call me, then call two more people.

And if I miss it over one, you understand, I'll file the other one and file a mistake.

But I'm trying to have this work.

But don't you go this time.

I'm trying to have it deferred.

We can get some votes.

The governor, the state, I don't know.

All you got to do is pick up a towel.

I think my vote is for the authorization.

There's three more votes in this state.

Go right on with it, man.

We all did nothing after this.

This is sound.

You and John negotiate.

What do you want to do, John?

You know our problem here.

And our parade is very special because of it.

You know our problem there.

I don't know if we'll ever be asking for it, but I don't.

We've got to have a little stick to continue there.

When the time comes, I'll carry it all over.

You'll know what the event is.

I mean, sorry I spent our day.

Mr. President, I'll ask the question this way.

The first two years that I was on this job, we had a situation where my first experience with Mr. Pastner, he gave me the same treatment that he'd given my predecessor.

He kept me five days before anybody else asked a question.

And of course, in those days, you knew that he was going to cut hell out of us.

And we'd go over to the Senate, and McGee would put it back, and then they'd write the bill of conference.

I found, as I got to know the chairman, that under this posture that he takes, there's a very decent human being.

A very decent human being.

And he supported the president, Dixon, all the way, whether it was good or rough.

And so when we got Proxmire for McGee, this was a put-up job by the chairman from his state.

He didn't like the idea of going along with foreign assistance.

My little gentleman, he's gone now.

But he gave us Burkmar.

And I first, just like you always do, and then it was a business of the state or national all my life, to find out what I could find about him back home.

Nobody knew him.

Basically selfish, intelligent, pleasant,

asked good questions, never listened.

And so we tried to work with him.

I tried to see him.

He was an impossible staff guy.

And I swear, the first year he was chairman of this committee, he refused to see me,

And from that day to this, it was perfectly clear to me we were going to have a foreign assistance act.

There was only one way we were going to have it, and we had to rely not only on our passmen to get them into the house, we had to rely on him to maneuver Fulbright, and now it's McClellan, and it was Ellen there.

And the first time we went to a conference committee was proximate.

Otto isn't always modest, but we took that committee away from him, the conference committee, and he had only his vote in the conference committee.

Proxmire had only his vote.

This year we got Inouye, but the hearings had been held, and Proxmire was impossible, and Inouye inherited Jordan, who was a stinker, as his staff man.

And I mean he is a stinker, this Jordan.

Well, anyway, but Inouye is a very decent guy, and my guess is you give him 15 or 20 years, Inouye, if he stays in the Senate.

Inouye?

Inouye is a very decent guy.

His basic instincts are decent.

And so Inouye, he was in a position where he figured Proxmire had been the chairman, he'd held the hearings, and he really couldn't, he had to be on the conference committee, but again,

Proxmire was low.

I guess McLeod didn't vote or didn't show up or something.

But anyway, so you asked me the question of what about it.

We're going to get nothing through the Congress that he won't carry.

That Passman won't carry.

And I, you know, I'm not a pessimist.

I think you're going to get a piece.

I think in spite of all this business, I think the North Vietnamese, I've talked to Maury, he's my...

and so on that's dealt with them all these days.

He thinks they need this badly, and they want it badly, and that they're going to give before you get through with them.

And I think you're going to have to ask for, not only because you didn't start it.

Johnson started the idea to provide two and a half billions of dollars.

And you picked it up, and you didn't put a dollar tag on it, but it became his figure.

Then you backed away from it and said you're talking about maybe about $2.5 billion, but that would include what the rest of the world would do.

And we heard this, what Ed Brooks said yesterday at the meeting, because that's all nonsense, what Waldheim or the Japanese are doing.

They'll do practically nothing, and we're going to have to provide the money.

And we may have to provide more than that.

And I think we're going to have to go down the road of what we can sell.

And I don't, I know what Dr. Kissinger, he's concerned because these people have been led to get a piece, and I think it was the right thing to do.

We agreed.

I think it had talked to you in terms of grant rather than law.

That's the problem, you see.

That's right.

And that's why you can't take this, what somebody started to say, Dr. Kissinger said, well, let's stay as we are, and I don't know if we get to the point where we've got to have aid or not yet, man.

If you're going to get aid for North Vietnam, it can't be more generous from the north than the south.

You know damn well at that point, you can't sell aid in this country where you're going to feed our friends.

But I think we really don't have any alternative.

You don't have to cross the last bridge.

You don't have to do anything today.

We can get, with the message that's gone up, with what's gone up, I think we can get the authorization bill in the committee, the Foreign Affairs Committee, not transferred to a requirement

authorization for no interest or low interest loans or whatever words we need.

So in spite of what Bill thinks, or maybe doesn't think in a conversational way to get in here, but maybe we should still be talking about the authorization act in August or October, a morgans committee

We start the hearings on the 15th, and of course, the first day will be State Department, and there's never no hearings.

And I come in on the 17th, and they're going to hold, they're going to break the committee down into their subcommittees, and they're going to hold meetings every day.

And the final day for their hearings is going to be June 5, which is the second day around the year, I think, in fact, in Latin America.

Then they intend, and I'm going to try to keep their nose to the grindstone,

report the damn bill out and get it through the House, because I don't think, you know, Mr. Fulbright's playing his game as he started hearings today on his authorization bill, which is always military assistance and security assistance.

And, of course, he has Rush and Luder, and I don't know who went for Richardson today.

But anyway, you know, they're just playing games with this one.

They're going to wait then until the House bill comes out.

Then you try to marry whatever it is that his committee does with these pieces.

And you know damn well that the house isn't going to buy or fades out for military assistance and the rest of it.

Do you want me to interrupt, please?

Yes, sir.

We don't need full practice to get this right.

We need full practice to figure that out in this picture.

We are not really going to take that for information.

No.

I wrote this bill on the rule issue.

Well, no, we don't have any authorization bill.

You don't have to have an authorization bill.

This is the second year we've moved it without an authorization.

All you have to do is get the rules committed to the points of order.

You do know that, don't you?

I did.

We did.

We are moving on the...

Bill or Morgan Bill, but moving strictly on the Committee on Appropriation, waiving points of order.

Is that correct?

That's correct.

And I'm not phrasing this to throw a party out there.

I didn't fight for bypassing the gun.

But, Dr. Hanna, you approved this law for them, did you not?

Yes, sir.

Now, isn't this true?

Let's analyze briefly now, because Dr. Kissman doesn't have as hard a job as he may think of yet.

If we switch this over, I'm sure these people know very well

President of the United States, the most powerful man in the world, unless you have to prove to Congress to get an authorization bill or get an appropriation bill.

If the Congress does not give you the money, then you can't spend it.

And if you have set the pattern by having a loan basis for Laos and Cambodia and for Vietnam and Korea, it certainly would say, well, gentlemen, this is it, because the Congress

They just refuse to go along.

And these people are smart enough to know that if you give them, let's say, a $7.5 billion loan over a five-year period, a no-interest, ten-year grace period without paying anything back with the right to negotiate this thing later, it won't be a difficult bill if it's to sell.

But nonetheless, we've got something to do with the first pass for the irregular foreign aid bill.

the North Korea Conglomerate, and I can only say this to make you notice me.

Don't you say that?

You say, come on.

I ran into my good friend Dave there, and I didn't respond to you.

He said, don't you ever commit yourself today?

I said, don't you ever commit yourself to aid for North Vietnam?

I'll never vote for it.

I don't believe you could get 50 votes.

I don't think you could get 40 votes for aid for North Vietnam today.

Today, I don't think you can do it.

And I think that this bill would fail by possibly 60 votes if you had to go before this week for voting.

A lot of people are not fair.

I want out the investment, and it's never hard for me to handle legislation, because if you assume command, it was costing this conflict in Vietnam, it was costing $28 billion a year.

All right?

Seven threes down to seven one.

And when you take these statistics, you make a pretty good case.

And I can assure you, Mr. President, that I'm going to carry the ball for you.

I haven't done any other, President, but I believe in you.

And Bill knows that.

And it's not a thing of the world I wouldn't do for you, because I've often kidded my friend who's in a man who's been elected president three times and only served twice, and I'm for it.

And it's kind of a humorous way to put it.

I'm talking about Illinois, Texas, New Mexico.

Being a Democrat, I get information that you don't get.

But I'm going to back you up.

And when the time comes to handle North Vietnam, then it'll be the time to cross that bridge.

And I just simply believe that I can be an asset to you.

I mean it.

I may not be a negotiator.

I propose something about finances.

And I may believe in something for a long, long time.

I don't believe it.

that you can get a foreign aid bill to the Congress this year, and it's not a man-made Congress.

And Dr. Halle, you know this.

You're the most enthusiastic supporter of that.

Tell us, look at the areas.

I said, I don't have to say here.

I have to be honest.

And I said, you've got a great president in your back.

And I put it in the record, and I leave it there.

And these people respect me.

Kind of a humorous way to put it, I'm talking about Illinois, Texas, New Mexico, and being a Democrat, I get information that you don't get.

But I'm going to pack you up, and when the time comes to handle North Vietnam, then it'll be the time to cross that bridge.

And I just simply believe that I can be an asset to you.

I mean it.

I may not be a negotiator, I don't know something about finances, and I may believe in selling for a long, long time.

I don't believe...

that you can get a foreign aid bill to the Congress this year, and it's not a man-made Congress.

And Dr. Halle, you know this.

You're the most enthusiastic supporter of that.

I said, I don't have to say or have to be honest.

I said, you've got a great president in your back, and I'll put it in the record, and I'll leave it there.

And these people respect it, particularly when you get into the security system.

Well, I think that's right.

I don't want to make the president get out of his way.

There's a thousand things to do.

It would take too long now.

I'm sorry.

There isn't any requirement.

I don't think we ask the president, or Otto asks the president, to do anything, to come out and make any kind of a public statement that we're going to go to those instead of grants and so on.

Well, wait a minute.

Because the commitment has been made between this administration and North Vietnam, and they think it's a firm commitment, and they're

that uh they're going to get granny that's what they expect and if if the president or someone's for him who says that they you know now when we haven't even had a piece we're trying to get this damn thing moved back to peace all we have to have is to get come out of the foreign affairs committee in the house with the authorization for a reconstruction program assuming between now and the time that it looks like we're going to have a piece that will permit the

reconstruction, rehabilitation, and humanitarian assistance.

And always we understand that technical assistance is grand, that all of the refugees and family, humanitarian, all that stuff is grand.

And all we're talking about for loans is what has to go in the rebuilding of industries or whatever the hell it is that we have to do.

And we've got to have in that authorization bill

the opportunity for either grants or loans, and low-interest loans.

At this moment, Otto won't buy that, but if we get it, we're in a position, and he's convinced them, as he is now, that you can't get the damn thing through the Congress.

That's the time to talk about it.

I don't agree with you at all, Dr. Hill.

You're going to move off on a solid one.

You see, you're going to be one way or the other.

And if you're going to have it on a grand basis, of course, we'll take military-like training and other things, and those would be grand.

You're only talking about the large amounts that would have to be alone.

You've got to be firm about it.

You've got to start to compete either way.

You're going to get this deal defeated.

Now, when you get defeated, remember, you go to the defense.

When you get this bill defeated, then what I'm trying to do will make more sense to you.

You can't watch and say, well, maybe we'll take it this way, maybe we'll take it that way.

You better switch this thing over to a loan basis and move off on that.

Then when the time comes, we're perhaps happy for North Vietnam.

It would very, very well be an easier job to sell than you think.

On the other hand, if it's not, let it go.

Grant, if it comes to my committee, you can rest assured I'll do everything within my power.

I'd say what it's costing is $28 billion.

And we were losing 300 lives a week.

And now it's down to zero.

It did better.

piece and give these people two and a half billion dollars a year, or three years, or maybe a billion and a half, or five years, which you like the best.

You can certainly, this material there, that's important.

I think, really, if you put all the pieces together, it's about $30 billion a year.

But it's better to give them $2 billion a year and a half piece than to spend $30 billion and $30 billion a week

Let me say this.

I'm totally committed to your loan principle.

Totally committed to it.

But as a negotiator, I let you say, leave me just a little room there.

Just a little room.

That's all I need.

Because I know you don't want to bust a piece.

That's what I want.

Well,

You get your...

I think there's only one way to get a bill through, brother.

Confidentially, there's only have to be some other way to finance this.

I just don't believe it's possible to get a bill through the Congress or North Vietnam.

I don't get it in every way that I can.

But please, Dr. Hanna,

Mr. Archie gave me your support.

Mr. Rodgers gave me support.

Board gave me more than I go out of there to do.

This is what I have, John.

John, here's what I want.

I want the Nixon doctors and the Nixon plan.

I want this to be the Passman-Nixon plan, if you don't mind.

And I want the Passman-Nixon plan.

And the way I'd like to have it done is to say that we are moving from programs that the president has met with the doctor, Renato Passman,

We decided that we should move from programs of grants to programs of loans, all kinds of, in all areas.

And I can say that as far as, that only where the, shall we say, the national securities are required to lead in that kind of thing, and then not take care of the technical assistance, and not take care of the other

You see what I mean?

I can get you to get out of this, see, so when the time comes, you can put that language in in case you've been exposed.

Yes, subject to other agreements.

Let me see Dr. Hanna.

Yes, and I want to be sure we don't get into any possible negotiating position with you if you're too tough on them.

No, no, no.

Well, I... You're looking at the number one Nixon supporter on the Hill.

You know that.

That's right.

I'm not going to...

But there is no problem with the government of South Vietnam, Laos, or Cambodia.

The Korean business, Mr. Passman, was there last week, and he— Now, let me just say this.

When I arrived in South Vietnam, and Dr. Bunker, who I've known for 25 years, told him, look, to me, in order to get this—that was my piece—to get the—

reconstruction funding that we were probably going to have to go on the basis.

And Chuck Cooper objected.

He said, this, you know, this one flies and so on and so on.

I said, Chuck, you haven't listened.

He said, you're thinking about, because he started off on the tag that you infringe the credit rating of the country.

You get them with a big national debt so they'll have difficulty borrowing from other countries and they'll have difficulty buying from a borrowing person.

I said, Chuck, you didn't listen.

What we're talking about is that no negotiation charge, no payment of any kind for 10 years, 1% for the next 10, and then a negotiable position that you start with some determined that, well, wait a minute, you start with some determined that there is 3% or something, but we know, you don't have to say, damn, we're done, we're finished.

We've been making loans.

We've got $14 billion plus, almost $15 billion worth of aid and aid predecessor loans on the books now.

Our problems have never been with the poor countries.

The poor countries pay their interest.

We pay the principal.

Our difficulties are Indonesia, Turkey, India, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia.

uh i don't know where i get on the same side of that you're knocking yourself out of 25 votes now let me just repeat if i may you have a positive formula in effect and that's item 50 years no members 10 year grace period one person a year for 10 years and

Now, a lot of these people, I'm going to vote for foreign aid, and I'll certainly vote for the International Development Association, or you can just take the record.

So stick to that formula, doctor, at the end of 20 years, at the end of 10 years, of course you can negotiate.

You can get it to, but don't do it.

start out implying this is going to be different, because I got the idea of a picking of the Ida formula.

And let me say one thing, I'd hate like the devil to take my savings for these loans.

I'm trying to get this bill through.

I live with these people.

I don't just poison my mind up drinking every night.

I'm thinking and making notes all through the night, going to work, knowing what can be done and cannot be done.

So stick with the Ida formula.

And I want this.

I want to be a doctor.

Listen, I learned a long, long time ago to let other people take the credit.

I don't want the credit.

This is to be the pardon Nixon doctrine I learned a long time ago.

These people who want to get all the credit, you understand, leave them alone.

I don't want any credit.

I want to back my president up, and I'm going to back him.

And don't even mention my name in this connection because the people are in this.

I handle my bills successfully.

You know that.

And I don't want to lose any of it.

uh support that you may get otherwise let's take my name to it well what i want you to say is to say it would to be what you said at the very beginning the first time we had this discussion that is that i know and you know that some of these loans aren't going to be repaid 20 years from now we're not going to be here somebody's going to have to face up if the country is like nigeria or some of those damn countries that those are going to be paid but on the other hand if they're like algeria or some of these other countries got great petroleum or something else

That's a lot.

Listen, Dr. Hammond, I am a board director of the bank.

We know many of these $200, $300 loans we're not going to collect.

It's a matter of not being criticized, but not making certain loans.

I know many things in this district.

We're having a lot of flood loans now.

We've got a lot of people.

I don't know why not leave them in.

That's very interesting.

Yes, you went down to the reading, and it's so very interesting.

All right.

I want to say this, this picture's going to be in my pictures on Monday, isn't it?

It's going to have to be it.

Yeah, I believe this one here is that one.

These are my reports.

I'm sure a lot of people have received this present.

How many do you like?

I'm very happy to see them.

I mean, that is the word we make with it.

I mean, this one here is the one that I have reported.

Let's go.

This one here is the one that I have reported.

Good to hear from you.

I won't be smiling after that.

All right, bye.

One more time.

Very, very breezy.

I don't...

I wish I could tell you more.

Listen, I'm going to tell you all the same.

And you hear me when I'm telling you that.

You just met John.

Well, you're not going to have any of that.

No, listen, I'm going to tell you.

Listen, I'm going to tell you.

I'm going to tell you.

Be sure you gave me the right combination, okay?

Okay.

I don't think we ask the president.

There isn't any requirement.

I don't know how to ask the president to do anything.

I don't think we ask him to make any kind of a public statement to the president.

to do anything instead of grants and so on.

Wait a minute.

The commitment is made between this administration and North Vietnam Public Statement that this, we're going to go instead of grants.

They think it's a firm commitment and so on.

They're going to get granted.

That's what they expect.

Well, wait a minute.

Because if the commitment of the president or someone has been made between this administration and or him, who says that they, you know, now, when we have Vietnam and don't even have a peace, we're trying to get, they think it's a firm, damn thing, move back to peace.

They're going to get granny.

That's what they expect.

And if the president or someone's for him, who says that they, you know, now,

We haven't even had a peace.

We're trying to get this damn thing moved back to peace.

All we have to have is to come out of the Foreign Affairs Committee in the House with the authorization for a reconstruction program, assuming between now and the time that it looks like we're going to have a peace, that will permit the reconstruction, rehabilitation, and humanitarian assistance.

And always we understand that technical assistance is granted.

that all of the refugees and family and humanitarian, all that stuff is grand, that all we're talking about for loans is what has to go in the rebuilding of industries or whatever the hell it is that we have to do, that we've got to have in that authorization bill the opportunity for either grants or loans and low interest loans.

Now, at this moment, Otto won't buy that, but if we get it, we're in a position, and he's convinced them, as he is now, that you can't get the damn thing through the Congress.

I don't agree with you at all, Dr. Hill.

You're going to move Baltimore solid like you see it.

You're going to be one way or the other.

And if you're going to have it on a grand basis, of course, we'll take military-like training and other things, and those would be grand.

You're only going to be talking about the large amounts that would have to be alone.

You've got to be firm about it now.

You go out there and start a committee.

Either way, you're going to get this bill defeated.

Now, when you get defeated, remember, you go to the dips.

You can't watch and say, well, maybe we'll take it this way, maybe we'll take it that way.

You've got to switch this thing over to a loan basis and move off on that.

Then when the time comes, we're going to have to have aid for North Vietnam.

It's a very, very well-being.

It's an easier job to sell than you think.

On the other hand, if it's not, let it go, Grant.

If it comes to my committee, you can rest assured I'm directly within my power.

I'd say what it's costing is 28 billion H, and we were losing 300 lives a week, and now it's down to zero.

It did better.

piece and give these people two and a half, a billion dollars a year, or three years, or maybe a billion and a half, or five years, which you like the best.

You can certainly, there's some material there that's important.

I think, really, if you put all the pieces together, it's about $30 billion a year.

But it's better to give them $2 billion a year and a half piece than to spend $30 billion and $300 million a week

let me say this uh i'm totally committed to your loan principle totally committed to it uh your but as a negotiator i i let you say leave me just a little room there just a little room that's all i need because i don't i know you don't want to bust

Well,

You get your...

Your point is that you're... No, no.

You get your...

I like this only if I'm able to get a bill through the Brotherhood.

Confidentially, there's gonna have to be some other way to finance this.

You know, I just don't believe it's possible to get a bill through the Congress or North Vietnam.

I don't get it in every way I can.

But please, Dr. Hanna,

Mr. Hart, you gave me your support.

Mr. Rogers gave me your support.

All we have to have is to come out of the Foreign Affairs Committee in the House with the authorization for a written instruction program.

I want this to be the past and the next of the plan.

We don't want that.

And the way I'd like to have it done is to say that we are moving from programs, I'm assuming between now and the time that it looks like we're going to have a piece, that will permit the reconstruction, rehabilitation, and humanitarian assistance, and hopefully we understand that technical assistance is granted.

decided that we should move from programs of refugees, and family planning, and family humanitarian, and all that stuff.

And do programs of loans, all kinds of things.

And all we're talking about is old heritage.

And I'm not saying that to look for loans is one has to go as far as that only where the window of the industries are running over the head of the business.

shall we say, to national security or whatever you require to lead in that.

We have to do.

We've got to have that kind of thing.

And that would take care of the technical authorization.

And that would take care of the opportunity for either.

And that would take care of.

You give us something.

Something as possible.

And low interest.

At this moment, if you can't do it, then you can say it.

Bye, man, buddy.

Unless previous, we can get that thing either implied or confirmed.

We're in a position where he's convinced that his initiative is now.

But you can't get to that.

You can put that language in in case it's been accepted.

You have two subcontractors.

I don't agree with you.

I want to be sure.

We've got to negotiate.

You're looking at the one way or the other.

If you're going to a number of grant-based persons, you know.

Well, there is no problem with the government of South Vietnam.

Now, let me just say this.

When I arrived in South Vietnam,

And Dr. Bunker, who I've known for 25 years, told him to look to me in order to get this.

You can't watch it.

To get the reconstruction funding.

Maybe we'll take it this way, maybe we'll take it that way.

You better switch this thing over to a loan basis and move on.

Probably going to have to go on the basis.

Or Chuck Cooper objected.

He said this, you know, this one's flying and so on and so on.

I said, Chuck, you haven't listened.

He said, you're thinking, we're going to have to have a, because he's done it all.

He's attacked, he's used, he's used, he's used to infringe the credit rating of the country.

You get them with a big national debt, so they'll have difficulty borrowing from other countries, and they'll have difficulty buying from a borrowing person.

What we're talking about is that no... ...of any kind for 10 years.

We were losing 300 lives a week.

And now, one down to zero percent for the next ten.

And then, a negotiable position that you start with some determined that, well, it's better to have people that do not have a billion dollars.

You start with some determined that there is three percent or something, but we know, you don't have to say that we're not going to be finished.

We've been making loans, we got there.

For three years, maybe $14 billion.

Big in the high, for five years.

Plus, almost $15 billion worth of aid and aid predecessor loans on the books now.

Our problems have never been...

Which you like the best.

You can certainly... ...poor countries.

Our difficulties are Indonesia, Turkey... ...material that's important.

I think, really, if you put all the pieces together, it's not pretty.

The ones that are in the package themselves.

I don't know where I get on the safe side of it.

It's better to give them $2 billion.

You're knocking yourself out of 25 votes.

Now, let me just repeat, if I may.

You have a positive formula, in effect, and that's item 50.

You have a piece that is spent.

30% in 300 lives a week.

Years, no interest, 10-year grace period, 1% a year for 10 years, and 3% for 30.

Now, there are a lot of these people, but I can't vote before, and I can't get it, and I pledge, so you know that I will certainly vote for the International Development Association, or maybe just take the record.

So stick to that formula, doctor, at the end of it, for 20 years.

Let me say this, uh, uh,

I'm totally committed to your loan.

At the end of 10 years, of course you can negotiate.

But don't start out implying this is going to be different because I got totally committed to it.

You're going to have to negotiate an idea of a bidding of the item formula.

I don't understand one thing.

I need my cadet to take my decision for these loans.

I'm trying to get this bill sued.

I live with these people here.

I, I, let me say, leave you just a little room.

I don't just poison my mind with drinking every night.

I'm thinking of making no fun of here tonight.

Going to work, knowing what can be done and cannot be done.

So stick with me.

Just a little room, that's all.

I know you don't want to bust me.

I, I want this.

Listen, I've learned long and hard to let other people take the credit.

I'm not your lawful representative.

My law just wants credit.

This is to be the part of Nixon's doctrine I learned a long time ago.

I don't want to cover it all up.

If you come up and say we have to have this on the ground, if it takes me some credit, I want to back my president up, and I'm going to back him.

Don't even mention my name in this connection because the people are being told all the time.

You know that, and I don't want to lose any support that you may get.

Oh, I have to state my name to it.

Well, what I want you to say is to say to me what you said at the Senate is something better than to give somebody else that problem I got there.

Well, at the beginning, the first time we had this discussion, I know and you know that some of these loans aren't going to be repaid.

20 years from now...

We're not going to be here.

Somebody's going to be here.

I have to face up.

If the country is like Niger or some of those damn countries, those are not going to be paid.

But on the other hand, if they're like Algeria or some of these other countries that have great petroleum or something else.

You've got your life.

Listen, Dr. Hammond, I am a board director of the bank.

We know some of these, some of the $200, $300 loans, and I don't want to be the final answer.

You'll get it.

I just don't believe it's a matter of use.

Possibly.

I'm being criticized by not making certain loans.

I love them.

We make a business, but we're having a lot of blood.

I don't get it every time.

I don't like that.

I want to say this, this picture is going to be in my pictures on my visit.

The market game is the best way to get a sale game, and the more they do that, the more they're going to go out there and they're going to be like, John, John, here's the thing.

They all want the next doctor, and they want this to be the, it's going to have to be it.

We are moving from

I decided that we should move

Very, very egregious, you know.

Grants.

Thank you.

All kinds of, in all areas.

I wish I could tell you more.

Listen, I'm going to tell you all.

You hear what I'm trying to tell you.

You don't know that.

You don't know what I'm trying to say.

As far as, only where, it's on the dark side.

And what do you care?

I don't know what you're talking about.

Do you want these cupcakes to get something out of you?

Yeah, we can try to know what they're about.

The, the, the, the cupcakes that you were named are both new and, shall we say, in the works of the National Security Department.

You said that, didn't you?

Be sure you wait on it.

Be sure you take it to the Black Covenant, should it not come to you, or wherever you require it.

Leave it in there and check on it, whether or not it's a god or a god, that kind of thing.

And then now take care of the technical system.

Oh, yeah, yeah, yeah.

You give us something.

How does that sound to you?

Is that possible?

Mr. President, let me ask you a question.

Unless previous agreements have been made, either imply or affirm

I can get you to get out of this, see, so when the time comes, you can put that language in in case there's been a commotion.

Yes, subject to other agreements.

Let me see, Dr. Hanna, what's...

Yes, and I want to be sure we don't get into any possible negotiating position with you here, too tough of a... No, no, no.

Well, I... You're looking at the number one Nixon supporter on the Hill.

You know that.

That's not quite true.

Well, there is no problem with the government of South Vietnam, Laos, or Cambodia.

The Korean business, Mr. Passman, was there last week in Vietnam.

Now, let me just say this.

When I arrived in South Vietnam, and Dr. Bunker, who I've known for twenty-five years, told him to look to me in order to get this—that was my piece—to get the

the reconstruction funding that we were probably going to have to go on the basis.

And Chuck Cooper objected.

He said, this won't fly, and so on and so on.

I said, Chuck, you have them with you.

He said, you're thinking about it.

Because he started off on the tag that you infringe the credit rating of the country.

You get them with a big national debt, so they'll have difficulty borrowing from other countries.

So they'll have difficulty buying from a borrowing person.

What we're talking about is that no negotiation charge, no payment of any kind for 10 years, 1% for the next 10.

And then a negotiable position that you start with some determined that, well, wait a minute, you start with some determined that there is 3% or something, but we know, you don't have to say, damn, we're not going to be finished.

We've been making loans.

We got $14 billion plus, almost $15 billion worth of aid and aid predecessor loans on the books now.

Our problems have never been with the poor countries.

Our difficulties are Indonesia, Turkey, India, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia.

I don't know, we're arguing on the same side of the...

Doctor, you're knocking yourself out of 25 votes.

Now let me just repeat, if I may.

You have a positive formula, in effect, and that's item.

50 years, no interest, 10-year grace period, 1% a year, then for 10 years, and 3% for 30.

Now, a lot of these people, I'm going to vote for foreign aid, but I'll certainly vote for the International Development Association, or they can just take the record.

So stick to that formula, doctor, at the end of 20 years, at the end of 10 years, of course you can negotiate, but you get to, but don't do this.

start out in fine this is going to be different because i got the idea of a picking of the item formula i don't understand one thing i need my cadet to take my safety put in these loans i'm trying to get to get this bill soon i live with these people i don't just poison my mind up drinking every night i'm thinking and making notes all through the night going to work knowing what can be done cannot be done so stick with the item formula and i i want this i want to be a doctor

Listen, I learned a long, long time ago to let other people take the credit.

I don't want the credit.

This is to be, this is to be the part of Nixon doctrine I learned a long time ago.

I don't want any credit.

I want to back my birthday up, and I'm going to back it.

And don't even mention my name in this connector because the people are in this.

I handle my bills successfully, you know that, and I don't want to lose any of it.

uh support that you may get otherwise let's take my name to it well what i want you to say is to say it would to be what you said at the very beginning the first time we had this discussion that is that i know and you know that some of these loans aren't going to be repaid 20 years from now we're not going to be here somebody's going to have to face up if the country is like nigeria or some of those damn countries the goals are going to be paid but on the other hand if they're like algeria or some of these other countries got great petroleum or something else

That's a lot.

Listen, Dr. Hammond, I'm a board director.

In fact, we know many of these two $300 loans we're not going to collect.

It's a matter of not being criticized, but not making certain loans.

I love it.

That's why we're making this, Mr. President.

We're having a lot of blood problems out here.

Yeah, some of the people are.

Why not leave them in?

That's very interesting.

Yes, you went down to the reading, and it's so very interesting.

All right.

I want to say this, if this picture is going to be in my picture, it's going to have to be.

It's going to have to be it.

I'm going to give it to him.

I won't be smiling very much.

All right, by the way, you were smiling very, very briefly, son.

Yes, you were smiling very, very briefly.

Thank you.

Otto, I wish I could tell you more.

Listen, I'm going to tell you all.

Now, you hear what I'm trying to tell you.

You just let John know.

You're not going to let me do that.

No.

Listen, I'm a darling son.

And what do you hear?

I don't know.