Conversation 937-019

TapeTape 937StartTuesday, June 12, 1973 at 11:57 AMEndTuesday, June 12, 1973 at 12:36 PMParticipantsNixon, Richard M. (President);  Haig, Alexander M., Jr.;  Sanchez, ManoloRecording deviceOval Office

On June 12, 1973, President Richard M. Nixon, Alexander M. Haig, Jr., and Manolo Sanchez met in the Oval Office of the White House from 11:57 am to 12:36 pm. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 937-019 of the White House Tapes.

Conversation No. 937-19

Date: June 12, 1973
Time: 11:57 am - 12:36 pm
Location: Oval Office

The President met with Alexander M. Haig, Jr.

      Personnel appointments and management
           -President’s previous meeting with Roy L. Ash
                 -Budget
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       NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                           (rev. June-2012)

                                                 Conversation No. 937-19 (cont’d)

      -National economy
            -William E. Simon’s view
            -Camp David
-National economy
      -President’s forthcoming meeting
            -Arthur F. Burns’s attendance
                  -George P. Shultz
                        -Gold
                        -Monetary policy
                        -Independence
-Spiro T. Agnew
      -Telephone calls to Haig
      -Possible meeting with the President
      -Speech
      -Role in administration
            -Reorganizing
            -Energy
      -President’s schedule
            -Economy
            -Agnew
                  -Appreciation for speech
            -Possible meeting
            -Economy meetings
-Bryce N. Harlow
      -Role on White House staff
            -Timing of announcement
            -Haig’s forthcoming telephone call to Agnew
-Agnew
      -President’s schedule
      -Views on economy
      -Forthcoming Cabinet meeting
      -President’s schedule
            -Possible meeting
            -Appreciation for speech
            -Forthcoming speech on the economy
      -Need for President
      -President’s schedule
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             NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                                (rev. June-2012)

                                                      Conversation No. 937-19 (cont’d)

Vietnam negotiations
     -President’s previous conversation with Gen. Brent G. Scowcroft
           -Henry A. Kissinger
     -South Vietnam’s position
           -Election
           -Zones of control
           -Prisoners of War [POWs]
           -US casualties
     -President’s role
     -Cambodia

Congressional relations
     -President’s possible conflicts
           -Vietnam settlement
           -Budget
     -Possible vetoes
           -Ash’s [?] strategy
           -Views of Harlow and William E. Timmons
           -Override
           -President’s unwillingness to sign bills
                 -Taxation
                 -Education

National economy
     -Forthcoming speech
     -Administration spokesmen
           -President’s conversation with Ash
           -John B. Connally
           -Congress members
           -Pierre Rinfret
           -Public relations [PR]
           -President’s role
           -Connally
           -President’s possible radio talks
                 -Timing for weekend newspapers
                 -Raymond K. Price, Jr.
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             NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                                  (rev. June-2012)

                                                          Conversation No. 937-19 (cont’d)

                  -Topics
                        -Economic “fireside chats”
                  -Frequency
                  -Brevity
                  -Efficacy
                        -Substance
                        -Compared to campaigning
                        -Portrayal and perception of President’s activities
                  -Location
                        -San Clemente, Camp David
                  -Shultz, Herbert Stein
                  -Cabinet

Watergate
     -Elliot L. Richardson
           -Conversations with Haig
           -Views concerning Clarence M. Kelley
                  -Leaks
                        -Washington Post
           -Haig’s conversation with Jonathan Moore
     -Personnel appointments and management
           -Appointment of Kelley and Melvin R. Laird
                  -President’s efforts
                        -Haig’s leak to Washington Star
                        -Richardson and William Ruckelshaus
     -Laird
           -Role on White House staff
                  -Effort of Haig, President, Harlow, and J. Fred Buzhardt, Jr.

Watergate
     -John W. Dean, III
           -Possible cross-examination
                 -Buzhardt
                 -June 15, 1973 Ervin Committee interview
                       -Harlow
                       -Dean’s testimony
                 -Fred D. Thompson
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                  NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                                      (rev. June-2012)

                                                               Conversation No. 937-19 (cont’d)

           -1972 campaign
                -Democrats’ finances
                     -Possible General Accounting Office [GAO] investigation

     Vietnam and Cambodia
          -President’s possible veto of Congressional action

Manolo Sanchez entered at an unknown time after 11:57 am.

     Watergate
          -Charles G. (“Bebe”) Rebozo’s return telephone call

Sanchez left at an unknown time before 12:36 pm.

     Watergate
          -Rebozo
                -Kenneth Gemmill [Philadelphia lawyer]
                      -Background
                            -Dwight D. Eisenhower’s and John F. Kennedy’s administrations
                            -Spring Valley
                      -Advice concerning Howard Hughes contribution
                            -Federal Bureau of Investigation [FBI], Internal Revenue Service
                             [IRS]
                      -Handling of Hughes contribution
                            -Possible leak to press
                            -Motive
          -Haig’s conversation with an unknown man
                -Dean
                -John D. Ehrlichman
                -John N. Mitchell
                -Ehrlichman
                      -Dean’s forthcoming testimony
          -Ehrlichman
                -Statements concerning the President
                      -Possible allegations concerning President
                -Testimony
          -Buzhardt’s efforts
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       NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                           (rev. June-2012)

                                                Conversation No. 937-19 (cont’d)

-Ehrlichman
      -Conversations with Dean
            -Dean’s meeting with Lt. Gen. Vernon A. Walters concerning Central
              Intelligence Agency [CIA] payroll
      -Conversations with President
            -Clemency offer
      -Forthcoming testimony
-Mitchell
      -Contacts with President
      -Role
-Forthcoming Ervin Committee testimony
      -H. R. (“Bob”) Haldeman, Charles W. Colson
-Herbert W. Kalmbach
      -Conversations
      -President, Rebozo
            -San Clemente house
-President’s work habits
-Ehrlichman
      -Buzhardt
-White House response
      -National economy
      -Forthcoming Leonid I. Brezhnev visit
-Dean
      -March 21, 1973 conversation with President
            -Haldeman’s forthcoming testimony
      -Forthcoming Ervin Committee testimony
            -White House response
                   -Buzhardt
            -Cross-examination
                   -Buzhardt’s influence
      -Forthcoming Ervin Committee interview
            -Lowell P. Weicker, Jr.
            -White House response
                   -Patrick J. Buchanan, Ronald L. Ziegler, Buzhardt
            -Cross-examination
      -Forthcoming Ervin Committee testimony
            -Cross-examination
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       NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                           (rev. June-2012)

                                                 Conversation No. 937-19 (cont’d)

      -March 21, 1973 conversation with President
            -President’s response to revelations
      -Forthcoming Ervin Committee testimony
            -Cross-examination
                  -Conversations with President, Henry E. Petersen, Ehrlichman
                  -Content
                         -CIA payroll and Walters
                         -Payment
                         -Clemency
                  -Ehrlichman
                         -Petersen
            -President’s culpability
-President’s culpability
      -Popular opinion
            -Connally’s view
            -Credibility on Mitchell, Haldeman
      -News magazines’ stories
            -Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Mitchell, President
      -Dean’s forthcoming Ervin Committee testimony
-Ellsberg break-in
      -Leaks
            -E. Howard Hunt, Jr.
            -Dean
                  -Immunity
      -Dean conversations
            -President
                  -March 1973
            -Prosecutors
                  -April 1973
            -President’s responsibility, Dean’s responsibility
      -Dean’s immunity
-Threat of blackmail by Hunt’s attorney
-Ellsberg break-in
      -Hunt
-Dean
      -Conversation with President concerning blackmail threats
      -White House response
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                   NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM

                                       (rev. June-2012)

                                                            Conversation No. 937-19 (cont’d)

Haig left at 12:36 pm.

This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.

I had a good talk with Roy Haynes.
I'm sure he'll be fine.
He's a very good man.
He never asks for things.
He's got an awful lot to say about some of the budget problems.
He's got a lot of details to press.
I mean, he's got an awful lot to say about these things.
Exactly.
He said he and Simon got together and said they were very close to each other.
So, there's that.
And then the other thing is that I regard it as very likely the burners' presence is a critical question for our programs.
That's the purpose of all this.
I just don't know.
I have serious doubts about that.
I prefer not to just hear it.
You know what, if the IACB, that show we can go over and talk to them, then we get all this from you, since it's monetary policy and the goal is not being discussed, even if you ought to maintain the degree of independence.
You know what I mean?
I don't know.
The reason you're lying there is something else, but I just wanted to be clear with you on that one.
It's a nonsensical, jackass sort of, you know, and I've got to make tough decisions.
Dude, this is too crunchy.
You've had, you've got to lose it.
I've had two calls this morning from the Vice President.
He wants us to have a few minutes to look into that.
He said if he could possibly do it.
I'm not trying to try to bash him on his problem, because he doesn't have any problem.
I think he'd be very pleased with the speech he gave yesterday.
And if nothing else, a new role.
Well, I think...
I'm telling you, he wants a new role.
He wants a position across the bottom.
No.
We're reorganizing things.
He may want to take energy or something.
He'd be a disaster.
He can't take energy.
He can't do his own new role.
Well, I... Tell me, listen.
Ask me to do it first.
Just that I... Look, that I am working on this very intensely on this thing.
I don't want to write it.
I'd like to have a talk with him.
I'd greatly appreciate it if you'd speak, because we need 30 more.
Fair enough.
Right.
I don't know if this is the word, really.
I guess, you know, I've been meeting today with an individual.
I've been meeting individuals with all the members of the economic team.
I haven't talked to them this morning.
I played a lot this morning on it.
I did not see him today.
It should have been a dead problem to work with.
We're not going to do it.
There's no point in asking what the problem is.
Just say, well, he just delighted us.
Well, we've got Bryce, that's all set.
That's great.
And I'm sorry.
We're in good shape in the air.
You might tell the vice president that Gregson's coming.
I don't know how he makes a person come home.
He is.
He is so crucial and selfish, basically, you know, and this and that, that if he just wants to come in, why?
Darn, he's just not going to have any young clients right now.
I had his views on the company.
And God said, I'm going to follow him.
And, uh, uh... You want to sit down with me and I'll take care of it.
Well, shall we have him?
No.
No, he's not for you.
I understand.
We're going to have a camera tomorrow.
Huh?
And we can give him a little.
We'll give him a Friday break.
That's the way to do it.
But I should see him Thursday morning tonight.
That I've just got to spend all day with Captain.
unless it's something that has to occur here.
So I'm trying to spend the day that I'm meeting individuals.
For that, there's no meeting schedule.
I just meet individually with members that are leading on the team that I'm trying to engage with, saying, you know, I have these views, this is something I'm looking for.
Saying, David, no different results, and so on.
Now, it comes down to the crime.
That's what I was saying.
But Todd went online in the picture.
He knows what I did with Todd.
He knows how tough this is.
Well, he's here regardless.
If he does, there's something off the run, right?
I love it.
That's very sweet.
He leaves us on a mission.
And that's true today, you know.
We're having a tough time.
Anything without us can't fly at all.
That's right.
That's right.
That's can't fly at all.
And he's, uh, he's come after it, probably.
Maybe he wants to just recycle what he's done.
There's probably no more.
Oh, you're changing your wheel that way?
Yes, sir.
He said, you've done a great job.
I'll see you at surgery.
And we're going next to the cabins.
I said, well, tell him I'm still working this evening.
I've got his view.
So I started him up.
And he's an all day today.
And I'm just creating a pit.
And I'm going to bring him back to daylight.
And he's going to have to sit down and talk to me on this together.
And we also will probably go to a meeting.
And we should go to a meeting.
the two things that are left are just and consequent.
They really are just and mean nothing.
Put it in a way to reaffirm it.
They mean an election, so the North should agree to that, and do something about the zones of control.
The South should agree to that, because it doesn't make any difference.
Everything is words, it's words, it's words.
God darn it, they are difficult.
They are really difficult.
just from this all the way through.
On the other hand, thank God we don't have to, we don't have the kind of urgent need to, to bring that kind of bacon home.
We don't have, we don't have a little work going on now, thank God.
We don't have T.O.
who got his man killed, even by our truly, you know, you realize that?
That's what they gave us all about.
So it's a pretty awesome thing we have to come.
You're just as strong as you could be in that area.
It's a matter of having people in Congress for your responsibility there.
I can't believe it.
Darn right, so we should be on them, too.
It wasn't for your responsibility.
I've been thinking, too, that not only there does this thing unravel, I want to take the Congress on.
at a perfect time.
I know they're going to do it.
And the other reason I'm taking orders on this budget, I tend to veto some things.
The strategist I talked to about vetoing, he said he talked to you about it, and I want you to know, I am not one that goes with the tendency from Harlow that I was saying to you that it's a tragedy to lose if you lose on veto.
I don't like to lose money.
But if it's so wrong that I really don't think I should sign it, I'm not going to sign it.
I'm not going to sign a bad tax bill.
I'm not going to sign a bill that deals with $500 million over my budget.
You understand?
And we're going to have to take all this.
I'll blame them.
I'll say, reaching that kind of tax increase, the Congress increased the motion there.
You know, we're putting some of that in the speech.
There was a press reaction there that got in, and that's
That's why your decision is going to help this.
It's going to give us a platform for taking the strong money.
There has to be a conservative program of using every administrative force, force command, even picking up a couple of congressional people, even the ring thread and others.
Let's go out and dominate the media in those next 60 days.
That's what we have to do.
We've got to do good.
Good.
Good.
Everybody's got to do good.
So otherwise, they'll all go off to the beach and say, what the hell was the president going to do?
Well, I'll do everything I can.
But you know, I can only go out to bat on this television once.
That's all.
I can't go.
In 60 days, I can go again.
But I can't go more than once.
I'm trying to do it in 60 days if I can.
Now, we've got to get every one of these guys, and General Collins is going to help us on that.
He will.
He'll probably be the best of all.
Yeah.
I think we can do some great work for me.
I could do one a week on the economy, but it's another way.
We've got to realize that apart from the faults of the public appearances, the best way to get substance across...
which is then picked up, do it on Saturday for Sunday papers, and you get quite a flood at the end of that vacuum.
They, I think, price it all online.
I've got some 10-minute radio talks on the economy.
I've got to be on every week on the radio.
Fireside chats.
We'll talk about our economy, what we can do about it.
Why don't you do it on the budget?
Why don't you do it on the...
Food, much beyond farmers.
Exactly.
And that's the way to keep the region.
It's very, very easy.
We'll make most of it post-sanctuary.
That's an idea, you see, every Saturday.
And I don't have to yell every time.
And then I can go to the fences, come here for it, shake a few hands and say, thank you, how do you do?
But the radio talk allows very, very little substance.
You get that out of everyone.
So people feel your pain.
That's what it is.
Every week, every week, just like the campaign, every week for eight weeks, I'm going to be on the radio.
I don't want to say that in this thing, but I just want to write it.
It comes right on next week with the radio talk.
It's about the question of how it affects your, in other words, this would mean about essentially the family budget.
Right?
That's exactly right.
Exactly right.
So we've got a darn good campaign in this area where we'll at least have the written media on it.
That's the most effective way I want to do this.
Here it is.
Peaches for me.
Uh, it gets, it's not with the radio plays on it.
It's, it's, it plays all that, you know.
Or we call it, what it plays at night.
It's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's, it's,
to see the aid of Congress and say, what's the president doing?
Well, I don't have to be a 10-buck tutor to do something.
I can do it.
I can send a commander to obtain a favor to do it.
What have you?
That's a very good thing.
That's what we want to do, is bolster this presidential game.
I know a crazy thought that I believe is going to be in hand in there.
I'm going to wait for these guys to get there.
Well...
Yeah, I know.
I just worked for your company yesterday.
And I've been calling you this morning.
Well, it was a story.
It was leaked out.
I'll tell you how.
How you and I had to roll out of here with the FBI.
And you know I leaked that out from an agent.
Yeah, that's in the reporter's story.
That you had to cut through massive bureaucratic composition.
The point about this is the follow-up story indicates that when the operations are closed, the police select him and we have to roll him.
Now that he's got a number, now that he's not coming in out of this room.
You said you had him in?
I've never been called into this room before.
Yeah, it was real.
I had him in and then I got his assistant.
He's not gone far, yeah.
I said, you can't forget that I'm not kidding about this.
This is just not going to be done, right?
He said, he's a coward, basically.
He's not a fighter.
He's an obstinate, needily coward type.
And I said, well, he's just collapsed.
You know, he's been here for a while.
What I had put out, and it plagued me to the star yesterday, that you had cut through everybody, a massive bureaucratic opposition, everybody who were talking bastards in the local house.
to get this, that qualified man, and say, well, we're the few that brought Mel Laird on board.
Nobody else.
You know, there's always a self-serving crack by these guys if they spread around and make themselves look good.
That's just not right.
Sure is.
I mean, one person did.
Well, you know, Mel was a con artist.
It was your idea, and if it was mine, of course, I'd write it down.
Well, it was your idea, and I'd like to argue that you brought it up again.
You got into Camp David, gave it one or two, but nevertheless, everybody helped.
You helped, Harlow helped, and Bizarre.
They're all happy for that point.
Thank God.
But the whole team, the Scott Patrol, the Credit Union, every general economy, that's the thing.
They don't realize how hard it is.
But if we're going to put that in a certain map, we've just got to be solid.
And here's to that philosophy, because by God, if anyone wants to, wants to record it.
There, the strategy to try to desire a being is not to try to cross a dam or have to cross a dam on the way in private session on Friday.
But if you see what he says, then
I think that's correct, because I think that it will make Peter kill his hand first.
The problem with that, of course, is that it will get sped up again, so it's... That's right, that's wrong.
It's already standard.
It's not going to be that big of a fight like mail, but it will happen.
And also, we're just going to face something like that.
Isn't charging us or something like that always anticipated?
Did he tell you that he's got counseling like the other day?
Yes.
And he's feeding him some of that Democratic campaign stuff.
Yeah.
So we're going to get some backfires and stuff like that.
So he said, he also says, at least with regard to the Democrats, I've been asking, if you get someone to turn over the GAO and they aren't doing anything because they're afraid of the Democrats.
Well, I said, get a Republican to write him a letter.
That GAO guy is a great friend of hers.
We can't count on the GAO to do anything.
We're going to get some backfires from here.
We want to play this game.
We're going to play it to the best of our ability.
We're going to have it.
Now, for example, as I said, on the Cambodia Vietnam thing, that is, our option is to the right, and it's going to be taken.
And regardless, and if they say, I'm going to get signed back, I'm going to be told that I'm overrated, and then playing this Congress, judging against this Congress.
That's...
Well, this is the greatest tendency we have here.
People fight for their own narrative and perspectives, and that's the problem with the world economy.
It's across the board that many strategies are old that way.
And we're just not connecting our terms.
Are you taking that position you're building a platform for the whole day of next congressional campaigns?
And also, as a matter of principle, are you trying to not be presented out
I really, really can't, I don't believe in these things, and I don't believe in something like this, but I'm going to go with it.
What is the situation where also, did he call from the airport or not?
Hey, did he call from the airport?
Oh, sir, I didn't know the question.
Okay, which airport was he going to?
I don't know the question.
Oh, yeah, what time?
Can you give us five, six, or ten minutes?
I don't know who you're calling from.
Yes, sir.
And did Wade happen to stop you?
I did your dissertation about 20 minutes ago and I sent it to the National Advisory Committee and now it's gone.
Yeah, but now I haven't called any other.
Ah, oh, he said Ted, Stephanie, everything is done.
Just to let you know, everything is okay.
Everything is done.
He was very impressive in that he was a supporter of Eisenhower's and in his administration and some confessional matters in our years as a general counsel or something of that sort.
Had been a neighbor of mine in Spring Valley.
And that he was totally on our side.
And that his advice was excellent.
He talked very quickly to Jim, I believe, across the board.
And that was that.
And that's what I could have done.
And he said, apparently, though, the advice he just gave was the same that he got from the president.
He says, just return the money.
Get it out of his hands.
And he heard it's known as the same bills.
So he was going to go like it.
He spent it in on the appropriators and raised the money.
See, he's in a hell of a position on that item.
He's not done yet.
He was no more a pervert than he used to be.
I think he asked because he says he's an honest man.
In fact, he didn't submit it because he thought they'd use him in embarrassments.
That was it.
Well, he was right.
That big thing is that we've got to be honest about everything.
That's counsel.
That's right.
That's right.
Of course, if you don't see the girl, you don't know.
Good.
That's the point.
The IRS, money is returned, common accounts are in the case, they've got an interposed with them.
Maybe they're campaigning to elevate any of their technical functions.
It's, uh...
If they've got to get the money, because we've gathered, we've used it in the book, it's just like, it'll come out anyway, it'll come through the chip, but the money's returned.
It's gonna be a story, and they'll whine about it for a little while, but...
So the other had the money, he returned it, the exact money.
What's the news?
Because he uses a car.
And it is judgment that he didn't feel it would be, that it would return him, that it would be not helpful.
Like, embarrass the president's campaign, that's where they put him in.
And they turned it after the campaign.
That's just what happens.
And it's true.
Now, the real...
He thinks we're in very, very good shape.
He says it's going to be some tough goings here.
But me, I think we're going to start doing the job.
That's right.
Well, it's so good to be here.
No, but we can't ever discount that possibility.
I don't think he will.
John was really done an awful lot of talking, you know, in various forms for his testimony.
And he hadn't got much flexibility, paternally.
There's no way he could really do it without opening himself to burden.
He said that the President was not involved, John.
I didn't know about the financial payments.
I didn't know about the...
It's all under oath.
And it's all under oath.
Good heavens, I don't see, John could say as well that he's, I don't know what he'd say.
He really can.
He's really spread out.
He himself is very, very boxed in now for his testimony, which is under oath.
So I think that the pitfalls have been very, very much reduced.
And that's what I like about this article.
He just follows every backhand thread, every one of these works that he talks.
Well, I feel for John, because I think that Dean may have reported more to him than he may have implied to him.
Let me show you.
Now, on the other hand, Dean did a lot more than John did.
He was, for example, going to the Walgreens.
John never suggested such a damn thing.
In fact, I'm confident too that I know John never came to talk to me about anything.
Never, never, never.
I mean, I heard comments, and John just said that was just ridiculous.
And he walked out and told me to go ahead and do a pay-per-view.
Now, he might have told you he's the latter, but John's not going to testify that I fought for him.
Because he knows he's not going to let him.
He has said that he's got variable flexibility to handle anything that he's already said.
Because he's an on record, on the road, with denials across the whole spectrum.
He is.
Now, he's got a whole spectrum, as you have said, and he's not good at selling.
So he's probably going to get some heat, but he hasn't.
There's no way that he can, uh, he shouldn't face these things without being in deep, deep trouble.
But, Al, the way I feel about John Mitchell, John Mitchell, I don't think he'd do it in a personal sense, like, for a second.
I have no contact with him, whatever.
So I know that's just, I think he just really started directing there.
The second one is, Holland will be like a rock.
The third one is, Colts will be like a rock in a curious way.
About the president, he'll knock everybody else.
It'll help.
Come on.
We ran down, and I was a concern, and I knew I had never talked to Tom Black about it, but I found out that somebody said that I had seen him in July.
Well, it was about the same time, and he also had come about talking to me.
They had been talking about other things.
He said, absolutely not.
I had never mentioned it to the president.
The president had never mentioned it to me.
Absolutely not.
So I said, well, you get the others.
I never talked to him.
I mean, that is the beauty of my very, shall we say, not blanding around with too many people.
I mean, I've, uh, I've just, uh, I've been backstage.
That's not it.
That's not anybody else's.
That's why I, uh, I don't know.
The third thing is that we're going to get through this very well.
We all have the tough period where it's a gap between what the
and where it gets chopped down.
That we have to be prepared for.
And quite frankly, it's a major factor in my thinking about the economy.
Not that the God damn economy, that we wouldn't do it that way anyhow.
But it's all the more important that the chair is in the leadership position.
We exert leadership on the economy.
We hope to introduce you.
Oh, that's going to be great.
Yes, sir.
And that will be at the time when he's father-in-law.
So they'll play it out like hell, but the church goes on and on and on.
And what?
That's the best concern.
That's the best interpretation.
There were repeated periods of disembowelment and engine failure.
Up to a restaurant.
And then for you, Sutherland, he's become a factor.
He says, well, he doesn't say anything.
He doesn't worship.
He talked about it, and then he tried to say that I was crap to the effect that I couldn't go out and be weak and brave.
I can't do that.
But I said, that's not the point.
Let's see where it is.
And that's right.
But that's all in the story.
But all of it will be on for long after Dean.
I don't know how we handle that when it comes up, because we've got to be prepared to knock that down.
Probably in a...
I guess it's hard to be prepared on that.
I don't know.
Why not, sir?
Well, we've got to...
He's not really firm yet on how he... What he wants to have is a cross-examination.
And when Dean starts this, then we can get close across his organization.
That is very important.
Yes, that's the list, of course.
That's what he'll do, a public session.
He's had nothing to do with it for Friday, though.
Now, on Friday, though, they will leak out of it, the fighter and others.
So we've got to have a straight, flat-out denial.
And this is, and that, and that, and people were showing him a street photo, and he said, here's a man, he said, into a community, who violated his trust.
I said, what community?
And he said, it's a lie.
I said, it's getting awful hard.
He must be getting awful hard.
I thought about two or three sentences.
I thought, I might as well work on that.
Whatever Dean, whatever leads up to the Friday thing,
That's right.
That's right.
This is yesterday, so it's Sunday, July.
A good, tough state would be Evolve, perhaps, but in Buchanan, their doors went as they were.
Kind of bizarre.
with regard to what each of them need right now.
I think something's got to come from the White House on that, unfortunately.
Yeah, I think so too.
We're going to have to do something.
Especially if there'll be a cross-examination of them.
There'll be some, but there won't be what we give them then.
I think it's best, though, that our cross-examination should have come after he's out on the limb.
And we know what the devil he is saying, and then we can make a story of Jesus.
He's not on the record with any of these things, except for these sorcerers, right?
Take a small thing.
I don't know if it's going to be worth it.
Yet I was aware of the covering and all that sort of thing.
I knew about it.
Why did I jump out of my chair and he came in and told me about it on March 21st?
Why?
Why did it take you so long to tell the president?
The other thing that Jerry has on his arm, the way that he doesn't know what's going on, is there is a question, you ask him, now, how often do you see in this period from June on until it's coming off, do you see any features?
He goes, it's true.
And he says, well, now, we've got numbers.
He's got it.
How often do you call him on the phone?
In this period of time, did you tell him about the meaning you had about this before 2017?
Did you tell him about the payments, because the payments were being made and you had initiated them?
Did you tell him about the author of the clemency?
That's the fact of the matter, that's right.
You understand, he is the president's counsel handling this investigation.
Yet, he was hiding it not only from the president, but from the assistant attorney general in charge of prosecution.
And what he will say is that he told her, he expected her to come.
After all, he was the one in contact with Peterson.
That series of questions could be very interesting if you tell him.
That's right, he's just going to be two weeks.
And if you tell the President, I'll go right on and hold it.
If you tell the President.
And if you tell me Henry Peterson.
That's exactly right.
But let's put it at his worst, suppose he does come in.
You know, slams around about the President, anywhere, the cover up, crying, the cover up, up, up, up, up.
So be it now.
That impression is already in the country.
And I think it's going to be rough for a while.
We've taken our marks on it.
And we just, yes, that's why we plan out, not any details, plan out how we're going to do it.
We can't do it.
We can't do it.
We can't do it.
A couple of sentences.
But just...
Just having in mind the fact that then the country's got each other.
He's going to believe, never believe in Russell.
He's going to believe in River.
He's going to believe in Mitchell.
He's going to believe in Baldwin.
That's what he gets down to then.
And there, it's going to be a process of time.
Oh, I know this.
I do think that we have taken so much from this already.
I mean, my God, the news magazines have had cover after cover.
Did the president know?
How much did he know?
I mean, how much is he hiding?
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
You say Chargers.
I think he's the only one with this man.
I got some questions.
Yeah, we've been talking about him.
You know, the break-in.
I mean, the Ellsberg attacks.
How the hell that got out?
I don't know.
Everyone thought it was Hunt.
What?
How it went?
Good, tough guy.
It was Dean.
That's how he first tried to get immunity.
He went over and told me, Scottie, I'll give you a submission and keep on leaving.
Well, I think he told me about it, though, in March.
Yeah, I thought the oaths were great.
He told me about it.
Yeah, that was in April when he broke.
No, no.
He told me about it in March.
And then he went to the prosecutors and told them in April.
Yeah, that's when he told the prosecutors.
Yeah, but he told me in March, March 7th, 13th or something.
I said, well, what about this?
What the hell did they do it for, and so on.
It didn't occur to me that asked, well, this has been recorded, and he's my counsel.
I'm not supposed to pick up the phone and tell the Attorney General.
My counsel just reported something you ought to know, Mr. Attorney General.
But, how and why in God's name would he have tried to use that kind of information to get the immunity?
If he had intervened in the farm with the farmers here, he didn't have it.
I don't think he could have had it.
That's my point.
Well, I said what he wanted on that certain week ago, but he made the dog pay off.
I mean, you know, conversation about the hunts, uh...
Fraternity, you know, fraternity, but he doesn't know that.
Yeah, he doesn't, but I'll get it.
So we probably use that.
But we didn't know.
We're still saying he's pretty strong, but he can't reveal that unless he has an interview.
Well, you said that the President corrected certain aspects of the order to hand out the story, and certain aspects of the order to hand out the story.
Well, it gets back to things that are explained to all the national security people.
Actually, Hunter was told not to talk about it to the Ellsberg president, but he could.
You know, everything that's been said in the order to say that he corrected it, he could make up the fact that I said, well, we've got to get you off this phone, which I did not say.
I might have asked him about it later, what happened, mainly because I had to know what in the world was going on, and was his story brave?
I thought, you know, that's not what I'm talking about.
Whatever he says, he's got to deny it.
That's right.
That's right.
That's the whole thing.
You can't get any worse than that.
Okay, well, thank you.
And I think it's telling us that it's going to be rough for a while.
We've taken our knocks on it.
And we just, I guess that's why we plan out, not any details, plan out how we're going to do it.
We can't put up with a couple sentences, but just having in mind the fact that then the country's got each other.
You can never believe the rest of them.
You can never believe her.
You can never believe Mitch.
You can never believe Paul.
That's what it gets down to then.
From there, it's going to be a process of time.
I do think that we have taken so much from this already.
I mean, my God, the news magazines have had cover after cover.
Did the president know?
How much did he know?
I mean, how much is he hiding?
I don't know.
God damn it, they've hung him.
And in fact, he'd be the President of the United States every damn week or eight weeks out.
Right?
Now, I suppose the argument on the other side is, well, Dean then proves everything he says is true, is that right?
He's very sharp at this.
I think he's the only one at this point.
Against the President?
Yeah, we've been accustomed by him to break him.
Ellsberg thinks, how the hell that got out?
I don't know.
I don't know.
Everyone thought it was Hunt.
No, it wasn't Hunt.
Al Winfels.
Good, tough guy.
It was Dean.
That's how he first tried to get immunity.
He went over and told me, Scottie, I'll give you some information on Deaver.
Well, I think he told me about it on March.
He told me about it.
He told me about it in March.
And then he went to the prosecutors and told them in April.
Well, then he told me in March, March 7th, 13th or something.
I said, well, what about this?
What the hell did you report?
He didn't occur to me.
I asked, well, has this been recorded?
He said, he's my counsel.
I'm not supposed to pick up the phone and tell the Attorney General.
My counsel just reported something you ought to know, Mr. Attorney General.
But how in the one in God's name would he have tried to use that kind of information to get the immunity?
If he had information that was a farmer's ignorance.
He didn't have it.
I don't think the guy had it.
What's that point you want on that story a week ago about you hitting the dog and getting on him and making a conversation about the hunts, uh, fraternity and all that kind of stuff.
That is, but I'll get it.
So we probably can use that.
But we didn't.
We're skips in.
We didn't.
Based on that, we can't reveal that one unless he has an interview.
Well, you said that the President corrected certain aspects of the, uh, word, and that the story had certain aspects of the word.
I'm quite not worried about that.
I don't think it's back to things that are explainable in the national security system.
The actual times, the times don't lie.
I might have asked him about it later, what happened, mainly because I had to know what in the world was going on and was just starting to pray.
That's right.
That's right.
That's right.
Thank you.