On April 7, 1971, President Richard M. Nixon, Melvin R. Laird, William P. Rogers, Henry A. Kissinger, Ronald L. Ziegler, H. R. ("Bob") Haldeman, White House operator, and James D. ("Don") Hughes met in the President's office in the Old Executive Office Building from 12:16 pm to 2:00 pm. The Old Executive Office Building taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 246-007 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
Oh, I'm sorry.
Those are two good men, you know.
Yes, sir.
They work for me.
Thank you, sir.
Well, we have to... Incidentally, I asked more than I've heard before.
I've taken a letter that I'm going to issue.
I've gone over this with Tom.
He's worried about her.
He's ready to hear the man to go over and tell the chiefs and all that sort of thing.
I didn't ask Collins because it's pretty obvious, but I didn't think we should have a whole NSC because I think, well, that would be negative.
They wouldn't have paid for aid in 10 years.
So let me tell you what we've had to come up with.
You're very close to it.
I think what we have to do here is we want to do maintenance and something like that.
We've got to do one position at a time.
I want you to know that there is a little bit of a case of bullshit here and there.
I've got to deal with that.
I've got to deal with the shoe.
I know what you all feel.
I'm trying to deal with all of this.
I'm dead right now.
I'm talking to you right now.
Thank you very much.
Of course, I'm going to let you know.
Here's the thing that I feel about it in the present time, is that we have to get along on it.
The main problem with God, and I hope that they're all the same, is that we have to stand up with the courage to do what we're supposed to do.
That's what I admit.
I admit it's a hell of a thing.
It's a hell of a thing.
It's a hell of a thing.
When I was in Denver, the story of the engagement was part of the Jets.
I was on the train on the 7th time circuit.
When I say the 7th time circuit, people would know that I was on it.
People would know.
People would know that when it appeared that it was not me.
or be lost for any reason at all.
It's not the argument that what the enemy knows already is the bigger option.
The enemy also knows that I am quite unpredictable.
In other words, the enemy in one eye or the other
We've been pushing them pretty hard, and I was writing to them, and I heard from them, and I would put them away, and they had all these kinds of goals, and they'd come along, and they'd put them on the military, and I'd tell them, remember, they didn't want to do the 25,000, and they'd squeal with the 50,000.
And I actually thought that that followed so much, provided that we were able to spread it over the year,
You know, their number is, well, it's around 80,000 or so.
Now, which is a reduction in the rate.
But the main point is that our problem here, our problem is one that we can't review very well publicly.
The moment you say, well, this is Christ, I mean, we don't want to bring this on to you.
Right?
So you can't use that argument.
But regarding the enemy, you say, well, we just don't want to.
There is some chance of a negotiation.
And that will run out.
It might even run out.
and what in the hell that is for us and for them and for others beyond.
But in the meantime, there is that church up this fall.
And they have this book.
They have this book.
They have this book.
But by that I mean the place being run off.
That's what I'm talking about.
Our real, the real problem is we've got the moment in mind that we've got to keep this going.
We've got to keep this going.
Once that is over, then we're in a much stronger music conversation.
We're in a conversation.
Then we've got to just get on with it when they know that we're going to be able to get on with the song.
And they have to probably get back to the real life.
That's your question.
But I talk generally about that subject because I have both a view of it, not my response to it.
I don't know how long it was that we were in college.
I remember, between those kinds of big, big years, we were told when we couldn't do it, this is dead, and we were in college.
And I guess, Bill, you know, you didn't partake in it, certainly.
Well, Cooper called me yesterday.
Cooper called me yesterday.
He isn't so bad.
Cooper says that all he wants is for us to say that we're going to get out.
That we're going to get out.
But that's out of A.
But that's a tie, A.
He's willing to leave to you in the light of conditions of PW.
Now we come to the other point.
The real tough one is going to be a Jack Miller, of course.
And if they would release our field, I think we would be able to get out.
Or he, or I, three, four, five, six, seven, eight.
There again.
I mean, that's an awful bad thing, except for the fact that unless you try to cease fire, you screw up the whole work, you're gonna lose the whole thing.
That's the tough one that I have.
If anybody's going to carry the field, I'm certain that's what you ran into.
You've almost come to that point, Mr. President, on what you've said.
The point is, we'd be glad to do that.
We'd be glad to do that if we could get that offered on a program.
but we can't do that.
We can't do that now.
I don't know why the North Asian Union hasn't made that move.
Why haven't they made that move?
We're in a bad position right now.
They've all destroyed some of the borders.
We're going to get a date out there in the Congress anyway.
I think it's your house of... Well, I...
It may end up that it gets tagged on the draft bill and we...
I don't think the date that they pick will be a date that bothers us too much, but it's the idea of their picking the date that bothers me.
I'm not so sure.
When you ask about talking to a week, we talk a lot about two weeks.
First, I think that we should believe in those brothers and sisters.
I'm not going to settle dates.
I think, suppose, but I think we ought to cover those strategies so that we don't have it all on the terms of my interest to speak out over the world.
And as I said, I think the principal question that needs to be answered is my interest.
Are we getting out?
And if you're a person, we'll show you.
That's on the street.
Secondly, it's been in the others, but they're going to use that again.
I'm going to assume, for example, that something like the church plan, which says that we should get out of the main circuit.
Well, that's the House proposal.
At the end of this, Congress gives us plenty of running to agree on it.
But you see, Mr. President, they all have a purpose.
You can put that at the end, but sometimes they don't.
I mean, not in terms of what we intend.
It doesn't bother us much in terms of our negotiating.
Yeah, we don't want to come out for that.
I know.
Let me finish with that.
If you do what I'm sure you're going to do tonight, and then Congress has some exhortation by the resolution, then
Politically, no matter what happens, if you can't get there because you're going to go, suppose if they can't work out the will, go a dark step back.
And secondly, if you go as fast as the resolution you called for anyway, then pretty soon it's going to be forgotten.
Nobody's going to care about the resolution.
So I don't, I'm not so concerned about it.
I think that I don't believe after this meeting.
After this month, after the end of April, I need to think about that.
Let me say this.
Go ahead, now.
Well, eyes up there.
My only problem with the other is that I think it's what everything you say is correct.
They won't have the credit to fix the date, but the only kind of time that we have to operate in is one week before the end.
So the plan is there will be no more support for operations in Vietnam after this time.
I've got to get to the military and get them to stop talking up there about SOAR T grades 73 and 74.
It was given just this last week to one of those states carrying out the SOAR T grades through 73 and 74.
You can't go up there.
You put your ammunition in the War Reserve account or some other account.
You don't put it up there out in the open like they want to do.
I know.
I have to go up and deny it.
But my problem is, I think this piece is nice.
Because, I mean, there is...
Everything that you can say tonight is pretty well discovered already.
I'm sure just feel at home.
And the kind of atmosphere in which we're operating here in Washington and in the country right now, I don't think that I have a greater stage.
Whatever you say is not going to be satisfied with anyone.
I don't think that this is going to be it.
I think that this is going to be around here more.
I think that there is no way in the country that it's not logical.
It's just a fact.
It's just caused by the length of the war
all kinds of things, all kinds of things.
And I think that I talked to a bunch of people and they're not against what we're doing, but they're just fed up.
And there's a slight uncertainty about whether we can manage to do what we say we're going to do.
I think it's a good one.
But I don't really believe that
We're going to get, I don't think Congress is going to get a consensus if the program of the installation was, uh, Congress can't do anything to take the credit away from the President.
The President's going to get the credit.
Well, Mel, what would you, there's nothing you can do then, but you don't suggest that anything could be satisfied.
I don't think there's anything that can be satisfied.
It wouldn't change that.
At this particular time, I don't know why.
Your thing, you suggested $104,000.
Well, as far as the announcement is concerned, Mr. President, I don't want to give you the impression that I believe that that announcement is necessarily going to change things around.
I agree with that, I agree with that.
No, I agree with that, except the only point is that there's been, of course, an unspeculation of the announcement.
I don't think it makes a little difference if we do a little bit more.
But, you know, I'd show some progress.
And as far as Lewis is concerned, Mr. President, I said to Cyril a lot of times, he's going to do it.
Proposition, let's say, both kids could get a whole year.
And, you know, we're not going to do much of that.
But that's the first one to come.
You know, we'd love a reviewer, you know, and we'd see if we could do that.
We deserve a portion of the job, and everybody would have a portion.
Well, here's what I think, here's what I've tried to do, and what we're trying to do, and what I've got to sell.
I've got to move the 104.
I just wanted to get to the problem that your military had a health problem with you.
And with you, I have passed the marker just myself, because I didn't want anybody to fall on that channel.
So that's one very important problem that you're going to carry on.
100,000 of our followers were in the military.
It shows progress.
It shows progress .
One thing, however, that I am sure .
Apparently, sometimes this conversation .
He said, I don't care.
I just want to be sure that there's 200,000 here on the right side.
So I wanted to do the telephone service.
However they handle these figures, there must be 200,000 there on the right side.
Don't keep yourself in any state check-in.
So I told Joe Bunker that he committed to you.
He said there's 100,000 that must be on the center first.
every month before, there will be 200 shots in the air.
So if you've got to, I haven't seen, that would be taking 65 hours in the last month.
So that's the goal of that.
You know that?
And then what would it be?
Well, what would we get from it?
It will be 184,000 on December 1st.
And we have to be sure that there are 200,000 dead at least.
But it isn't bad.
It's 200,000.
You're talking about 16,000 men that you've got to hunt away.
But it's delayed that much.
My numbers are just to be sure that on that time, we made a commitment.
Now, the purpose of this is solely psychological, solely psychological, and also a matter of trust.
But we've got to, let me say this, that we know that we may want, we said we may want you, and I think that you should come along with us.
I hate you.
But in order for that to be done, I don't want to break the trust standard that is now on a little issue, whether it's 200,000 or 180,000, 90,000.
If you do that, no, so you will say 200,000 appropriate, there'll be that 90,000.
Because that's how he wanted it.
That's what he told us.
Well, apparently, that's not getting to the picture.
And he gets it just like that.
Well, it's only getting to this picture.
He wants to put it up.
Well, why don't we do that on the day of the election?
If it gets out that we're doing it, I think it's only important that the election is here.
If it's there, why don't we do it?
In the first place, he doesn't want to do it.
We've got to focus and we're getting to that point.
I just had a personal issue with the TV, because I was going to take myself to some other place for breakfast.
I just had a message to up here, finding my life's purpose as a commissioner.
We've met with the National Security Council.
We've got a program of military people on here.
They do screw up by taking them home.
I think there's actually no big problem.
No, we can do that.
We always, we've always... You always put the big ones at the end.
We have to take lunch at the end.
Yeah, you pull it.
Well, we don't have to do anything now.
Yeah.
He knows it now.
Yeah.
We don't have to.
He knows it.
But I meant, I meant though that if you could put it up, rather than, so that you don't put down how the schedule appears to be a straightjacket where he was about to figure out how to throw this word, we're going to have a hundred and seventy-five thousand.
Doesn't make a lot of difference.
Seventy-five or two hundred thousand.
You just see the 21,000 there, but also see the enemy is the public.
And it's hard to clear a thousand so nice around.
And also, you told me that.
I guess it was you that I heard it.
No, that wasn't me.
Bunker was with me.
All right.
Well, that's it.
Bunker said it was an absolute commitment in the name of the 21,000.
So that's what I tried to do.
When I got your answer, I said I'd try it.
I don't know how they take care of it.
But when they got your number, 104, for January, I said, well, let's get a good round number.
That's what you said on the representative team.
We then made another announcement.
And that's a hell of a lot better than waiting to make the next announcement until December 15th.
Do you think so, Henry?
Do you agree?
November 15th is a very good time.
I've seen it.
I thought it would be better.
Well, I mean, you have $48,000.
But they shouldn't be scheduled on the election day either.
But it's a very, he's always ballooned.
I mean, in the general instrument, for example, he's got 80,000 a month in July.
In July.
You don't have to worry about that.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
Now, is this satisfying you, that you can buy 100 pieces?
That's what you told me, that you said you would go to that.
You didn't, but you said you could go higher.
Well, I guess they wanted to come in with a recommendation with my charity.
You said you could go to that one with the Chief, I understand.
No, I can go to my Chief.
With the Chief's life, 100 pieces.
Listen, I don't want the chiefs... No, no, no.
Publicly, I do not want anyone from the chiefs, any major out there or some helicopter pilot coming out and saying, ah, we have stepped up the withdrawal at a time when we should reduce the withdrawal.
God damn it.
Let's take some discipline.
Let's all say this is just right.
We stepped it up because of the progress we've made, which is true.
Let's face it.
All the problems allow us, as far as I can express this, a major plus to them.
Their ability to launch and sustain the major attack this fall has been
Very seriously, really.
You know, high-point jets.
A good, bad launch is the same.
So, that is why it can go up higher at this point.
Now, next frame.
Not a minute.
A minute.
But they've eaten up an awful lot of stuff there.
They've eaten up, they've eaten up not only the caches, the caches are much smaller than Cambodia, but the destruction of arms and the meltdown of the country, the destruction of arms.
They've made an awful lot of money on the use of and after the use.
I mean, they should end the battle.
Plus the deaths.
It's made a far more destructive operation as far as our Vietnam capacity to launch a new major attack in the Middle East.
And it's particularly important because it's an ICORP that we've got 100,000 people with.
And ICORP's people are great enough.
And that's where the most vulnerable place is for the people of the Middle East.
That doesn't mean that they can't raise the retail, but the reason we can do it is to do it.
And let the military, for example, will stand up at this time and say, yes, we have made progress.
We are confident that this is a withdrawal rate that's consistent with our plan, not withdrawing a withdrawal rate.
We can do that.
At that point, I hope that I'm speaking out
I mean, they'll play out a minor victory.
Like they did at 33.
Yeah.
And then what I use in the term is their capacity to launch in a major manner.
That's been reduced.
Didn't say it's been eliminated.
He'll never be able to prove that until September, October.
I am sure that in September and October, that will be proven out.
But you'll never know until the point of time.
And also, he might be .
The Lord should disdain nature as well.
But I think the best thing is the decision he made.
The best thing.
We couldn't do it otherwise.
Why don't we throw everything out the window now and let him sit and help with that row over here.
He's not going to be satisfied anyway.
All right.
All right.
All right.
All right.
Thank you.
Thank you.
He did much better than you.
He doesn't act like that.
Before I tell you, the one that smarts that fast is his wife.
She's a smart child.
You made a wonderful practice about compassion.
I'd much prefer to make many women happy than to make one woman unhappy.
Very funny.
Maybe give that to Rosa a little bit.
You'll buy this now.
I can never promise that, but I'll do the best I can on that, because each time I come up to one of these crunches, you always have some problem in there.
I'll do the best I can, and I have to keep them aboard better than they've ever been aboard before.
I've got an awful lot in terms of supporting them.
I support them.
I think it's true that after all that I did, and I'm sure that you can, that there's a very great pressure, you can say, going on with the President to go on for a while.
I mean, George Hagan, our great leader, kind of said to the people of the 18,000, he said, all that you're doing is a great thing right now.
Let me say, if there's only one hand this year, it's John Calvin Sparks, Moore, and then on the side of my age, Richard Church, and some senators.
The average guy, I don't think we're doing better.
The average guy, I don't think we're doing better.
I was impressed.
I don't like to make this, but I just got to see you as a law school teacher.
Well, that's a...
I didn't write it.
You did.
I don't know.
It was really quite good.
Well, they took a track that must be a kind of a...
It said the person had really done a lot before overlooking the fact that the gentleman had to...
They're going to know it tonight.
I'm going to use your card for that.
Oh, did you see the chart?
I mean, is it, do they take bills?
Is it, is it an act?
Well, I read it.
An adequate television chart.
That's a good thing.
Bill, if you and Mel, when you leave this meeting, would you have the time to go over to the office and look at the goddamn chart and see if it's all right?
I'll tell you what I'm not using, and I think Mel is going to agree.
I was going to use the chart, but I can't remember what she used it for.
Well, what I meant is, I think it's a bad public religion.
It's a hell of a business.
You agree?
And also, I don't like the person who stood up there.
He's pretty poor, John.
Just one.
And you're going to put that line on down?
Yeah.
Well, that's the chart that we had the Pentagon make.
It doesn't go all the way down.
And we'll give it to them an hour before the election.
Oh, I think you want to put that line on down.
Oh, sure.
No, no.
The only reason we didn't give it to them.
But I'd say go to the draw.
No, no, no.
I'd have to write one to send that chart back.
Well, with the record, it only goes to...
to say if I were... Oh, no, no, no.
Not yet, Mr. President.
We'll do it in an hour.
We'll do it in an hour before the broadcast.
Otherwise, we'll leave a little.
Oh, you meant they don't have an opportunity to know the numbers.
You look proud of them.
No, you sit right here.
I don't think you look proud of them.
Well, they're putting a chair over there.
I thought Henry was...
I can't read my writing.
I can't give myself up on my last few.
You know, Bill, those of you who know me, you know, at the end of the crawl R&A, I had to sit and think of something to say to 120 black ambassadors.
That's the most extreme.
That is the end of it.
You know, they're such nice people.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Okay, let's go back now.
I'll show you all the work.
I write on that table there.
I usually sit there in that chair.
I mean, in that chair, I make notes.
How far I am.
It's a very short speech.
And this role is much more conducive to writing
Very pleasant room.
See you tonight.
We'll give you an advance a few minutes before.
Time has no problem.
They've got a late deadline.
what you meant on the charlatanry.
But I think it's all right to take this thing out at the end.
You just haven't persuaded him to stay here.
Well, at least if you show the direction, you can show the direction.
It's going to be pretty impressive.
It's a pretty good chart.
It's a good chart.
It's a good chart.
It breaks off now.
where at least there was nothing.
I want to change.
I want zero.
1961, zero.
For 1961, I had started right then.
That's one political point I'm going to make.
Doesn't that come true in that chart?
No.
See, it comes down to, that's Kennedy's 16,000, you see.
That's the third, which he said was a really good grade.
What, 1960?
I guess 1961 down there.
And Kevin Stark had zero.
And of course, the campaign, you can take that other one.
But, you see, you can have the chart go up like that, and way down here.
The main thing that says that your fellows have gone to hell, I don't think they've been horrible.
The main thing we want to do, I'll do the best I can to sort of prove, and that's what my role is, to sort of prove to people and reassure people.
I know that in our major fights, we did not suggest setting a date.
I'd like to have the first guy step up after I see what I can send today.
I'd have the Congress inactive.
They're going to be in a hell of a switch.
Let me tell you why.
You see, politically, they're making a very great statement.
You know, they're Republican.
Well, they don't.
They have no loyalty.
They just want to be out and run.
They're Democrats.
Now, also, what they did
This is one of the things that came out of the misery of the last two years of lawless.
They stepped out too early.
See, by stepping out and taking that position, lawless is a state, the FBI is a state, the United States is controlling how they should get out by the end of the year, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.
Look what they've done.
First, if they prevail, fine, anyway.
And then they make the responsibility for that.
If they, and this is where Albert is very much smarter, and he kind of does what I'm going to say, and I'm not certain, but we should go for it.
If, on the other hand, they say, well, we would hope the earliest possible time, but we know we have a hundred present time.
Then, if I obey them, then they can crucify me.
If I succeed,
It doesn't make you anyone.
So the point is that what they do, any person who, if in any Congress, it takes from the president the responsibility for running an operation, then takes not only the credit for success, but it takes the blame for failure.
What if God willed him?
On the other hand, these types of men will do that.
Hell if I ever must.
I flashbacked everything.
I said, this is bad.
We wish he didn't do this.
Well, what are we going to do?
Well, we don't know, but we know it's a hell of a mess, just like we took what God's done before.
If it screws up, which it could, they can say, ha, that's what we told you.
Now, what have they done?
What they have done is gone out of the way.
And if they get enough public support for it, which might prevail, if they hang it on the draft bill, if they get out, it will serve the baby.
Our groups have become apparent.
Bruce comes home with the baby.
We just need to get a fair response.
The negotiations are finished.
The prisoners of war are going to be out there.
That little crap that you're talking about, what the hell does that mean?
Yet the Congress said, we're going to get out regardless.
So there, if I were here, I wouldn't take the responsibility for what can screw up anyone.
Because believe me, .
I think Albert's position is the right one, that is.
Well, Albert and Pete, yeah.
And it's a matter of fact now, Jerry Forsman also does that.
Oh, Jerry Forsman.
I'm sure he's fine.
The Congress is the... Oh, hell, I know.
The Congress is the greatest of them.
I always said that.
We had to look at things there.
But first, we've got to get that revenue sharing thing so it's simpler for them to understand.
It's complicated out here.
We're all going out in all different directions.
We've got to make that simple.
We've got to make that attempt.
We've got to make that attempt.
We've got to make that attempt.
We've got to make that attempt.
We've got to make that attempt.
We've got to make that attempt.
Well, thank you for your help.
And as I say, let me be sure.
Bill, let's understand.
And this recommendation of 100 was one that the President has discussed and we've all agreed is the right thing.
The Secretary of Defense recommended it.
The Secretary of State recommended it.
I see what I mean.
So that there's no appearance that, well, we've
Because it is.
Don't you agree, Mel?
I don't think I should meet with the chiefs until about five o'clock.
Oh, I know.
Well, they won't leave.
No, but I still think I'd rather leave.
Don't tell Cali.
I have just one technical point about the way the charge is now set up.
You are speaking on the charge.
And you say, let me show you what I've done.
And at that point, you haven't yet made the new announcement.
So at that point, I'm not going to show.
I'm not going to put it on.
This chart would have to add in the 284.
So the only other possibility is to remember on page three on this chart, you can see how our plan has succeeded.
So we have two choices in the future.
We can have two charts.
In any case, you'll be disturbed by the moving one, so I won't be disturbed.
That's the nicest.
Because then you can go back to it and have it.
This is very good.
And now you'd have to have two charts right there.
One there and one there.
Have them panned to the first chart first.
And I say, now look at the next chart.
and then have it right there.
I don't want anybody moving on the step while I'm talking.
They can just have one chart there and one there.
They pan just to the one chart the first time and then pan to the second chart the second time.
The only thing is the second can't be set up right next to you, but you could get up.
It's all right, I'll get up.
The other possibility is just to leave it out of the burden line.
You could simply say, our plan has succeeded.
By the first of next month, we will have brought on more than $285,000.
In market interest, I thought.
No, no.
At that point, you use no chance.
Then the next time, you would be able to say, if we make it to $250,000, that's what we're going to put on.
This job was going to the doctors we had mentioned that could do it all day.
The second job, you .
Well, let's see.
If you don't want it, then let's .
Well, I want to chart in.
When I first went on this chart, you can see .
No, I need that.
I need the charting on the beginning.
I don't want to take that out.
That must be done.
And then it could come on again.
But if you go on again, what could it say?
Yeah, what did I say?
8-7.
Well, except I don't refer to a chart there.
Well, if you could do that, this will bring it over.
This chart?
I don't actually have a statement on this chart.
If you could give it a job, or a two-third one.
All right.
That'll be, when I came out of office, the words that you received from this chart.
Oh, then I can't do it.
So then, Mr. President, the later that list, now, I think so, just to give you the other option, that is to make you comfortable, you could, on page three, skip the job and simply say, our plan has succeeded.
That's good, but next month we will have more than 265,000 Americans.
And then, move this down from page 3 to page 7.
And then if you took 100 more Americans to go home, it wouldn't be enough.
And then on top of page 8 you could say, this charter shows you the progress of June, September.
You know, I...
I, uh... No, I had to do it twice.
I don't see the part twice.
I think it has a great, great risk that if you move out, I'm not going to move with you.
I'm not comfortable with anything.
I don't know whether you're willing to do it two or three more times a day.
Oh, sure, of course.
That's what we want to do now.
We ought to finish it now.
We can't.
Oh, yeah.
Everybody, I made several myself last night.
She gave me the latest finding.
That's correct.
Any head picture, all the ones.
I wonder whether you want to begin by saying you've heard a number of discouraging reports.
Yes, I've heard a number of reports.
Whether you don't want just to say, I think the time has come for me as president.
Over the past, have you heard a number of reports of Peter?
I did not.
Let's just strike the word spirit.
It starts betting.
It starts better.
You see, it doesn't get, you don't want to get in so frontally.
I've got to go in more smoothly.
As long as you take out the word discouraging.
Because we're going to have to report some TV, radio, and radio.
Tonight, tonight, it's time to put these reports in front of the political journal.
I'll let you judge for yourself and assess your take on the problem.
All right?
That's a good suggestion.
On page two.
That was Mississippi.
If you want to say 31,000, 10,000 dead, I would say 30,000.
How many held in there?
47,000 dead today.
44,000 dead.
It was 31,000.
I put that one down.
15,000.
I put that one down.
All right.
There was a guidance.
It was hard to believe.
I know it's more than 30,000.
Well, you might remember that of the 12,000, 8,000 to introduce the 8,000, 6,000.
Take a look, we won't use it.
It's a bad thing to use.
Well, I tell you, when I saw it, I, I got tempted, but I think now, I respect the instinct of people.
That's right, I can tell.
This is the right page for a common word, mouth.
Let me review, is it, do the statistic first?
Let me review now the decisions I have made, and then I, and then three lines later you say again at the time the decision was made, I just wanted, whether you wanted to change the rhythm, say, at the time of that decision, and the expression.
It's good.
It's good.
I think it's a death wish, too.
To put it bluntly, what you're talking about is
Cabo Cure 11.
Our breaking point, our announcement of the date of individual stop fighting would be the best possible defense for the enemy to keep on fighting.
It's a nice rhythm, but I think people don't want to hear about our stopping fighting, our not stopping fighting, our announcement of the date of total U.S. withdrawal.
It isn't such a good risk, but it's a better, you know, our house for the day.
And we've got the same stuff.
We don't need it.
Does that leave it out?
No, it doesn't.
Bertie said it all this morning.
Yeah, you don't need to see it.
You don't read it all, so let's take it out.
It loses its punch when we change it that way.
I don't mind anything that comes out.
It loses its punch.
That's all right.
Now, what about Bill's point, now, that we actually covered?
We've got to really cover the fact that there's a future enemy activity here.
You know, I don't see, you know, I think we have, I think, well, in other words, we're going to say that he said that we're going to come out with the,
We don't say that.
His point is that maybe we should just up and say, well, we can expect some more action.
That wasn't his point.
His point was don't say there won't be any action because then you're going to send it to China.
Why don't you launch and sustain?
Why don't you just say you're going to stay instead of the launch?
Well, I don't think it's launched.
Let me ask you a couple things.
What are you going to cover?
I think it's very important and safe to cover the figures.
Incidentally, gentlemen, that includes the categories for last week.
I get that out right now.
I don't know.
I don't want them to say that that isn't covered.
Uh, I thought I did that.
I thought I was supposed to make the point that they had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
They had to do that.
I thought that was a good point.
I thought that was a very good point.
Just the fact that we did cover the station and the new field was a good time with respect to all the charges that were made.
Now, suppose they ask you the question, why don't we trade a date for the person?
It's quite clear that Larry is really shell shocked that we got that.
He was saying that we've already given that away.
We would have a residual force as long as there are prisoners here, and that doesn't mean that we might have more than a residual force.
He's really fighting on his own.
I would say that the POWs would not want to and the great majority would not want to have the country in sight.
of success in Vietnam is over-separated.
And that the prisoners are all part of our overall plan and that they're going to come out.
That's going to be your big issue, you see.
I think you're going to see a lot of these jackasses coming out, well, let's trade the prisoners for the end of the war.
So you've got to get hard on the fact that there's more at stake than getting the prisoners back.
That's what you've got to get.
That's a little bit of an issue.
We know what it's going to take.
I don't know if I want to struggle with it, but I'd like it to come to pass.
The other point is that it was good to make the layer, too, the point I made in the last one, that these factors on a set of things, they take responsibility for.
Well, no, I don't get what it is.
We're going to keep hammering down on these factors.
And that's why they aren't doing it.
It's smart.
It's smart to know, God damn well, there's some of the responsibility for this.
I don't know if it's war.
It's the media.
It's the media.
It's the media.
There's nobody anymore who can give one reason why we should do that.
We had a stand meeting, I don't know where it was.
Yeah.
Well, I represent the theory.
Oh, yeah.
There are people.
that they are people who are typical of what, that's what they'd be doing if they were up in Congress and managing the hell out of it.
And it's like, yeah, she's crazy, she's terrible, but it's not going to bring her down.
I would be very surprised.
You shouldn't have leaked it.
That's a bad story.
I don't think so.
I don't think so.
I say it shouldn't have been leaked.
I don't think so.
I don't think so.
I don't think so.
I don't think so.
I don't think so.
I don't think so.
Mel was, I mean, Bill was, let's just speak up a little bit, Mel was, I don't know, he may be right.
You know, I'm afraid that's just what it is.
Yeah, but you're a member of Mr. Bedtown on November 3rd.
It won't be on November 3rd, Steve.
Not at all.
But Mel will be getting on the phone after you've got him.
And you've got him checked out by, you know, you've got all the people who called those seven males.
I mean, well, there's a bunch of others, and I think both of you
Yeah.
Yeah.
All right, fine.
The whole deal is, you know, there are many, many of them.
But I predict, as we go on down the road, you're going to find Roger with us more than you're going to find Larry with us.
He's going to be with us because of him, for reasons that
He's sort of like any goddamn good lawyer.
You just can't say anything great for the other argument.
That's the point.
The other argument doesn't stand.
It's a basically political argument.
Don't you agree?
That's right.
Well, this one, he's much better.
And I think he's also, you know, that he can't keep the meeting down because he's going to quit.
He's going to die.
And he's had a lot of trouble with it.
Some of them are going to.
Are they?
Not one.
Pakistan.
Pakistan.
Pakistan.
Pakistan.
Pakistan.
Pakistan.
Pakistan.
Pakistan.
And we didn't force this one, I'm sure.
No, no, no, no.
He's with us on this one.
He was made out of my amaranth.
He's made out of my amaranth.
And he's right.
Oh, yeah.
I think it was cool, but it's not the decision for him.
Well, you're as far as you're concerned, I think you can.
And he'll make you right.
I think it's the best that you can do.
That's the best that you can do.
I don't do it.
I have to agree with Bob.
I just don't know whether there is that much of a but I think there is a mass hysteria in which these people are tormented.
Well, whatever it is, it's kind of righteous to take it our way.
We don't care.
You've made changes.
I've made it, but she doesn't need to run another copy for me.
I've cut mine already.
I marked mine.
But you go ahead now, and you take responsibility for the press copy.
You know, I don't give a damn what the press copy reads.
Don't lose your guts now.
You know, I get more confident.
Henry's view is that that would cause a difference in years and sort of months.
I have a feeling that...
I'm not yet.
I mean, on the greater, I'd like to get into that, except for the bonfires so heavily.
But on Rumsfeld, we've done a hell of a lot for Rumsfeld.
I agree.
And I think Rumsfeld, maybe, is not too long in this world, but it's not different than that.
I have the same feeling.
He's ready to jump the ship.
No, I don't think he's ready to jump.
And I doubt he ever would just because it serves his interest more or not.
But I sure don't think he's ever going to be a stalwart member of the ship.
Except when it's floating hot.
We've tried, tried, tried.
It's just a position that's close to the water.
Well, then let's jump it right after this.
quite a good guy for sending him a pension for a two-month holiday to Europe.
Yes.
For what purpose?
Well, I know that...
I think we should.
I think we can.
I think he hasn't got really anything to do.
That's right.
He doesn't.
And he won't step up to doing anything.
We've tried again and again and again.
I mean, we asked him twice.
He's asking him this morning, what do you want the president to do?
And he can't do more than he could be on a date.
Then he can text him, all right, what do you want to do?
If he ever has a chance to take you to date soon, he can tell them when you'll get down to the residual force.
I'll let you bob in on the only little secret that nobody knows about.
Nobody else is to know.
Are you happy to go see another one of them?
I've got Joe outside for office.
I've got Joe outside.
I've got Joe back.
And Samuel comes after that before John is around.
I'll give him one.
I will do that.
He would do a fair job.
If he was in retirement, I'll give him an interview, just for old time's sake, and all that bull.
But he's got a goddamn well-do-it-fair.
He would.
Am I right about, was it Skipper?
Yes, sir.
I'm sorry, I had that.
It's Carl Jr. Yeah, known as Skipper.
We end the speech.
I changed that to I shall keep that pledge.
I think I am keeping it in the case that the government is being kept and doesn't want to be infringed.
You don't need to change it, just change it.
I'd like a little bit better.
That conclusion will be added or something like this.
I am often asked what I would like to accomplish more than anything else on the surface of the present.
My answer is always the same, to bring peace to America, and for our people.
The reason I feel so deeply committed to that goal goes far beyond political considerations.
I'm concerned about my place in history.
Or the other factors the political scientists say are the primary motivations of the present.
Every time I talked to a brilliant wife, every time I signed my letter to a mother whose son was lost in Vietnam.
My commitment to end this war, to build a lasting peace, I was eager.
I found that the hardest task the President has is to present our nation's highest award, the Medal of Honor.
the wife, the father, or the mother of a man who gave his life to save the lives of others in Vietnam.
At a presentation ceremony a few weeks ago, I presented one of the medals to the widow of Queen Sarge, Colonel Taylor.
And I met up with her.
I said, here, that is your son.
Carl Jr. Dean.
And Kevin Ford.
After I showed Kevin's hand, I started to go to the next room.
He said, let's go to detention.
I found it quite difficult to get my thoughts together as I went out to make the next visitation.
I want to end this war in a way which is worthy of the sacrifice of Kevin's father.
I know his father would want me to end it in a way that provided a better chance for Kevin to grow up without fighting any more.
to enjoy what Americans have not enjoyed in this century, a full generation of peace.
In the past two years, we have come a long way toward that goal.
With your continued support, we shall achieve it.
And generations to come will be proud that in this difficult time of trial for America,
We demonstrated that we have courage and courage.
That really is.
Yeah, but that's worth the whole fee.
I feel if this doesn't do it, the residents can't do it.
They won't share the diet.
I'm glad.
It's strange to me that they don't move around here.
It's basically somewhat of an emotion.
And it doesn't move the scroll.
We should see.
Okay, but I think I've got it in a good, tight way.
I think it's going to boil down as far as I can go.
Give that out of it.
You see, that goes just as it is.
You said you didn't want to see the boat, and I won't show it to you, but I would like to tell you some of the things that are in it, unless you definitely don't want to know.
Okay, well, the fact is, there's no certainty.
But I think you ought to know where we're standing.
Approval.
Approval and disapproval.
54-31.
Of 13 points on approval.
Disapproval.
54-31.
54-31.
That's unbelievable.
No, it's not.
If you look at it, it's happening.
Kelly.
Dan Ryan.
We win.
On March 8th, it was 51-36 with 13 undecided.
Then on April 1st, we did the Cali Bowl.
Wait a minute.
I can't hear you.
I can't hear you at all.
Yeah.
I don't think it's unbelievable at all.
That kind of shifted.
Because maybe the other one was not too active.
Well, because of the calendar.
Because you look at some of the other factors.
Before Cali was 51-36.
As a result of Cali, it went to 41-36.
That was disapproved, stayed the same.
But the Cali lost you 10 points down the side.
Yeah.
Don, would you check to see on Carl Taylor Sr., what, do you, or do you have to recall what his citation is for?
I don't mean the whole citation, but does he fall in a grenade or?
I don't know if he saved some other American, I'm sure, in the process.
If you call him, just call me back.
I might want to use a sentence about it.
I just want to be sure that I know what it is.
I don't want to do this.
You know what I mean.
All right.
4136.
He lost 10 to undecided.
No change.
Disapproved.
Now it's 5431.
Okay, what happened is the 10 that went from approved to undecided came back.
That brings you back to 51.
Then three people or so who were disapproved moved up to approval because of the overwhelming reaction on Cali.
Now that's supported by as Monday and Tuesday.
So we have a chance for the weekend to wrap up tonight.
Here's the thing, we ask the Cali questions.
Since the conviction of counting, what actions by President Nixon have you heard, seen, or read?
About 47% were aware of the release from the stockade.
32% aware of the review of the case.
1% said it was setting free.
13% had other answers to, you know, indicate some action, but they weren't the right things.
3% said he had done nothing.
20% said they didn't know what he had done.
Then we said, as you may know, Nixon, President Nixon ordered county release from the stockade to find his quarters under guard, ending a few of his convictions.
Do you approve or disapprove?
81% approve.
Same as the little poll, or the flyers we polled, 83%.
The President also said that he would review the case before God is by his sentence to make the final decisions to what should be done.
Do you approve or disapprove of this action?
75% approve.
17 disapprove, 8 no approve.
And we said, do you think President Nixon should remove them in Cali or reduce the sentence?
Or uphold his right of imprisonment sentence?
51% agreed.
28% substantially reduced the sentence.
9% uphold the right of imprisonment sentence.
12% no agreement.
79% said you should either remove them or reduce the sentence.
Good job.
Okay, can we ask a couple more questions?
The Cali thing,
Every pole has been taken out.
And you've always said, as Roper told me, not Roper, Cal, Claude Robinson told me, that only then has change poles.
Cal was an event.
And it changed the poles.
It made a difference.
And I think it's clear that it's temporary.
Temporary, but it'll help.
OK, then.
and also since they asked this approved disapproved in the context of california will show now the goddamn the goddamn uh incidentally uh gallop poll should reflect some of this too let's be sure that this i know but i i made the damn decision saturday and sunday a people on saturday and sunday
I'll be sure to write and get this to Gallup.
I haven't heard it yet.
The other thing is on approval or disapproval, the way the President thinks in the San Diego-Vietnam situation.
Before Cali, it was 41-47 disapproval.
After Cali, it was 32-46.
The approval went down nine points.
Disapproval stayed the same.
Same effect as the approval of the Presidency.
Afterwards, yesterday,
42, 46.
42 approved.
So disapproval stayed where it was, and the approval went back up 10 points.
So we got back, you got back to 10, and you lost on talent.
You shook out, you didn't lose them.
You moved to the doubting, and then that came back.
You still got a majority against approval.
Okay?
Do you feel the President makes his plan for withdrawal of U.S. troops from Vietnam brings our troops back too fast, too slow, or just about right?
We asked this this time because we're going to ask it again after the TV is on tonight.
Too fast 5%, too slow 46%, just about right 38%.
Now that comparison is interesting.
It compares to a year ago, which is the last time we asked that question.
We asked it in April 22nd last year.
We got too fast, 12.
Now that's down to 5.
Too slow, 30.
That's now up to 46.
About right, 48.
Now down to 30.
45.
Now down to 38.
Where we're at.
Yep.
Right.
And we said, but they haven't heard a lot about it after I put these charts on them.
Right.
And we said, with regard to Vietnam, which of these possible actions do you favor?
Immediate withdrawal of all U.S. troops, 27.
We withdraw all U.S. troops by the end of 71.
24.
We withdraw troops, but take as long as is necessary to turn the war over to the South Indian Hades.
30.
We keep troops there until we win a complete military victory with 11.
That was pulled by Gallup for NBC.
No, by ORC for NBC.
In February.
February, which is the time that we grew up in the 60s on the agricultural pole.
At that time, immediate withdrawal was 22.
Now it's 27.
By the end of 71, it was 25.
Now it's 24.
Together, we're 47.
Now they're 51.
Damn little change.
It's going to take as long as necessary.
It was 34.
Now it's down to 30.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Hi.
Okay, well.
Here's a more interesting one, and this is what ORC, for us included, also said.
The president, this is one that we had asked back in the morning.
The plan is to withdraw American troops from Vietnam as rapidly as possible while protecting security of American troops who are still there.
The Democratic Caucus of Congress has recently announced a plan to force the president to withdraw all American troops from Vietnam by a certain time.
Either the President's plan or the plan of the Democratic Caucus.
The President's plan is now 55.
In March it was 49.
The Democratic Caucus is now 33.
In March it was 34.
Don't know.
It's now 40.
I think some of this will all get out, don't you?
Yes.
What ORC says is that this and approval thing and all of these show tremendous support for the President personally.
They're still not satisfied with the President's plan for Vietnam.
Because they're not satisfied with Vietnam, there's no way they're going to be satisfied with anybody's plan for Vietnam.
On the other hand, we said a proposal has been made in Congress to require the U.S. government to bring home all U.S. troops before the end of this year.
Would you like to have your Congressman vote for or against this proposal?
This is a question that Gallup asked, and it got to 73%.
We got 62%.
and 26 against.
Well, that's another one.
It's awful where the points go from what Gallup got.
Yeah, but it's still...
It's awful high, and I'm arguing against that.
So, you know, that's going to be tough.
But Bentley said, if they said yes, they would like their congressman to vote for it.
Then he said, would you favor withdrawal of all U.S. troops by the end of 71, even if the men defeat in Vietnam?
All right, no.
39 yes, 17 no of the 62.
You take the 17, no, and add it to the 26 that are against the resolution to begin with.
43 opposed, and 39 in favor.
Yeah, but on the other hand, there are 39% of the 70, 39% of the... You only ask those that were for withdrawal, and it's in the 62% that they were of that group.
Oh, it's not bad.
39, which is... 39% of the... Oh, 39% of the bug-outers.
No, 39% of the total sample.
Oh, the larger percent of the bug-outers.
Oh, then.
I think we shouldn't have this.
39% of the people said they would accept defeat.
Right.
I showed you whether really, when you may be just pissing in the wind, then I'd say, well, I'd argue my way.
I don't get the defeat thing.
Here's another one.
Would you favor withdrawal of all U.S. troops by the end of 1971, even if it threatened the lives or safety of the U.S. POWs, as told by North Vietnam?
16-037.
I mean, this is the issue.
Not the defeat.
You didn't get any?
We did get trained communists while they didn't ask us.
Didn't ask us.
Wow.
Don't we have that?
How did they get all those questions?
It's an amazing thing to know.
Then we asked, he said, Plains had been announced for a series of demonstrations in the next few weeks to protest the war in Vietnam.
Do you favor or oppose such demonstrations?
28 favor, 65 oppose.
Even though they're against the war.
Good, good.
Now everyone could make a note there, take home a fucking demonstration.
Yeah, right.
Now, I picked up five statements and tried this.
I picked up five statements that were in the press this weekend.
I can't use statements and ask about an argument and ask if they agree strongly or disagree.
No.
One is that there's a national movement that he isn't a disgust regarding Vietnam.
32% strongly agree, 33% somewhat agree.
There was a 65% agreement.
Only four disagree.
And the President has repeatedly promised more than he can deliver with regard to Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.
Route 7 strongly agreed, 25 somewhat agreed.
Route 52 agreed versus 37 disagreed.
The American people are no longer patient and persevering regarding the war.
75 of 3, 18 disagreed.
This is on the verge of a nervous breakdown.
43 agree, 51 disagree.
We don't want to do that.
Lieutenant County is a symbol of a divided and bitter nation.
48 agree, 43 disagree.
I don't know what those mean.
I just threw them in because I got mad at looking through the paper and I wanted to see whether it's fascinating or not.
But the good is we'll take a mess.
to sell this base before the speech because otherwise we would have been using that 41 as a base and take the speech to it and you might look at it now see you may go to 55 or 56 it's all right that drop down or the speech the speech you see yeah go the way they want you could go down to 50. all right 45. you won't go to 51 but you go to 51 per base all right let's say you go
I'm gonna look at it and say we went up nine points.
Now we know that if we go to 50, we went down four points in the era of the stage.
We're gonna move this much.
I think it's probably gonna...
I don't think it will either.
I think it's going to hold it.
The Cali business moved a lot.
The Cali business was an event.
It cracked the president.
By God, it is.
He was right.
That's all.
He's right.
You know, that's what they want you to do.
This is where they're early when Schultz's operation is so inadequate.
We've seldom seen anything that people say, by God, that's right.
You see my point?
That's a hell of a thing.
You get 81% of the people saying you did the right thing, but 83% don't.
That's why we didn't make enough of a sign today.
This is the kind of thing that had the same kind of effect, really, as MacArthur's withdrawal by Truman, you know, kind of stuff that was part of this thing.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
Now, Larry, raise the point that I want you to raise with Irvin.
Irvin did not get Larry before he got to the table.
I didn't think you wanted to know any more about it.
No, no, still don't.
Oh, yeah, on Rieser.
Oh, that point.
Yes, yes, sir.
I've got to put it to Sir Rieser.
His head's on the plate, May 1st.
And tell him that I've considered that he's going to write articles and all that sort of thing.
But that I've got to get, tell him that I already have another man in mind.
And that we've got to move on that.
Goddamn, and he hasn't played ball with this guy.
Who's he having fun with?
Actually, it wouldn't be bad if he's completely his man.
No, I've got another man in mind.
Tell him he already has one.
I'll find somebody.
He's got somebody that technically is enormously important, and if he feels wrongly about it, we're gonna start running that fucking department.
I'll tell you.
Hit him tomorrow.
All right.
We'll wait on that until tomorrow.
Today, he'll whine around about his problems with the Congress and all that shit.
Okay?
Just say that's what we're gonna do, and we'll start moving.
It's only one thing.
All right.
All right.
Call it in.
It's a personal problem.
They're getting there.
They're getting there.
It's close.
You don't know how very close, where you are and how you're not.
It's very close.
I have taken enough of the Kissinger stuff out so that I don't spend two thirds of a speech on it, arguing that part.
This is in the base of a building, recent.
Now, national case from your viewpoint that everything is going the way you plan it, and your statement that you're going to appointing him, so they've served a term.
And then Calvin, emotional appeal, last of the 431.
Another point that I want you to get through, he's right.
He said, we've simply got to do something about the record sharing.
He said, we're not selling it to the Congress.
He said, we're doing a very bad job.
And I said, why not?
He said, it's too complicated.
We've got these complicated plans, and the people go down because they've got a complicated economy.
It's got to be presented in a very simple term, sloganized.
You've got to get busy and start doing that.
Now, I eat right on this spot.
I mean, you know, you've heard these presentations, you know, by Harper and Schultz and all the others.
And it's just, they're just, reality is just unbelievably difficult.
It's all, it's all accurate.
And what we've simply got to do is we've got to get a few slow ones.
I get busy on it immediately.
In fact, I'd like to have him to call a meeting of the Domestic Council for the very purpose of finding how we could get some slogans, get his team to work on slogans.
I also, I want him and Shultz to call Laird, call him tomorrow, have Laird come down and have Laird talk to them about the subject.
But I don't want John now to feel that
I'm bugging, he's off to the distance, his leg, and the shoals is off, but they were in there just pointing at the beagle or whatever, but they get so, they're like Henry, they get so damn bogged down in the process of doing what he's writing, they don't realize we're not fit.
How am I to say it?
Am I being too harsh?
Isn't this a problem?
Or do you agree that it's not a problem?
I just get it.
I know it's a problem.
I know that it just isn't enough to have a few mayors come out for you.
You've got to get the goddamn thing decided.
If you were to pass the country today, you'd think the president's doing well on the resolution.
He'd say, blah, blah, blah.
I don't know what the hell we're talking about.
We haven't put it, as I said, like Deadman said, in simple terms.
What does it count?
It counts as a simple act of humanity, Christ said.
Yeah.
That is the more important thing.
A little bit, yeah.
No, no, no.
It's like the diastolic, you know, like your blood pressure.
It's the low rather than the high that's important.
You know, because the high decided to go.
And you've been running at a solid 35, 36.
That's right.
This will not hold at 31.
If you don't make the speech, it'll polarize.
If I haven't rewritten the son of a bitch, it'll polarize a hell of a lot more.
You know, at least you'll hear it.
Yeah, I guess that's what will happen on the speech.
The approval might stay about where it is, but this is going to go up a little.
Yeah, because they'll say, well, he's going to get out.
He rejected my idea.
Some of this could also reflect on hopefulness, on the belief in what they can take.
You're going to announce something more.
Yeah, but that was not reflected on Sunday.
On the typical Monday, they could take it.
Those guys had taken it for the day.
Last night, again, it was probably not.
He can't be one hell of a lot off of this, you know what I mean?
He could be 50, but he can't be any on that, you know, he can't be 45.
That's why, not Chapin, I get Durge, you know, let Durge talk, you know, Durge is a professional.
I think it's much better for Durge to call them than the others.
Do you agree or not?
Yes.
And Chapin?
Yeah.
Looks like the White House is getting, Durge said we just completed the poll, but you should know what it is.
Thomas, if I can tell you.
I'll say something about this.
If we do get any kind of grade on the war, do you want it to be approved?
It's quite obvious how much the war is a drag now.
Yeah.
Whereas it used to be an uplifting factor, it's a drag factor.
It doesn't get me out of my point of view.
They have got to get them together.
Like I said, we've got a group of grades
competent professionals but they are not making the sale because they don't know how to do it you know what i mean they just got to get this goddamn thing in simpler terms i mean going down there here's another thing everybody
Every month, every month, Kissinger gives me a bunch of foreign policy.
Burleson gives them too much real time.
Schultz does.
Every time I hear of a person giving somebody two hours for a question, then I ask you, I know we've lost the game.
Don't do it.
Don't do it.
Go now.
Give them a quick pep certificate.
It's, you know what it is, it's the tunnel.
Whack, whack, whack, whack, whack.
Make a few points and get the hell out of it.
And that's really our problem.
It's like McCracken.
McCracken gives them too much.
We've got to start being a hell of a lot more political.
Back to our thing here.
I would not disclose this to Paul.
You never disclose it to anybody else, so let's keep it to ourselves.
But coming back to the run spell problem, I'm disappointed in Don Bob.
I don't want to be disappointed just because of this, but I don't want somebody who's just with us.
God damn it, when things are going good, you know what I mean?
If he thinks we're going down there too, and he's just going to take a trip to Europe and face this, screw him.
I don't think that's right.
I don't think he's...
He's got a full habit of moving like that.
I think he still is not a pillar of strength.
But in every one of these things, you won't see that.
We have given him time and time again an opportunity to step up, and he will not step up and hit the ball.
He used to think at one point he was a potential presidential senator, but he isn't.
He hasn't got a chance.
It's impossible charisma, but he sure doesn't have any other charisma.
He's like Finch.
He both has charisma.
The national office.
The thing is, he's got them back home.
He isn't indecisive like Finch.
Decide the wrong way.
But he isn't, uh...
He won't step up to them, right?
No, he isn't the handler.
Finch isn't the handler.
He's just really... Don's boss.
He's got a lot of thoughts, but he... As Henry said, I did.
I just sat there...
He wrote to me, told me, trying to keep going, and then other people would interrupt, and I'd say, just wait a minute, let's get this done.
I never could get to him.
I'm pleased that Peterson stood up.
He did.
He surprised me.
He may be a cold customer.
Maybe he is.
Let me say, though, that I am sure as hell keeping for you whatever cold you get.
He was listening.
In other words, the next one shows a drop, screw it, use this one.
Oh yeah.
You know what I mean?
Sure.
Put this out on a poll taken on Sunday, before the President's speech, it showed this and that, and I want that 54.31.
Yeah, that 54.31, I think should run actually, so it doesn't appear like an afterthought.
and the holsters all screw up.
Yeah.
Might be.
Yeah, we're going to bowl again tomorrow night.
Then we'll get a hot bowl on after the speech, and then again next Monday to get a button set in and see what it does.
And that will also give us the reach on whether there's a difference between right after and a few days after.
I'm setting a whole bunch of benchmarks on the speech that I say we're doing.
When you get up and tell people, look, get the medicine and what you like, they'll report against you.
But that's all right.
It isn't done in any mean way, and maybe it'll confuse the hell out of them, and they'll think, well, maybe you're doing the right thing.
The only people that you really are saying what they don't believe to are the 27% if they were even strong.
I'll tell you one thing.
We'll appeal to the Kelly bunch with what I say about the armed services.
27% of me withdraw.
Obviously, there are a chunk of the 39% who say, get out by the end of the year.
You know, one thing the poll does bother us is that it knocks down the idea of other people like Hella and others.
I mean, today, you can see the deflectiveness of the president being very thin.
What I'm really getting at is, if the support was very thin, he wouldn't come back with this sort of thing.
Yeah.
Do you agree or not?
Yeah.
There's some residue of support there for the president.
Johnson didn't come back.
You know what I mean?
Once he got below a certain point, shit, he couldn't come back.
There was no way he could come back.
Never got his head above water after that.
Even at the bottom of the calendar, the approval was higher than the disapproval.
Never got that.
But I want to get to that platform.
It's not a shocker, though, how that affected people.
They blamed it on the president.
And then, because they blamed it on the president, they gave the president an act as a credit.
And I think, you know, another thing.
Part of the marriage, as you can tell, just showed that we cared about their knowledge.
We cared about the people.
We never gave the prosecution's credit.
I'm so sick of this domestic counsel stuff.
Never, never, never think about the PR aspect of it.
I don't know why.
I know John is enormously capable of the PR field, but what's the reason he doesn't do this?
Is there a reason for that?
Yeah, I guess he figured it's not his job.
Remember, we got over this before.
Do we need to put a man in there?
I mean, you've got Kline.
Can't you put Kline in there?
Kline might be the man to put him in a job.
You know some of that.
You've got to have an old Ed Morgan doing that well himself.
Isn't what I mean.
The problem's just got to be packaged in a way that a guy like Ed Morgan can sell it.
We need practice to write it off.
I mean, I don't think we've packaged enough for the personality of the president.
John, on this point, I mean, it isn't a question people go down and say, gee, we like the president.
You've got to say, why?
What the hell?
Why is it you like him?
Because he's strong, because he's weak, because he's in cat-patch, because he's ruthless, because he's organized, because he works hard, because he goofs off.
You see, that is the point.
It's the package that we've got to get in there.
You are going to get four by the 27th president.
So have you done that already?
Yeah.
All right.
Well, fine.
All right.
One, two, three.
Quick question.
We will follow up with you, John.
Yeah, George.
I told Mel that I wanted to talk to her.
I don't call her today, and they're going to find me tomorrow.
They're suggesting that we allow film coverage in your opening remarks if that wasn't three things you want.
So don't say you get some.
I don't want it.
I'm serious.
I'm tired of this crap, this Mickey Mouse, Nickel-Dime stuff, and there ain't got to be no Niners on the time, so give it usually.
I will not allow it.
No.
It's a social event.