Conversation 943-008

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It rained.

It rained here this morning, too.

I'll let you know.

Okay, so we go.

Takk skal du ha.

God bless you.

Teksting av Nicolai Winther

See, the timing mechanism is not working.

I won't be able to open that for another hour.

In one hour, it will unlock itself.

It's a way to discipline yourself.

That's right.

Mr. President, on a personal level, I'd like to just say that as I was being seen off at the airport in Moscow, and all my colleagues and my comrades were there, and I had a few words with them, and I just said, I thank you all for your trust that you've invested in me for this visit, and for my talks with President Nixon.

And I only hope that you will support me in all that we do together with the League and the President of the United States.

And all of my colleagues who were there at the airport said that they were absolutely confident that these new talks and summit level between the Soviet Union and the United States would yield new and truly historic results.

And with those words, with that send-off, I kindly stepped up to the plane and flew out to Washington.

That was really a...

And also last Thursday we had our regular meeting of our leadership, the public bureau, the party, where we had a free discussion, a long discussion, about Soviet-American relations, about all that has been achieved already, and all that we want to achieve in the future.

Thank you very much.

Although, doubtless, certain problems are complex, and they may be difficult of solution for both yourself and myself, but I always believe that there are no situations out of which a way cannot be found, and there are no problems for which a solution cannot be found.

...что я действительно, ну, как-то смотрел на поездку в Санкт-Петербург, да, несколько каких-то профессиональных позиций, кроме тех, о которых я сообщал по камерам.

Но потом тогда я узнал, что я в России не в Санкт-Петербурге, очень не в Санкт-Петербурге.

Теперь я рад, что я пересмотрел свою точку зрения, и что мы будем в Санкт-Петербурге.

I just make two personal points before we go over to the official discussions.

I was told that the first I had to follow, let's say, you know, perhaps, now that I've had certain doubts about the San Francisco visit, and that's why I came to contact Williams really last year.

But then, when I learned that you were very anxious for me to be there and go there, I am now interested in meeting you.

And I immediately responded.

And I am, let me say that I am now really happy that I have revised my financial decision for children.

And it was a personal decision on my part.

And I do believe now, especially when I know that you, the symbolic symbolism that you put into the name of that house.

House of Peace.

Exactly.

And I do believe, as I said, I'm happy that I'm going there.

And I do believe that that symbolism will turn into reality.

And that is something that I...

For a short time, I hope, but anyway, that's the way it happened.

And then I also wanted to bring my son along, but then he has his own cares, and the trouble is that my grandson, his son, is finishing his high school this year, and so he's got his examinations, his graduation examinations, and then his entrance examinations to Moscow University.

Thank you for watching!

You do it.

So I assured that I would let them come to Washington to be able to spend some time with Trisha and your younger, and your other children.

My son, my daughter, and my daughter-in-law wrote a collective letter.

That is an assessment made by people who live in the world today.

But for the historians of the future, I'm sure that the meeting will be a subject for discussion.

that we might value in the future too.

And here is not being a vanity that moves us, but the idea, the profound and important ideas of peace, peace not only between our two nations, but between other nations in the world as well.

And that is a factor that gives a particular significance to the thoughts we had last year in Moscow.

to the United States.

Those two meetings will also serve and will also benefit the preparation

a new visit to our country next year.

And this is something about which I am certain.

Something which I will be able to formally announce at some, a little later.

Gee, now that's good for you.

I accept it.

I doubt any other people see it.

I think it's important that not only the people, but also the people of other countries and countries greet our Moscow citizens and the people of other countries.

I think it's important to say that the people of other countries greet our Moscow citizens and the people of other countries.

Isn't he important?

that not only the peoples of our two countries but others too should welcome the results of meetings between us and i believe that we can safely say today that the vast majority of countries of the world did welcome the results of our meeting and all the results that we in the intervening period between our two meetings and their

that is not the overriding factor.

And the most important thing is that most nations do take a positive view of the results of what we've done.

In relations between these nations,

In this context, I would like to talk to Mr. Tsai.

It is my pleasure to say that

I'm afraid to say it now, but I'm not going to lie.

that after our six months, Yaltsin, Kaya, Demeter, Tsukai and the 27th address received more than 100,000 letters, in which people politely respond to the results of our six months, to the goals that we set for ourselves.

I say this because it is very important for us.

I rely on the feelings and the will of the people who send me their letters and messages.

I don't want to put them in a poetic form.

I mean, the people who have never been a writer, a poet, a sculptor.

Apparently, the question itself is whether it is important or not.

If we go back to May, to June, a year has passed.

There is a reason to say that we are at the end of an old story.

and the beginning of a new history.

That's why we don't call it a historical meeting.

Perhaps,

Maybe I'm going too far, but maybe this is when people say that it was a sinful meeting and sinful decision.

If we are with you, then what we talked about in the beginning about all our friends, and from now on there is no such thing.

If we bring our case to a logical conclusion,

and the liberation of our people from the waves of war, but also to make it possible for the planet to live in peace, and for the people on our planet to live in peace, I am sure that there will be no other word to describe these epochal events.

Because the whole history that you and I are living, the school, the country, the media, the new history, what is it all about?

And the Orthodox are always the same.

That is, we are always the same.

This is what we have been taught.

And we want the future generation to learn a new history.

We probably cannot fully understand this with you, but the meaning of this great meaning, as if it were a journey of days, a journey of work,

in the form of a sheet of paper that we write down, on which we sometimes argue, what we are doing.

And I say this with all my responsibility, with all the awareness of this issue, relying on the will and the program of our party, and this is 15 million organized in the sphere of the party, in the sense of 35 million young people there with us.

It's a different country.

It's our people.

I belong to the 89 million workers in the collective farm business.

So it's not just an act.

I'm sorry.

and scale, and population, and level of economic potential, and military power, and science and culture, then, of course, the relations between us, as you and I have said, and our friends, the good relations between us, can not affect the world climate.

I'm sorry.

And in that context, I must say that a major factor in relationships between any two nations is the confidence factor.

It can be slain in various ways, in various forms.

But also we have to base our actions.

on the trust of the people that we represent, whether it be in terms of party confidence as members of your own party, or, but most important, it is the confidence of the entire people of the nation that you represent.

Now, one year has passed since we met last, and it is very important for us in our country that the citizens of the Soviet Union

working in different trades, different professions, workers and scientists and economists, people of all trades and professions, have been writing numerous letters to the Central Committee in which he, Anthony Christian, in which he expressed their views and their assessments and how they, and write and tell us how they see the importance of the Soviet American Sun.

Perhaps I, I don't know the exact number

all of you, I say that I received, both as General Secretary of the Senate Committee and personally, over 100,000 letters from people in all walks of life, wholeheartedly approving the meeting, the summit meeting, the Soviet-American summit meeting, and the meetings that we are pursuing in these meetings.

And this, I consider to be most important, because then I can be sure that I am indeed supported in what I'm doing by the people of my country.

And you know, there are some that are even couched in political form.

Now, this is not the time or the place to do it.

I'll start with you later on.

Now, honestly, I was very curious that are the, in Rick Baxter, the Russian man, it's the kind of thing that no poet could ever write into or read, or else he had for,

But you know, I'm amazed by how he had there in his brief poem, he had lucid and succinct analysis of what we sometimes spend weeks discussing.

So, if you take the past year from May last year to this June, I think we have full ground to say we have put an end to old history in our relations and made a start on new history.

And that's why that last year's meeting was regarded as an historic one.

uh maybe in fact maybe in the future people will even call last year's meeting as i said when we were talking together and uh i'm gonna say it now because that's what we have those secret spots wherever from uh these gentlemen if we can really

to secure a peaceful, a truly peaceful life for the nations.

That means, surely, will be turned an epoch-making one.

After all, we all have studied our history, our ancient history, our middle history, modern history.

And what have we studied?

We studied wars waged by the far old one against the other, by kings against each other, by some prince against some queen, and the resistance put up by that queen, perhaps to the assault of the prince,

That's what it was all, that's what history was all about.

The Roman Empire, its rise and its fall.

Austria-Hungary and its rise and in turn its fall.

And that was the basics of history, the basics of wars.

But what we want new generations of people to stay is peace.

And

I can't give a complete assessment of all that has been achieved, of all the results.

And that is perhaps something that the future historians will be in a better position to do.

But I am heartened by the fact that I can, that my policies rest on the support of the members of our party in the Soviet Union and on the

full support of 89 million adult working people in my country.

So, if I sign a joint document with the United States, that is not something that I merely do in a personal capacity.

When I do so, I really am sure that I'm signing a document on behalf of my entire people.

So, this, today, this is a visit.

But two years hence, this will be regarded, this period will be regarded truly as a new epoch in relationships between our two nations.

Now, we will have time in the future to discuss other problems, international problems, such as the European Conference and many others.

But right now, we are talking about the relationships between us, between our two countries.

And as you said, Mr. President, earlier, our two nations are indeed very big ones, very strong in the economic, industrial, scientific, cultural, and other fields, and, of course, strong militarily.

And it is true, I agree with you, that our two countries cannot but, being big as they are and strong as they are, cannot fail to influence the general situation in

And if you agree with what you said earlier on that subject.

There are various parties for this.

Social-democratic, workers' parties, other communist parties.

Given this, if we add that they don't want anything and don't wish peace for the people in this life,

What can we say on the basis of the fact that we have created a new historical unit of relations between the United States and the Soviet Union?

On the one hand, we have not only settled on those documents and ideas that were written in Moscow,

It is possible to say that you and I have gone through a great and very important stage in life and in our country.

They said that our visitor...

So, uh, we can also see that, uh, last year's meeting was supported, apart from our countries and our peoples, also by the people of the European states, like France, like Western Europe.

Surely, uh, I have, uh, Washington time and Moscow time.

I don't have to, uh, count back or forward.

One tells me Washington time, the other one tells me Moscow time.

This is the only way you can tell them to go to the bathroom.

When I just arrived, I was trying to adjust myself

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was not present during that discussion.

If Washington had been represented, it would have generated complete clarity into the subject.

And various political parties in Europe, and certainly all of the European

It was supported by the Social Democratic Parties of Europe, by the working Labour Parties, and certainly the Communist and other political parties in Europe.

I'm sure that you'll agree with me if I say that the nations of the world want nothing better than to see all the countries of the world being a tranquil light in peace.

And from that standpoint, it is true to say that the meeting and the talks in Moscow last year were constituted a new phase in Soviet-American relations.

And, uh, just as last year's visit evoked a great response all over the world, so too, as you said in your speech some time ago today, this visit is one that will be followed with great interest by the people of all the world.

I would like to say a few words about the history of Russia.

Not our relations, but the history in general.

Each letter put a certain pressure on the character of the interstate negotiations.

There were periods when the main issues were issues of war, territory, and some other peculiarities of unification, and so on and so forth.

We live with you, Mr. President.

I will tell you my thoughts.

When there is a special meaning and a special meaning in the interstate relations, in the issues of good relations, before there are political issues, they cannot be separated from the issues of economic cooperation, cooperation in the field of science, culture and others.

of our people and the people of our planet.

And it was indescribable that the world has achieved significant progress over the last century.

In this regard, it is necessary to say that the development of the United States of America, the Soviet Union, France, West Germany and other European countries is more important.

Famous, well, I would say, special importance on the sense of the present, on the sense of the movement on the first level, on the question of politics, on the life, probably, of the last war, especially the second, the first war, when the people of the Soviet Union were threatened.

Every epoch leaves its own imprint on the nature of relationships between various nations.

But you and I, President, are living in an epoch when, in relations between states, a special role belongs to questions of political importance.

Questions of which color?

cannot be diverse from cooperation in the economic, the cultural, and various other fields.

In short, in all the aspects of the life of our planet.

And that is only too natural because the world has indeed achieved very great progress in all those fields in the last century.

This progress could not have been without

I have no right to say that the people of the world live by their own ideas and want to live by their own ideas, but not by their own.

progress could not be able to have an effect on the sentiments of the people, on their assessment of relationships between states and on the way that those relationships should develop.

And I can't even say with all certainty that all the nations want to live, want to thrive on progressive ideas, not on retrogressive ones.

And if this is true, then I want to emphasize with great force that the significance of our meeting, our five-day meeting today here with you, on your land, in your capital, with you, is the merit of the high authority.

There are few of them, but they exist.

I swear to you.

And if that is taken into account, then I would like to emphasize that a meeting in Moscow last year, just as this one,

for our goal, while that is, to lay the foundations for progressive ideas on which all of the people will thrive, people of all walks of life, people representing all professions, except perhaps for those whose chief profession is the business of war.

There are very few people of that sort in the world, and I'm speaking of the vast majority

of millions of people living in the present day world.

As far as the political aspect is concerned, we have moved far in our relationship.

Thus, we have received new support and economic cooperation between our countries.

In 2004, the political staff spoke to us about this field, but in any case, the whole issue was resolved.

In the past year, there was nothing to show that the results of what we have done were negative.

Rather, the contrary.

We have moved a long way forward, both in our political relationships and economically, too.

Quite a lot has been done.

Not everything has been achieved, and that's something we can talk about a little later.

But it is safe to say that we have moved quite substantially forward in our relationship.

I would like to talk about our common principle, our policy.

I spoke about it in Moscow.

It was stated in the Council of Paratroopers, as you know.

But don't be afraid of all the events that are going on in the world, especially those related to the results of the upcoming May visit, or the upcoming visit to you, and the activity of the course.

I want to repeat once again to the Party, and to the people, what kind of course we are changing, changing something or not.

This is a very important part of our life.

The fact is that when the Central Committee of the Party meets, I will ask a very big question of the international community about the activities of the Politburo after the meeting.

So, for the first time, we made a special meeting.

In what sense?

Usually, after the report, a long-term decision is made to approve the political and practical ideas of the State Department in the field of foreign policy.

But since it was close to my mission in the BAN, the Politburo has always been needed for everything.

Although this size was not a big resolution, it was accepted, but it was approved, and I hope you are familiar with it, Mr. President, which was clearly confirmed by the course that we took with you in May of last year and the course for the future.

I confirm what has been said.

I think we have the right to tell you that the general course of your profession, your profession, our profession and the profession of magic is chosen ahead of the preparation for your visit, established during the visit.

And what we will sign here is the correct course.

And the answer

I don't know.

as well as in the area of economic cooperation and other, so to speak, relations and relations between us.

And I agree with you that if two such large states as the USSR and the USA will live in peace with each other and carry out progressive policies, hardly anyone will dare to violate our concepts.

I agree.

But I don't see a future that is as distant as it is now.

We were joking here.

Luxembourg wasn't a state-owned country.

What can we do?

There are 92 police officers in Luxembourg.

principles of our general line of policy because that is something that we talked about last year and I had occasion to talk to once again the main principles of our foreign policy at the party congress but I felt recently that it was desirable for us once again to tell our party and our people

principle in respect of Soviet-American relations and in respect of foreign policy generally.

And this we did at a recent plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the Party.

And there I delivered a very major report devoted to the mind and the activities of our party and our government after last year's meeting with the President of the United States.

And for the first time, we changed our usual rule, which is that after a plenary meeting, we just, we approve a very small resolution, merely meaning that the plenary meeting approved of the foreign policy of the Communist, of the Central Committee, and just a few words more, we put out a fairly big,

at least for us, a resolution in which we set out our main principles in regard to foreign policy, and we fully defer the line that was taken by both our sides in May of last year, a line that we intend to go on pursuing in the future as well.

and all we need to say is that the line that you took, Mr. President, last year in preparing for and in conducting the visit to the United States, to the Soviet Union, and the line taken by your entire administration, and our line, and it is a line that, and our line, the line that took them and the line we are continuing now, is indeed a correct one, an incorrect one.

I feel that this fully accords with the words that you said today in welcoming our delegation, welcoming me to the United States.

I, too, feel that this present visit will enable us to take new steps in the political, the economic, and various other major deals and relationships between the Soviet Union and the United States.

big powers, big states as the Soviet Union and the United States, live in peace and accord and pursue and agree peaceful policy.

Hardly anyone in the world

uh... uh... uh...

87 or 97 police well um so what can we do about that i mean are you uh are you uh looking towards protocol thinking that we're running out of time

about if we are, if our countries are, if our countries are indeed very big and very important ones in the world, only if that is something that we can take pride in and live accordingly.

And we have no reproach against the United States for being

Well, now, I've been here.

Before you came, I was asked about the relationship between you and Milan.

Now I'd like to say that it was in the short term.

It's very important that in everything we do...

...in the first place, there is a change of faith... ...between the state and the people... ...but also between the people... ...and between the other people... ...and between the state and the people.

And this is what our president is doing... ...with this idea... ...that what we did in Moscow... ...and what we will do now in your home... ...just in time...

will have a huge impact not only on the leaders, but also on the people of our planet, precisely in the direction of trust.

And if it becomes clear and possible that the United States and the Soviet Union, such powerful states, possessing huge economic, military, scientific and so on powers,

can and will live in harmony in the world, and will carry out a principled policy of peace on the earthly plane, I think that we are just passing that deep thought, when we will gradually link this trust between nations.

And this is a fact, I would say, again, of the historical plan.

Today, as if we do not feel it, but it is so.

This is so.

I was recently in Poland.

You can imagine, not at all recently, I am a participant in the father's war.

There are still many living people who fought.

And what I saw, and how it was all perceived, these are the elements, the elements of trust that the mother begins to possess.

It means that we have tried this work somewhere, and I think it gives it a special meaning.

And I appreciate it, because Mr. Nixon, Comrade President, dear colleagues, all of us in this world today can live in peace.

Maybe even our children.

And if they have to go somewhere else,

that the people will start to die.

And how to die?

Not by tens, not by millions, but by hundreds of millions.

The world was not created to be destroyed.

No.

And that's why I'm talking to you in our session today.

I don't know what the conditions are, if the opinions have changed so much, because the President has taken, not officially, but the proposal that I have, and from our parties, and from the President, and from the Minister, and from all of us, for the next year.

It may be in the course of all discussions, but there is no such thing now.

and during the preparation of our trip to Washington, we will use this year to answer some questions, maybe not so big, maybe less, maybe more.

I'm not saying it now, but so that they will prepare us well, so that we don't waste time on sitting

Why does it need to be given a special meaning?

And that the documents would be so that they would show the progress from the 70th to the 71st, 72nd, 73rd, 74th, 75th and 76th years.

In the 76th year, the President of the Soviet Union could also support the Soviet Union.

We did, before the other gentleman came in, we talked a little bit about the importance of confidence and the need for confidence.

And I emphasize now that the element of confidence is indeed an important, perhaps the most important factor.

The last war and the events that followed it generated certain elements of mistrust.

And while we know the events that played a background of what happened, and there's no need to go into that now, but it is important.

Confidence that there should be confidence, not only between the leaders of our two countries and between our two peoples, but also in the world generally, and therefore between the leaders and peoples of other nations as well.

And I think that what we did last year in Moscow, and what we intend to do this year in the United States,

will have a profound influence on all the nations and all their leaders in the sense of promoting greater trust throughout the world.

So, surely it will show that if it is possible for the Soviet Union and the United States, two such great and powerful nations, to live at peace with one another and to

pursue a policy of peace in practice, that will serve to strengthen general confidence all over the big world.

And then we will have made a truly big contribution to greater, to stronger, and more lasting peace.

Now, just recently, I was on a visit to Bonn, just recently, and I participated in the Second World War.

I fought in it from the beginning to the end.

And West Germany is a country where people who fought in that war, many people who fought in that war are still alive.

And yet I was given a very good reception.

Now surely that shows.

the importance of this newly created feeling of confidence between our two countries.

And that idea is what will permeate all of the documents, all of the agreements that we sign.

Even though we don't say that in so many words, perhaps in each document that we sign, we both know that that is the underlying spirit of all of them.

We can say today, for instance, the president that, uh, Mr. Nixon, Comrade President, and, uh, all of our distinguished colleagues, and perhaps all of our children can, will be able to live a tranquil life.

But that is not enough, surely, because it will not be easier for us if we need a tranquil life, but if future generations

to live from a future war, and one which will be more terrible than anything that mankind has gone through in the past.

Now, we did have a little exchange about the possibility of another visit by the President to the Soviet Union, and as I said, we will talk about this more officially later than the President gave me.

next year perhaps we can give you the time between this visit and the next one to prepare some new questions for a solution perhaps less in number than the questions we're about to solve that we saw last year and are about to solve this this year perhaps there will be more i'm not now uh i don't have any uh any definite opinion on that score this uh moment but we can discuss that later

But I think we could really do some very important preparatory work in advance, so it's the same time during the meeting, and not have to go into every detail and discuss this or that problem point after point to some of all the details during the meeting.

And therefore, we could make it a broader and more extensive visit.

It could be a tour, a broader tour.

The system of progress from year to year, starting with the year 1972 and going through the years 1973, 74, 75, and 76, and after all, 76, if we take that system of year to year, the visit 76 will be the, in 1976, it will again be the turn of the president to make another visit.

we are, as I say, making steady, steady and durable progress in the right direction.

I'm not tiring you too much.

I guess...

No.

I'll hide it.

I told you.

I told you earlier.

...to finally solve the issue of what we agreed in Moscow on the provision of the Soviet Union regime for the present nation.

I say this because it is much more difficult to separate the policy and strengthen the trust without the evidence and the information.

Thank you.

But the most important thing for me is that I wanted to tell you about one thing in connection with our party.

There was no such party.

which made it possible for him to be protected in places completely in front of the Republican and regional archives.

In this case, I gave every area, every republic, a copy of my contract, and it was read and reviewed by all the parties, and now it is being reviewed on the Russian floor.

Thus, and everywhere, just after that, I heard a huge flow of letters, encouraging our politics.

And politics is, in fact, the politics of peaceful cooperation, peaceful coexistence.

Why am I saying this?

So that, once again, Mr. President and all his colleagues, with whom he conducts political activities, and the Ukrainian people, there is no doubt that the Soviet Union is conducting some kind of legal or some kind of political action.

It was necessary for me, it was necessary for the leadership of our country, and it was necessary for me to hear once again the voice of the People's Party and pass it on to the President.

And again, with this feeling and with these last words, I thank all my creatures in the most pleasant way, I inform the President.

If you don't understand me, for a country with a single party of 15 million, 35 million people, plus a huge workforce, to hear this voice, to go to America with them, is unpleasant.

I'm sorry.

Thank you.

the strengthening, it is impossible really to strengthen political relationships and to increase confidence without also, in parallel, increasing economic cooperation, economic balance.

Now, I'm not raising any different points or questions in that field, because I firmly believe that the matter will be finally resolved as we agreed it should be.

In fact, in the economic field, several partial agreements already come into effect, such as the agreement on the construction of Moscow, the U.S. Trade Center, and various other projects are underway.

But I wanted to emphasize here just one thing.

Now, in connection with the recent weekly meeting of our Senate committee, which discussed the problem, which discussed foreign policy,

On the contrary, in terms of politics, we have moved far in our relationship.

Last year, there was no, so to speak, so it did not get new support and cooperative cooperation between our countries.

Maybe you still remember what?

In the past year, there was something

The results of what we have done were negative.

And the country, we .

In the past year, there was nothing to show that the results of what we have done were negative.

Rather, the contrary.

We have moved a long way forward, both in our political relationships, and economically, too.

Perhaps not.

Everything has been done.

Not everything has been achieved.

That's something we can talk about a little later.

But it is safe to say that we have moved quite substantially forward in our relationship.

That's something we can talk about a little later.

But it is safe to say that we have

Our common principle, our policy, as I said, is in Moscow.

It was said at the meeting of the paratroopers, you know.

But don't be afraid of all the events that are going on in the world, especially those of the people.

Our common principle, our policy, I talk about it in Moscow.

It was told at the meeting of the Parakeets, you know that.

But don't be surprised by all the events that took place in this world, especially those related to the outcome of the May visit, the upcoming visit to you, the availability of the course.

I want to repeat once again to the Party, and to the people, what our course is, whether we change anything or not.

This is a very important part of our life.

And in the past, we did not usually, the main report that was delivered to the community meeting was not published or circulated among the local party organizations.

But this time, we changed the procedure.

And I had my report read out directly to the party organizations in the various regional, to the various regional parties

And after this, after all these regional meetings, which the report was read out in full, I got a new batch, a new enormous batch of letters supporting the line taken by, supporting the

Now, I say this especially so as to ensure that either the president or his colleagues in the U.S. administration have any doubts as to the fact the Soviet Union is pursuing – is indeed pursuing a steadfast and a fundamental policy, not one of momentary significance.

And when, when these, when, so by now, after, after this happening down, I would say that our entire party and the members of the Young Farmers Organization and our entire group of people are entirely familiar, particularly familiar with the

and therefore come here supported by the unanimous views of our people and their assessment of what we have been doing in the people of foreign policy to increase confidence in the world, to build up relations,

with all countries and particularly with the United States.

There are two countries.

I agree.

What will you do?

You left.

Of course, we don't set ourselves the task of turning the world's politics over in a year.

I don't think we should discuss it like that.

But I remember...

When, as we all know, the great scientist Newton looked at the tree and did not understand why the apple fell down and did not fall far from the apple.

And on this basis, he made the greatest discovery of the world, of the science of the force of attraction of the earth.

that what we do, and what we can do, will be the same law, only politically.

And it will act the same way as the apple that falls from the tree in the ground acts.

That is, the curative force of our politics

of our faith as a model that shows that such great powers with a different social structure can live, serve and influence in the direction of human ideas, we can compare with these laws.

It is in this category that I personally think,

agree that obviously we cannot set ourselves the set ourselves the goal of set ourselves the goal of transforming the entire international policy in just in just one year but in this context

The, uh, supposed story about how, uh, Newton formulated his famous law of gravitation by, uh, looking

And he therefore drew the conclusion that that must be the Earth's gravity that pulls it down in no other direction.

Now, how do we, if we can, we too are formulating an absolutely new law of gravity when we build our policies along the lines of cooperation and friendship.

Anything you can see?

will kind of tend to gravitate

And one more thing.

I've already told you several times.

I want to thank you again for everything you've said, for everything we've talked about.

I want to say that we all absolutely support you.

The taste that comes from you.

Are there any other forces that are fighting against this tension?

I would especially like the United States and the Soviet Union to establish a simple and reliable team, friendship, cooperation, and become an example of the most progressive ideas of the world and the world's health.

But I want to say for myself, for my character.

I mean that I am now using the party to my advantage.

I am at the leadership of the party, I am the president of the Supreme Council of the USSR, I am a member of the parliament.

What do I do in this matter?

I do not agree and will never back down from this, that against those who protest or do everything against our friendship, against the repression, who try to fight the fire

As the so-called enemy in this sense of the word, by way of concessions, this is the worst form of politics.

This is the poison of my beauty, or of my desires, of my character.

I am the one who remembers the revelation.

No, maybe it's not exactly formulated, but it's clear that it is.

Well, what?

Yes.

Now, in the present day situation, there's hardly anyone who could openly come up

the line that we have jointly taken.

A line.

But are there, are there any people still in the world who do not want the United States and the Soviet Union to be an incentive for all the world, an example of relationship

uh...

to those who oppose detente, to those who oppose better cooperation, better Soviet-American cooperation.

Now, in the struggle against people who do oppose all that, I will never make any concessions whatsoever.

Because to make concessions to people like that means showing weakness.

But why should anyone show weakness in questions related to the struggle for peace?

is something for which one must struggle.

The struggle for peace, yes.

The struggle for cooperation, yes to that.

The struggle for progress, for economic and other ties, yes.

And that is what we must and should all fight for without any concessions or outweighing measures.

Thank you very much, Mr. President.

I would like to say that I would like to thank

I hope that we will find a common language with you and that all the colleagues who participate in our conversations will help us.

Therefore, I conclude this general review.

I would like to thank you.

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to all your colleagues.

I would like to thank you.

What concerns the view of our motherland, my motherland, our government, on the issue of this unspeakable issue of Russia in the country, that life is not normal.

Last year,

At that moment, the smell appeared.

It was quite a heavy thing.

However, with the help of a little help, it will get better.

In this water, she will probably, with a special understanding, take on her duty to get all the work done.

I came here with a good mood.

So, this picture, I would say, is not bad.

As far as the industry is concerned, in terms of the production itself, the data is not bad.

It has always been in the low end, and now it is in the middle of the situation.

Imagine, for this 5-year project we have planned 501 billion rubles for new capital.

What is this?

This is a workforce, this is metal, this is cement, this is all sorts of roofing, glass, mechanisms, equipment and so on and so forth.

Of course, there are always some roughnesses.

I'm not just a writer, but I took him in and listened to him carefully.

He told me a lot of interesting things.

I like this fact very much, because in our country there is one of the most complex mathematical units of different zones.

You have to call these people to order sometimes.

I don't have any secrets, but some people look at each other and say, well, okay.

I, for example, a little bit, as you say, from everything that has happened, I haven't shown much pleasure.

When I found out that on the issue of cooperation in the field of agriculture, there were some doubts,

We have to call these people to order sometimes.

Well, I would like Mr. Gresham to do it.

We look forward to having them here.

But, Mr. President, I want to tell you personally, on behalf of Trisha and on behalf of Julie, my second daughter, to give an invitation to your children to come here and be our guests.

We really appreciate the care and the kind reception that was given to my daughter in Moscow.

And we would like to see your hope here.

Thank you.

At any time.

We have to do that.

Also, I want to say that I very much appreciate the personal remarks that Mr. President has made.

We must recognize the two of us.

I, for three and a half more years in this office than the general secretary, I hope for that long or longer.

We have the two most powerful nations.

that those two nations, where possible, work together.

And the key really is the relationship between Russia and myself.

If we decide to work together, we can change the world.

That's my attitude as we enter this.

And I also want to say that, as it seems to me, we must admit that you and I, well, I have three years left in my office, and you, as I sincerely hope, will be in your office much later.

But we are leading two of the most powerful states.

And although, of course, in the future, in various negotiations, we may be in the same class, however, it is very important that we work together, that we cooperate.

And in this regard, the main importance are those relations that are built between me and your empire.

And if we really learn to cooperate, work together, we will be able, you and I will be able to change the whole world.

This is the relationship with which I enter into our negotiations.

I would like to ask you two questions.

I just felt it with my inner heart, because my heart told me that I was very warm and worthy of your qualities and the role that you play.

This is the first time.

And the second time I first received such a big group of American correspondents.

I don't know how many of them there were.

One of them was a financial advisor.

There were cameras, there were films.

I'll try to go to our microphone.

I don't know.

I'll try to... Maybe it will be a real interpretation.

But a little later I'll change the film.

All these messages.

In these messages, gentlemen, I boldly ask...

with different positions on the role and value of Peter Nixon in the policy that he carries out, including the relations between our countries and the ideas that we put in our ideologies.

Moreover, I would like to remind you that in the years of 1905, a very large diplomat,

I want to tell you that even in big politics,

personal relations between the leaders of the states play an important role, and sometimes a very important role.

And I fully agree with you that personal relations, mutual trust, mutual respect, accuracy, even mutual agreement, even written agreement, help in the successful decision-making process.

With this hope, I will come and shake your hands.

Oh, thank you very much.

In fact, I did indeed have two opportunities fairly recently to speak with you as president.

Once was during my meeting with a group of American senators, and I was speaking...

And isn't that the mean receipt here to say that when I did meet you, Senator, I was struck by the fact that they all, regardless of party affiliation, have been sincere, and I hope to be a sincere respect to you, Mr. President.

And there was no attempt in any way to sort of needle you through in the way they talked about you earlier, or in their general attitude.

Karpkin.

It's nice to have such a conversation with you.

What kind of hope do we have now?

And what kind of hopes do you have for the atmosphere that you have built together with our president?

What kind of words do you have for us?

I just want to say it in a personal way.

It's nice to have you here.

In fact, after the meeting, Senator Markey, who's left delegation, he came up to me separately and he said that he's never had, so just in the meeting conversation, that he's never before had such hopes.

for a better atmosphere in relations between our two countries, as he now has after the foundation laid jointly by the President and by myself.

Now, he spoke very solidly, and I was moved, and I was deeply touched.

Is he a Republican or a Democrat?

What was he talking about?

Very partisan.

What was he talking about?

Thank you, Mr. President.

If he spoke that way, if you always

I responded positively.

Then I was in the field.

We went out.

There were a lot of correspondents.

One of them asked, Mr. Brezhnev, what will happen in America?

I told him that everything will be fine.

America is in America.

I'm not waiting for America to be in place.

And the terms of the visit are agreed.

I will definitely be in America.

But what kind of cargo do you have?

And I'm just recalling that I was asked once during my meeting with President Pompeo at the Slavon, one of the correspondents there, I met some of them, at the airport, they were asking me about my point of coming to the United States and whether that was still on.

I said, at that time, I said, of course it is, certainly.

And then in Bonn, out walking with Chancellor Brandt, there was also, we came across a group of correspondents, and one of them asked me, is your return to the United States still on?

So I said, well, we'll wait.

So, um...

And the first time, as I say, that I spoke to a group of Americans about my name, my respect for you, was with this group of senators.

And I really spoke from my heart.

And the second time was during my interview with the biggest group of American correspondents that I've ever received.

There were 11 of them.

In fact, I spent a lot of time with them, and I sent you a full transcript of my discussion and my interview with them.

And in that conversation, twice in difference of settings and different circumstances, I mentioned and emphasized what I see as the role and the significance of President Nixon and his policies in changing relationships and improving relationships between the Soviet Union and the United States.

But you know, a couple of things about 12 or so years or so ago, one former, very, formerly very prominent Soviet diplomat and statesman,

told me that now you, I lost that, you were just a sort of newly initiated statesman.

You were an up-and-coming statesman, he said to me, yes, at that time.

And he said, now, I want to give you some advice, he told me.

Now, you're new in politics, but believe me, that personal good relationships, even in grand politics,

are at times the most important thing for progress at any time.

And, you know, I remember those words, and I personally, I agree with them.

And I do believe that personal confidence

and loyalty to keep their gentleman's agreement without setting down anything on paper are the best thing for any relationships at any time.

And it's with that hope that I come here and in that spirit, I don't know, shake your hand.

And I believe that our personal relationships and the respect, which I certainly harbor, very sincere respect, I harbor with you, and I hope it's reciprocal, can be confirmed just by two events, and that is your arrival to Moscow last year, and mine in Washington.

Yeah, I thought it did.

I thought it was spoken, right?

that past or to emphasize anything out of the present, but simply I'm giving an answer in substance and what is, I think, realistic.

It is something that you already had in mind.

I am very happy because I have officially announced the invitation of the President to visit our country.

But on the basis of this, we also have a personal plan, ideas, beliefs, ideas that are in existence.

And I do not forget what we said in advance, that the whole world should be such that every year we visit each other.

Today, I, together with the President and the people of Washington, will join the United States.

Next year, I hope,

The proposal that was made in accordance with the construction of the building here, Mr. President has arrived.

And in the next, in the next year, he will be with us.

In the 75th year, if we get the proposal, we will be in Washington.

In the 76th year, Mr. Nixon will be in Moscow.

So the whole game should be based on this kind of cohesion, which is accompanied by new and new impulses for the people with whom we are connected, and who will continue.

I had a very pleasant conversation with Dr. Gessinger, and I guess he must have told you at least about it in general terms.

But I want to say now, and I said this to him yesterday, but I want to say now that it is certainly my very earnest desire that you should pay another visit to the Soviet Union sometime next year in 1974.

I think that would be very good, actually.

I understand.

You know, man, 75, you know, that's nice.

Okay.

Thank you.

And then you see, I think that you need

And it will be fully in accord with the arrangement of the agreement, actually, that we entered into last year that these meetings should be a regular, actual event.

So today, I'm here with you in the United States, and I speak with you because you will accept our invitation to visit us in 1974.

And then, if we get an invitation, we

come back to the united states in 75. um and then in 1976 you come play us another risk

And that will, I'm sure, this series of meetings of this sort will give new and continuous impulses to the development of a real lasting relationship between our two countries.

I have no answer to any of the questions that we will have to discuss and sign in the future NATO in Moscow.

This, of course, we will both advise each other on the basis of the possibility to establish a scheme and list future prospective issues.

But the experience that we have and which will come

The U.S. shows that if we use this time in the same way, in the same way of training, then Mr. Nixon and his wife, and those who accompany him, will have enough time to travel more around the country, to look at the South, to the U.S., in one word, without restrictions.

It will be very useful.

And you can ask questions in advance.

You can ask questions in advance.

Of course, I don't have with me any brief or any official or formal proposals as to the problems that we could take up for discussion next year or the agreements that we could sign next year.

But this is something that we could at some later point have a general discussion about.

I'd like to engage you to consult one another.

But I believe that our experience...

the experience of preparing for last year's meeting and preparing for this one shows that we can do some very fruitful work and preparatory work together.

And then...

Uh, if we do that prior to the visit, there is, there could be more time to be spent on seeing, traveling, uh, more through the country.

You could, uh, go down south, see something in the Caucasus, for instance, some other part of the country.

And, uh, in short, we could prepare all the business part of the trip so well in advance.

as to the minimal time for formal discussions and the settlement of various problems.

So, but we certainly seek to ensure that the next visit is at least as important as each next visit is at least as important as each preceding one.

I'll leave talk about that a little later.

Well, I want to say before the others come in that I...

have the same feeling of respect for, in a very personal basis, for the General Secretary, and a friendship in a personal basis.

He's a very, as I told people in this office of the agency, he's a strong man, and he represents a very strong country.

My greatest desire is to have this personal relationship so that our two very strong countries can be a force that's working together rather than like that.

If they work together, then the whole world benefits.

If they work like that, the whole world is greatly endangered.

I have a key, and I think that our personal relationship will unlock the door for the continuing relationship between our two partners, which will contribute to peace.

I would like to say that personally, I have the first feeling of respect for the General Secretary and just a feeling of personal friendship.

I have already said many times in this conference that the General Secretary is a very strong person, a person who represents a very strong country.

And my greatest wish is to have such personal relations.

which allowed our countries to become forces that will work together in the same direction.

If our two countries can work together in the same direction, it will contribute to the strengthening of peace all over the world.

If our two countries work against each other, the world can collapse.

I think that we are holding the key to the establishment of strong relations between our countries in the interests of the whole world.

Thank you for such words, for your thoughts.

And in this regard, I would like to say that I, for example,

I'm glad that our country is big.

We have millions.

With the same wealth, neither one nor the other, everything is already in the economic and industrial infrastructure.

With the same opportunities in the field of agriculture, in the near future, we will make it stable.

That's what I'm glad about.

I never said that it was a pity that I was living in America.

On the contrary, until the very last moments of my life, I was attracted to this university, which has a defining role among the students.

I spoke about America as a place of dignity and respect.

But I am very happy that we are not interested in our country, and not interested in the peace between our people, and the peace and tranquility of the entire world.

We are being asked for such an idea.

Two super-states.

What do you want me to do?

America and the Soviet Union, and Switzerland, and 92 fascists, and 8 more.

I'd like to say that I, for one, take pride in the fact that my country is a very big and powerful one.

It's got many millions, 250 million strong population.

It's got vast mineral resources and agricultural and industrial potential.

And all this is something that partners can't fail to do so.

But on the other hand,

I have never said that I regret the fact that the United States is also a big, important, a very powerful, a very strong, economically strong country.

And as, in fact, I told the last community meeting of our central committee, ruling by our party, the country, that the United States is worthy of the greatest respect as a major, as a big world power.

And I spoke of the role that our two countries can play in strengthening world peace and in working together on a basis of cooperation.

Now, there are some people who

Throwing in this idea of there being two superpowers in the world who are out to dictate their, as I say, to dictate their will and to force their will upon others and so forth.

Now, are we to blame for being big?

Are we to blame for being strong?

What can we do about it?

That's the way it is.

I mean, what do these people want us to do?

Because it's possible that it didn't, but it still could be so helpful for us to see them.

I mean, praise, praise be those who have made their nation strong.

What are we to be?

What are we to do?

To turn ourselves into some kind of a game or a country like that?

And surely, the main thing is the fact that we are strong, but we don't intend to use that strength against either one another or against any other third parties.

Now, and there are people, there are some people who keep reproaching us that we, that that is exactly what we allegedly want to do.

But those, I think that is a deliberate attempt to spoil relations thrown in by some certain people on the side.

Now, but, and doubtless that neither the United States nor the Soviet Union can turn themselves into a Luxembourg where the entire army is made up of 78 policemen

I haven't had anything to do with it yet, and I'm still in a patient relationship with it, but I think that over the course of a year, by circumstances, I will speak to you in a very serious way about the explanation of this super-state.

Of course, in a positive way, our relationship with the United States.

To break this, so to speak, the question that we are being asked.

and the patient attitude towards those who propagate that theory, the superpower theory.

But I think that sometime later, I'm going to make a big, serious speech and deal with that theory.

I mean, this is all the superpower theory, and I'm ready to strike out a game so as to crush that theory.

And in that speech, I would certainly emphasize the constructive role that our team has to play.

I think that we will not only solve the current issues of the nearest future, but we need to look forward with you, as we do with the high-ranking officials of the people.

If we do not act in this way, then, as the aphorism of scientists says, if you do not look forward, God will always be with you.

And I want us to look forward together.

And I believe that we should take up more discussion and endeavor to solve not only various current problems, but also we should endeavor to look far ahead.

Because if we can look ahead, we can really create a basis of stable relationships and peace.

And as they say, if you don't look ahead, you will inevitably lag behind and fall back.

And I want us both to look forward together to a peaceful and more peaceful and stronger future.

Well, I think the key is personal friendship plus respect for each other's equals.

Those two added together means a constructive and positive relationship.

And we have that.

I think that the key to all our problems is to have a strong personal friendship and also to respect each other as equals in strength.

If we can establish this kind of relationship together, our relationship will be constructive, good, and truly strong.

Thank you.

Now, as regards the schedule and the general protocol of our meetings, I'm happy to go along with any suggestions that you might make with all those that you have made with me, and any that you might be pushing to make in the future as regards any minor changes or addictions or alterations or anything.

Anything you suggest, I'm happy to go along with it.

I like the gig and campaign.

We'll have a good meeting up there.

I'll look out for the rest of the business meeting.

It's quiet.

I'm sure you'll like it.

Same goes for me.

I like him.

I don't know if this is so good for you, sir, to see a video that's not that good for you.

I didn't think you said it would be so good for you.

Well, yeah, for this little time, I mean, I like all of it.

I have a week to insert me, and I'm actually also going to tell the other ministers, I'm going to tell the chef, and I'm going to tell the first one, and I'm going to tell the second one, and I'm going to tell the

I'd like to have that too.

We can talk about it.

I think we should talk about it in person.

I can consult you on this, on the question of the prevention of treatment.

or this plenary session, we say, well, so we call it the first question.

So we have, we say something like, well, we have reached an understanding on this first question of ours, and then we can come back and talk about it and things like that.

Now, go ahead.

No, go ahead.

So to prep, then he makes the press in advance of where I can start.

We don't want anything to say about that, no.

And, uh, Mr. President, what's your, uh, do you have any ideas as to how we should conduct this first?

How do we start?

The suggestion is that I will ask the, uh, the congressional meeting guests, I will ask them to talk first.

Talk gently about our relationship.

I will respond.

I will probably be about to run all over the president.

I don't know.

Nice to meet you.

I was in a little room.

All right, let's see.

uh... uh...

Let's all sit down.

Okay.

Let's all sit down.

They ought to take...

I have the White House to talk to.

Well, and the Soviet Party.

In response to Foreign Minister Gromitko's question, General Secretary, I guess you two must have settled all the problems by now.

General Secretary, we sure have.

But out of our very great respect for Mr. Rogers and the Foreign Minister and Dr. Kissinger and the Ambassador, Mr. Sotomayor, we felt we should advise you nonetheless.

I'm really impressed with Peter on that, so if they don't attack us later... We have had a very good talk setting the tone and the spirit of this meeting, which is very important, because as the General Secretary has said, he said 12, 13 years ago, that a good friend of his has said that personal relationships are very important.

We should have a successful time.

Thank you.

This, of course, does not mean that with even good personal relations we can solve any question.

But the meeting in Moscow last year shows that we can still conclude useful and good agreements, and this should be our goal now.

That is very true indeed.

I would just like to add to that.

As I said a while ago, I don't think there are any really situations out of which a way cannot be found.

And you can always find a good way out, provided you approach the matter from the point of view of mutual advantage and you're willing to make mutual compromises.

And in that sense, we have...

Uh, we have the State Department to help us, and we have our other assistance and aid.

Check.

Very nice office.

Very nice.

Yes.

Thank you.

Tomorrow, we're scheduled to have a signing in the morning, and then a plenary session on economic matters in New Hampshire.

And we will play it by ear from there on.

And the plenary session, I think, will happen in New Hampshire on the road, because it shows, well, whoever you want.

In other words, we'll have a study of your waters, and then we'll have...

Uh, yeah, I don't know if you...

Thank you.

What other questions I would like to make that would be helpful in our schedules?

With regard to the key language of the mediation system, I'm not going to read it, but if the General Secretary agrees, I think we have the foreign ministeries at your service to work on that, and I think there's some time.

And also, we can discuss the narrative at this time.

whether I'm certain, I'm trying to know in regard to the security plans.

I think if those discussions were to take place, maybe it can't be, but I'm sure it's going to be.

I think most tips that I can give at the security conference, and I think the others as well, those two curves, yeah, I have a bunch of tips I can share.

And then I would like to say one more thing about our future communique, the new communique.

Considering that the formation of the communique in the Middle East is not yet agreed, I think that maybe Mr. Gromyko and Mr. Rogers could take up some position in the discussion of good clients on this issue.

And the second, another question...

But be sure that they are on the next level.

Yes, of course.

But, of course, we should instruct both of them that they have to come to a complete decision.

Otherwise, the situation may be that we will tell them to do it.

They will say that we try and try and try our hardest, but did not manage to come to any agreed solution.

We don't want that to happen.

This is a Soviet camera.

I had it, but I ran away with it.

And I'm very pleased to see that he's pleased with it.

And the second question that our foreign ministers can talk about is the formalization of the General Assembly meeting.

Those two are very important questions indeed.

I'm not going into their details right now.

I'm not too familiar with the substance of whatever differences there are on the European conference, but we can discuss that as we go along.

Well, you have the floor.

You'd like me to stop having you on the floor?

Thank you.

Yes, what do you do?

I don't want to go back to the past and the history of our relationship.

I don't want to go back.

Because in this case, there is a need to save time for the question of the history of the present and the future.

Therefore, I will try to make a general report and, if possible, to be exact in my opinion on the content and the meaning.

both I believe it would not be expedient for us at this stage to return to ancient history, to the old history of our relationships, not because that is a subject that is not worthy of attention, but because both in Moscow last year and here in Washington this year, I think we both need to...

reduce the amount of time spent on past history, and to devote most of our time to the present and to the future of our relationships.

And I will therefore try to keep my general review as brief, but as accurate and exact as possible, both in content and in substance.

However, in terms of what I will speak in the real future,

And in this sense,

I'll just say two words on our past history.

In order to come over to the present and to the future,

And I have to point out that in the past, our relationships developed very unevenly.

There was much in them that was good, and that particularly applied to the period of our joint struggle against fascism during the war.

But then there were various uneven periods in the development of our relationships.

And in that sense,

relations and their basis.

All that was done in Moscow last year and all we have to do here in Washington this year acquires particular significance and importance.

The Russians have an adage that says that life is always the best teacher.

And it seems to me that this is the life of these two great people, the people of the United States of America.

I, with love and trust, say that this human mind, so to speak, of Mozart, led us at one time to this idea, to this practical realization.

I think that this is the reason why we, not taking into account the circumstances and events in the world, met.

And I believe that the life of our two great peoples, the Soviet Union and the American people, and their leaders, has led us to the

conclude that we must think about building a new relationship between us, between our nations, between our peoples, now and for the future.

And therefore, I am deeply gratified indeed to emphasize that human reason

Let us both at one and the same time to accept that idea and to make it a reality.

And I believe that that is what underlay the very good and the businesslike atmosphere of our meeting in Moscow last year.

I still remember and pray

I would say, a very wide program of support, rather, in our people and, as it is not known, in the people of the United States of America.

and will go on believing that what was done was done in a sense in a profound awareness of the importance that all of our joint ventures will have for the future, that all of them will lead to the further strengthening of the foundations of peace.

And we met in Moscow last year, not in order to compare our strength and to compete in strength, but in order to adopt several very important documents.

And that is what we did.

And they were documents that won the unanimous support of our people.

Our people, I know that in your people, as I told you, I have confirmation of this fact, and from the majority of countries of the world, who called this meeting in our country, in Moscow, historical.

Obviously, this corresponds to the meaning of what happened in my last year.

I and our people are happy about this.

I know that our people and the people of the United States, and in fact most of the countries of the world, refer to last year's meeting and regard last year's meeting as an historic one.

And that universal belief emphasizes the true significance of that meeting.

And I know our people.

These are the people who live with you in the spring, today.

And history is a good foundation for major theoretical and political topics, which you have really covered with almost major topics, and not only our people, but world politics.

There is no such thing as Yugoslavia here, but there is a very strong idea of friendship, peace, not only between us, but also between all the peoples.

This is also a special point of our discussion in Moscow.

I am sure that they will be more protective here.

Thank you.