Conversation 268-005

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Strongly endorse President Nixon's decision to put Maine in front of the Bold and Decisive Movement, which could end the Vietnam War and make America greater than its own.

the White House governor's support of the president is causing trouble with the California Conservatives.

He said what?

He says, while popular with the White House, the governor's support of the president is causing trouble with the California Conservatives.

Reagan had a quote from the state senator, Richardson, in the third chapter.

Yeah, Reagan is being questioned more and more by people within the conservative movement as to just how conservative he is.

Well, isn't that something?

He's got, he's really got the same crap we've got to hint to.

Walter Hinson.

Hinson, the chairman of URI, said this is going to hurt the governor.

We were already disappointed that he favored revenue sharing, which would give the federal government even more control over the savings.

The people are absolutely, you know, they're...

This is Reagan, a long time anti-communist, that's opposed to recognition of any attempt at submission to the U.S. post, such as to be surprised by the glowing support of Nixon's decision to lose the economy of this nation.

Hi, John, how are you?

I'm great.

And Reagan, another Reagan quote, the president has made a bold and decisive move with no suggestion or no hint that he has any intention of asking this nation to abandon either honor or principle.

Reagan.

I'm not surprised that both Burschers, the Californians and Richardson, the state secretary, Burscher, Hinson, you're Burscher too, is he?

Well, he was often close.

They were all basically, they were all, they sort of raided main supporters.

No, but he sort of separated from them.

They took him on on something.

Yeah.

They're the real nuts, aren't they?

You're wrong a bunch.

Who wasn't the guy that started the heavy set following?

Correct.

You know what UROC means?

The United Republicans of California.

They don't know.

They're the real nuts.

But they thought the Republican Assembly was a fluke.

Yeah, the C.R.A.

was a fluke when they did that bullying thing.

So they tried.

They fought UROC.

Yeah.

And it was Joe Schell.

Joe Schell.

Yeah.

That snap guy did, you know.

He's still not back.

He's still working for us.

Right.

Well, I want to offer that to the sheriff.

The what?

The sheriff.

The sheriff of the Republican Party.

The sheriff?

What's his name?

The sheriff.

Well, we had him on our payroll in 1968.

You'll get him on again, John.

Don't worry.

You know, we put him on purpose because he was running around disrupting all the Wallace meetings.

Because he was the original Wallace in American, Oregon, and California.

He did a pretty good job, pretty well, didn't he?

He stuck around all over.

In this area, Jim Buckley would like to come in

to explain to you what these people are thinking and why he thinks we should do it.

We're in court.

We're in court, but I think there's a frozen end to some of the issues that I find are part of the treatment.

And that's particularly true of the public people.

We can't control those that run the magazines and all that sort of thing.

But we sure as hell are not going to get all of you in trouble.

I've talked to Honey twice about it.

He was a little chagrined, and he was a little stupid, because he didn't know the point of the position.

But when I talked to him, just minutes after the release had gone down, I had a feeling that there was a party going on where Margaret Maynard was sort of going.

He was concerned that he hadn't thought about it.

He might have had no intention of doing it.

Yeah, there are plenty of games that they are trying to put up a rock, like, I don't know, right, on the national defense issue, which doesn't bother me a bit.

But the difficulty is that for Buckley and the conservatives to say, well, just, you know, fight you better with the national defense.

Where the hell will they be?

I mean, on 8 p.m. at the restaurant, I didn't see him down in the lobby in the center.

He was carrying a plexiglass bag.

They just discovered the issue just lately, I think.

Yes, and very late.

Well, it was quite late, but it was interesting.

There was a drum session, a drag, brought into it.

They were concerned about the missile death, or China, or one of the .

But somebody went out of their way to try to create issues that really don't .

So it was someone like Jeff Hart or Jeff Bell, or somebody like that who was students.

And I wouldn't be stuck if it wasn't Jeff Bell.

One of the interesting things was he's supposed to be an .

Well, he wasn't.

No, Jeff Hart wasn't.

Jeff Bell, too, he wrote the bill.

I'm sure he was surprised that they didn't have as much support or supporters.

I thought he was going to call them.

They had some quote he was.

They had some quote that he was disappointed that conservatives had not a full attention.

Well, he thought they should have.

And maybe that that, you know, I'm not sure of his act when they're frustrated.

They start banging on the other direction.

The point is, I'm not sure that that's a crime.

I'm not sure that that's a crime.

Because any smart conservative will see the China thing.

That's the real thing.

That's where these assholes don't understand anything.

I can't say it.

But any, look, do you see any of these criminologists jumping up and down about the crime of China?

Hell no.

The China move is an anti-Soviet move.

That's what the smart conservatives see.

The dumb conservatives.

I think you don't see it.

I think it's getting to the prison.

And because of the cleanup and the kind of attendance and all that, he's had all that conversation around the conservative business people in New York.

Do they have a problem with that?

On this meeting, this meeting up there was very interesting and silent.

Bill Dutcher prevailed on the point from what we were intending to do.

What do you think about whiteness, or whether it might be wise for us to replace it?

I agree.

I mean, a patient needs a damn order, of course.

But why don't we have our order work that side of the street?

Or is it worth it?

I don't know.

Mr. President, you know, I don't know.

He's got a lot of pluses and minuses.

And we're bringing them along now with this crowd.

It still has maintained a large movement since 1964.

You remember John, don't you?

You remember John?

First he was with Rockefeller.

Not Rockefeller.

He was with Rockefeller way back.

Way back.

I think he was with Rockefeller.

Then he was with Reagan, remember?

last year at the convention.

He was running the whole Reagan operation.

And then he left the bucket, but now he's gone.

So I'm a little worried.

But Goldwater, of course, he was in the early part of Goldwater, and then they sacked him.

He got mad at them.

So he can be, well, if you talk to him.

He's also an author of the Wallace.

That's it.

The fellow who offered him the spot.

Really?

That's Walt?

The fellow who offered him the spot was a Jewish lawyer who started a fringe in Alabama.

A Jewish lawyer?

Christ, there isn't Jews for Washington.

But Walt is here.

He was one of the snacks.

And he's been on the fringe with Walt.

Oh, God, my God.

That's just you.

You can do whatever you want.

I thought we could go over a few odds and ends, if we could, that I've been raised, and then you can do whatever you want.

First, on Ohio, I had breakfast with Jack Knight.

The old college.

Of course, he didn't honestly join the show.

because of where his papers are.

Leaving out Michigan, where he also is, but in Ohio, he's got a lot of .

He's got tremendous power in North Carolina.

He also has power in Philadelphia.

And of course, he does .

He will be with us now.

Quite is.

I only mention that because I think if on occasion you would pick up the phone, not more than once a month, and just give him a call about Ohio and Florida, he would be really grateful.

I called him last time I was in Africa and asked him if he wanted to stay.

But he agreed.

Now, on Ohio, he brought the subject up and he said no.

I feel very strongly that there are no stand-ins that are worth a damn.

He said, second, in Ohio in particular, he said, if Taft, or Taft, who is not going to be appreciated by, he said, he was having dinner with Saxby the next time.

He said, Saxby doesn't like it.

He said, Rose is curious.

And he said, the only answer for it is for,

no standards.

And I said, well, Jack, I said, well, we want to talk about this.

And the rest of us were on the course of handling it.

But it probably makes sense with the standards.

With the standards, there's no standards.

And so he encouraged me that probably we ought to bite the bullet on this business.

And I think the way to fight it was just to, you know,

Just to mention a little bit, I was in Ohio, California, where we had a very good reason, a great tradition, the governor's always being in the president's office, and somebody else will write him, and he has an obligation.

But we have to have that as an issue.

We decided to have that, and we've delighted to have that as an obligation.

But what do you do then?

If you wheel after another person.

The nice view is, John, that's the way to get the party together.

And his report also, the report that John Andrews apparently gave the second year, was that much of it, that some of the parties were waiting for a federal suspension.

And also that John Andrews was very bullish on presidential standing.

Andrews was.

I heard that they had a story, yeah, it was in my briefing material.

It was a Cleveland plane dealer.

When Andrew said they were, he said there were regional fundraising papers that they had just finished the series on.

He said they had the best sales they've ever had.

And he said that any problem he felt we had here is really... Well, we had this evaporating, and there's three reasons for that.

Number one is that the calf did not make a run at John Andrews, so he's still in there holding the party together.

And number two, they've got a cracker jack out there in the office, but he's a master chairman, a good face, and a good man.

And number three, they're able to put him in all of the sports.

Good.

Ray was not there.

He was in Alaska.

Yeah, he was there on vacation.

Now I think the other confirming of your assignment is that John Brown.

Right.

Yeah, he's always got a hell of a funnel.

He has put together and I started him out on this three months ago.

As a matter of fact, I made a note about Senate and House majority leaders are two of the most attractive guys I've ever seen.

And I want to do two things.

One, I want to press, push both of them to run for Congress if there ain't a congressional seat.

Second, if it's any use to us, they could be enormously effective for presidential finance.

Goddamn, they were two of the...

I only met them for a minute.

It needs to be good to tell.

Good-looking, young, vigorous guys.

Well, I just saw the leaders before it.

They're in the location west below.

They've got it.

He is.

Well, I think he does something.

But he walks in on us.

He wasn't any like a president.

Did he meet you at the airport?

Did he go to the museum with you?

Did he present you at the dinner?

Well, he couldn't be there.

He didn't be there.

Well, it was quite fitting that they actually were there.

Go ahead, John.

Well, I was saying something.

I was saying that his wife is looking weird out there.

We're getting them closer.

I wish we had a, I hope we have a similar arrangement.

That's the thing.

We've got on this shaft.

He's a nice little target.

Very nice.

Payments today.

The salary and service, all state employees are now volunteers.

I'm trying to force the legislature down this budget or something.

They were the fastest appropriations .

Let me say that one thing that was really good.

He was probably kind of depressed.

He just had a darndest reception in Ohio.

He was flabbergasted, depressed.

They couldn't write it negatively, and they wrote it somewhat positively.

And in Ohio, they ran it through a very positive way.

It was unbelievable.

We had to build it up.

When they came to the airport, the streets were just jammed with people.

And they didn't, you know, usually people stand and wave and all that.

These people all shouted and all can't connect.

Can't connect.

And in both states.

And went into the Canton, to the Hall of Fame.

And then drove on the freeway at 11.30 at night.

Canton to Akron to spend the night.

We were at a hotel in Akron.

And all the way along this freeway, on the freeway fence, way up at the top of the hill, were people.

At 11.30 at night.

Remember that one group had a big sign saying, thanks for coming or something.

And all the stuff along that had American flags on.

No, sir.

We had a group.

The paper had printed that he was going to go to Akron to spend the night, so people knew he was coming along.

And they had heard him, because as we were going through the street areas of the town, we'd stand up and wave.

The president would stand up and wave in the car.

And people would shout great speech and things like that.

So he'd been on TV, apparently, or radio, from the football game.

And then they'd come.

But we had not advanced that.

We had made no, could we win?

I mean, you're out of your mind.

We tried to get a crowd out at 1130, but not a few of them.

On a freeway, yeah.

Well, that was good.

And we also had a very...

very positive perception.

The right one, you can see the left one is so cool now that the child gets it.

They're cool for the wrong reasons.

And the bastards think the communists are cheating, which is not true.

But the other hand, the right one is not out yet.

And so it's a rather nice thing to go around.

Well, I was the reason it occurred to Iowa to stay with Ohio.

We expected Iowa to cover it.

Iowa was going to have a copy instead of one.

Yeah, that's true.

We expected that to happen.

Mr. President, I had a gut reaction all along, but people got options open.

Yeah, the fact that it was going to be necessary to cover it.

Yeah, for any number of reasons.

Yeah.

Ohio, of course, is the one that's more appointed than any other.

Well, let me suggest this, that my feeling is that we really can't do Ohio on a school call.

And I think I just take the whole damn bunch.

And so somebody who goes into a state and takes a free ride gets 30, 40 percent of the voting.

I don't think they're going to do it in a primary.

We aren't going to campaign against it.

But if we don't, it's a chance of a republic.

The only problem of running these things is if they put up a conservative, they have regular running.

Now, a regular running, or if they get a legitimate conservative, a conservative can always get a third of the Republican vote any day.

Just as a liberal Democrat can always get 40% of the Democratic vote.

That doesn't want to happen.

It might.

Where is it?

Well, I don't know.

I don't know whether they're going to get their man.

That's it.

But that's why there's these Cliff White, this Monty Buckley crowd.

We've got to keep them going on.

There's more danger of that kind of thing happening if you put up a stand-in, really, than there is if you put the president up.

Well, I don't know.

I just want to see this.

Well, in any event, don't we really have to face up to it and just say, why can't I believe this?

I think we've got John.

You can just sort of use, if you would, the same analogy as the Eisenhower in 1956.

If you could point out that, look here, Eisenhower had 56 grand this way, and that's the way it's going to be this time.

I think it makes a lot of sense.

Well, that doesn't say that there's any real detraction from it.

That reminds us whether it's possible.

When you look at the states where it's going to be a substance, like New Hampshire, Oregon, Florida, Nebraska, Wisconsin, Massachusetts, there's a strong amount of them.

Yeah, I remember we were in that before.

That was the one I was in.

That's the one in the Rockefeller Lodge.

The one in Massachusetts.

Remember, the Massachusetts delegation was for somebody else.

No, parts of it.

We had with the people who would have monitored this thing.

Surprisingly enough, Sargent's new state chairman is a right-winger that's getting along with Lloyd Weir.

Oh, boy.

This is incredible.

So I agree, but then I think that we can just program it in a way.

Well, I'll let you, let me say, do what you want.

I think that we should do it in Ohio to begin with, I think.

All others, if you feel like, it's the way to get the party together in every place.

Now, second place, well, it's smaller than Iowa, which you're already aware of.

You know, they had the problem.

Bob Ray.

Ray, apparently, who is a lawyer, didn't want to make a court of appeals.

And I guess no district judge is available.

That damn Jack Miller is, of course, swining around saying, well, he has three other people, three Americans that he can recommend a good job.

So he doesn't want Ray.

And he wants him the hell out of the state.

I don't get Ray out of the state.

I don't think we're probably due for it.

But on the other hand, I don't see that pulling us down in Iowa.

In any way, it isn't worth it.

what you're putting in there.

I agree, because we've raised children's cases.

You know, we've tried to work with them.

And we've read addresses.

Ah, you've got 49 to 48.

Well, then tag your vote.

I want to get the vote for 49 to 48.

This is the lockheed.

Lockheed.

We're finding one.

Yeah, that's what we found.

See if we got any of the folks that I called.

It's done now.

That's it.

It was the house, too.

He's coming.

Well, it's really, really important.

As a matter of fact, this morning, I asked him to come by this afternoon.

He told me to show up for lunch.

I'm not sure if he's going to talk to my wife.

But I sat there and called Barry Goldwater.

He didn't kind of interrogate me.

He didn't go as far as that.

I know he didn't go on.

He said, what's the date?

I don't know.

But I called Carl Curtis, and he made it up.

I don't think there's anything that we should start doing right now.

We tried to do it behind the scenes, but it didn't work.

And now I think we're just going to encourage it.

I don't think the lieutenant governor is against Nixon.

That's the point.

We haven't got all that.

It's a fight after you get a heart attack.

It's a heart attack.

Rick Miller, Jesus Christ, he's across the bear.

I can't even talk to him.

I can't.

I can't keep her.

He's a really, and that's through all three of them.

Just imagine everybody has the same problem.

Is that right?

I mean, it's fine.

Everybody has a problem.

Exactly.

Yes, sir.

And some of the things you know, John, when you took him out there to Iowa, we met him.

We met him there and took him on a helicopter.

And then some of the things you know, John, if you didn't.

He was supposed to go to the luncheon, but he came on back and canceled out the luncheon.

So he wanted to talk to him about the plane.

Let me tell you what I was about to say.

Yeah, well, of course, I had to work.

I was working.

I had to work at the school.

And I'll be damned if not for life.

And I was talking to him about that.

After the plane landed, he asked me to see him.

He was a little lonely.

But he said, you know, he said, I agree with you.

He said, what a burden it's like to live in China.

I've been over to Asia a lot, and I know a lot about it.

I said, let me tell you, Jack.

I said, nobody can go at this time to China.

Of course, we'll make recommendations to the senators and others to be invited, not what you write on there.

I said, John, can you imagine this on the bench?

The gall of it.

I just want to go on.

Just forget the purpose.

Ferris, thanks for that.

I agree.

I said if you approached me two weeks ago, you could come and ask me questions.

Oh, is that right?

That's no secret.

I found out this morning.

You did everything.

Okay.

I'm sorry to interrupt.

Now, Ohio will forget that.

The other one comes to California.

I had a talk with a fellow at Ace College, Ace of College, and apparently, this is the writer in line, he said Reagan at this time,

but not hate California.

It was on the other hand.

They talked about it on the other hand.

And he said that they don't care if we're in California or not.

He said that it was good.

He said we got together.

We brought our base with Eli here.

And he said, really, the chairman was more sick on his advice.

The fires, the Leonard fires.

Yeah.

Well, they didn't complain about it.

They just said, you need to .

They're all aware of that.

But the whole California thing, of course, as you know, is all inclined to bench.

I don't know what the hell we can do there.

You know, we're talking about bench during this time.

Including OEP.

I don't know whether that's a good idea or not, because if we do it in an alleged price breach, we have to go to the people.

Of course, we've got that right away.

We're still at that point.

Not really.

Huh?

That's pretty much it.

Now we're in the portion.

Yeah.

Well, we're continuing out of the portion.

The pitch is totally here.

I'm capable of running that.

Well, that's a good thing.

We're right out of it.

It's perfect now to match the good, political place.

And we've got three lanes.

Yeah, I got that.

The difficulty is

We have the possibility that we have on this party, we have under consideration, at some point, snapping a 90-day wage price freeze.

And if we ever, if we, if we have brought that option, we can't have a convention and a job.

In my view, if that is the case, if that, I don't know, I'll see.

I'm going to keep the whole thing for a while longer because I think the man will put in the job if I have to go back and have it.

I really feel that we must go back probably to Peterson.

I think Peterson is going to be the other part of that.

He's here.

With that in mind, y'all, that's a hell of a job.

Yeah, but you've got to so deeply look up.

Well, the other one that you can put in it would be mine.

Mine would do it for us, wouldn't it?

We're sure you wouldn't.

Mine would do it for us.

We've had a lot of people comment on that.

That's the point.

Mine doesn't care about having friends.

It would do it for us.

Well.

Now, on Rumsfeld, I got your signal on that.

I agree, as well.

I have enormously good reports on his character, whether in the Pentagon or some other things around the country.

The trouble with them, I don't know, but maybe, and I've talked to Rumsfeld a couple of times, and I've actually talked to him so much, he's got to step up and decide what the hell he wants to do.

But he shouldn't really think, oh, I'll give him a chance.

I think he ought to stay all on his council as a resident.

I think that he ought to be a freewheeler to run around.

We'll send him on a trip to Latin America, you know, looking for the niggers or whatever the hell you want to look for down there.

And we have a couple of little chapels.

But I think he is a valuable political property.

And you could use him in that property.

Now I think maybe at this point,

Bob, if you and John together could sit down.

Tell them, you're the cousin.

I've offered him.

He says, he don't think I want him to handle it.

I'm just trying to find a job for him.

Turn that down.

I think he ought to.

And the other thing I want you to say to Rumsfeld is this.

Rummy, there is always the chance, and we don't know it, but there is always

you should vote for him.

One should vote for him.

And you're the candidate to come in, except for certain jobs you're going to do.

That's really true.

You would get Robert's job, or you would get Bolton's job, or you would get Richardson's job.

You could do any one of those, and they're very natural.

And it could do interior, or agriculture, or manufacturing, or whatever.

How does that start?

You know, another thing that popped up, I think, maybe you already talked to a reviewer or a reviewer, I don't know, is what he'd really like to be, you know, if that was his undersecretary of state.

Yeah, well, he'd like to realize he should send Jack Irwin off someplace.

But you're not going to be of any value to us there either.

First of all, it wouldn't do us any good there.

And secondly, Rogers is going to do that.

So there's no going back.

I don't think Rogers has that.

Rogers is making a mistake.

Rogers made a mistake.

They're not getting plenty of them that we could have gotten.

They're not going to get any now.

I don't think we ought to waste money on the State Department, do you, John?

Not at this point.

I think at a later time, it would be great.

After the fact, let me tell you what I've had to talk about once, and I want to talk about this right now.

And he feels that the foreign exposure, the association of foreign territories with me, I keep finding out that this is going to happen in 1954 or something.

So let's stay with it.

Do you feel that this is right?

I don't agree with the approach, but do you feel that it's right?

He can get some exposure.

Well, the point is that we can get him some exposure this year.

He took a trip to the U.S. and got a good degree right out of that.

I'll give him a trip to Latin America.

He's good at that sort of thing.

It wouldn't be bad for us to have somebody run around Latin America.

Yeah.

But the reason, John, that we and I have not gone to Rome is because of the nature of riots.

On the other hand, this is something we can do for Finch, too.

I think we could send a Finch-Rumsfeld duo to Latin America.

That is a jump.

The Senate wanted to not let him live.

I think Mitch's cover of you is my presidential letter.

But once you put that down as one of your conversations with him, now let's see what we do with Finch.

What do we do immediately with Finch?

We've got to keep OED a little open.

We've got to keep him still out of California.

When I say keep him out, you can't keep him out because he's got his friends and all that sort of thing.

Well, I must say, one thing about it is going to California.

The other thing is they're starting to backfire with fires going on in the rest of the country.

Yeah.

And the current status of the panel, and I would love to break them down, is that they're holding on to this announcement.

I know what you saw the other time around.

It starts off with a delegation of red flags to Richard Nixon.

So I had to get into that situation.

I thought it was going to be a place where they should fix it.

The second point is that they're going to need that application for the building of our building structure up there.

So that's why they've turned that off until I can sit down with Reagan.

Reagan asked them to be held on the point that it was a place that they should come up.

So may I interrupt you?

You know, one thing that just occurred to me is that we're doing something for Reagan.

I have a nice little question.

But long before the China campaign, he wanted to go to represent the United States and Taiwan's independent states.

So I'm still letting him go.

October 11th.

So he'll whip up Taiwan.

And that'll be the weather.

So you can go out there all the right way.

And of course, he'll jump on and say, well, we're going to do this.

But I sent him as my personal representative to Taiwan.

But the thought was that Reagan and I would sit down and start talking about players within the next few weeks.

Before the 14th of September, right?

And this was the first of the state convention out there, which was supposed to happen.

And then I would be able to pay a copy of it.

Let me say that on California, it's a very difficult situation to count because of the fact that Bob Finch rules that the delegation that make up the Congress is important.

And he has always felt that way.

He got us involved in the county and then fighting the 62 and other things.

And I don't think it means a damn thing.

I mean, it isn't like it was before.

It's an end up under the California law.

The delegation is pledged on the first ballot, by law, and cannot go without the release of the candidate.

So what the hell's the difference if you have a bunch of chimpanzees or bell-eyed monkeys on the back of that car?

You don't win on the first ballot, do you?

Oh, that's right.

I'm horsing around with it anyways.

No, but anyway, it stays with you.

You're on the first ballot.

Mr. President, I just want to make sure you understand this, because I'm just putting out a story that we met with you last week or something.

You're very much disturbed about a great film.

Oh, that is just not true.

That is just not true.

Were you there about that?

No.

Who was it?

I don't know what you mean by that.

Yeah.

It's just ridiculous.

It happened to me after the movie.

So this is something.

Who did it?

Todd did it?

No.

Well, I did.

Todd really did do something.

Bob Finch won't say anything to me about the president being disturbed about his seat.

So obviously he made it up.

He made it up.

And he just got to get off of this chair.

You see, he's in there.

Pat has been working with him on this chair up the window.

And it's just silly to get me in the fight out there about this.

We just don't need that.

On the other hand, Reagan should put in some bench people in that delegation.

The question about it is, if Reagan is asked,

Your office talked to the California delegation and said it would have a broader prospect of bringing all the big parts of the party.

And that's the stability of the pension division.

The parliament really is selling the jury itself, I think, badly now, too.

Because I notice now they're starting to build up a thing by filling in Reinicke.

He's potentially giving Reinicke the chance.

He's taking it.

to build himself up as the guy who was dining in California for Nixon.

I think he's now becoming the next-in-man.

He's becoming the next-in-man in California.

That's right.

Well, he's the guy that put the convention thing together in San Diego.

Oh, yeah.

Why, what'd they want?

This is Miami.

Miami?

The committee was, what, five to two against San Diego?

Why'd they want Miami?

Why?

I don't know.

I'm starting to tell the fact that Brett Strickland was around.

Oh, you didn't know?

Well, God damn it, he's still around.

God damn it, he said he was first in his class at Harvard.

Make him a judge, John.

Make everybody else a judge.

Well, poor old Scribner.

Yeah, but he has quite an influence over us.

Yeah, sure.

He's been around forever.

Been there forever.

Well, that's captured.

He is not without ability.

The guy is a nitpicker, but he's got some ability.

He's tenacious.

He talks.

Bitches.

Well, on California, I guess you have nothing more to say on it except that

But I just feel that if Bob Finch will hurt himself by getting into that fight, he just ought to get the help.

And I think Bob, he may be confusing his own language with mine.

And I think that there he says, I've got to fight this with a friend.

But I think that Bob knows, he's practical enough to know that it doesn't make any difference who's on that delegation.

But what he's concerned about is his people are represented.

They control the people.

This memorandum wanted you or your representative to designate the delegates.

Why?

I don't know.

No self-respecting governor, even in Maryland or Delaware, would do that.

Look, I'm trying out loud.

I think that in 1956, the delegation was all split up there.

Yeah.

No one even knows.

No one.

At night, the three of us would have divided up the goddamn thing, but the governor had a lot to say with it.

I can hardly do anything.

The three of us, the two senators at night, would have had a third of the delegation at peace.

And that's the way it's going to work this time.

Well, Mr. President, I'm going to let you go.

I'm going to let you go.

You're going to start to put together a political organization.

This fall, the delegation is going to have to be picked and put together tomorrow.

So that what you're going to do is get your political organization and use the delegation to pledge this to the political organization.

They don't have rights in this country.

That's why he's talking about that we should be all pledging to the party lines, because we're going to try to pull all aspects of the party together.

As if you're going to take the delegation now and put a political structure in there, an active one.

He's been around this track so often that I don't know what else we can do with him.

And also, he's hurting himself by going out to California all the time.

He's so totally available that he's getting to be a children.

He's got to get the hell out of the state.

Be a little less common.

And I don't know what to do with him.

But when the time comes, Bob Finch, running the primary, will do well enough.

Because that's where he's attracting the running primary.

Because you know, it might be against tyranny or anybody else.

That should be nominated.

But he's twirling.

He's got the way he'll act in the 72 elections.

He shouldn't be campaigning now for 74.

He's a goddamn fool.

I think that's his mistake.

Agreed.

I'd take off right after the 72 eruptions if I were he.

I'd wait a week and then I'd announce and go to work.

But up until now, the 72, he should stay the hell out of his fights and work for the national picture.

Bill is snatching himself out of the political politics into doing some foreign press play on his political quality.

He is losing because

the connection to the high level connections.

There's a nice distribution of abilities out there in D.C. We've got our policy in maneuvering this.

Nobody likes that.

Nobody likes.

The voters do not like, frankly, this manipulative, bank-ruled stuff.

They used to, but they don't like it anymore.

They finally were thrown out of the government, of course, and the president came out against him.

He's a hypocrite.

You've got to expect a little.

You know John Hollis, but you've got to recognize that the Chattanooga has had a modest play from around here compared with it.

Can you imagine what the Hamptons have done to Freddie Prinze tonight?

Well, how do we leave bench?

How long are you going to wait on the OV?

Oh, uh-huh.

He's trying to figure, he didn't say no.

He was, I mean, word, you know, whatever you got to do, whatever you do.

He was intrigued with me, he was intrigued with me in the last year and a half ago.

My friend, I quite agree with you that if you were at a mission over across the street from the plane, you would have been left alone.

Oh, yeah, don't worry.

Don't worry.

I wouldn't put it in that office.

I think I'd put it over in Trajan.

That's about it.

I'd throw it in the conference room.

That's what I'm going to have to consider.

I don't know if that's the thing.

I guess that's how you get it.

Well, I think that's what it was.

And they sit down.

and say, you know, I'm just going to stay out of that.

I said, well, if you've got to do it, I'm going to travel toward Pennsylvania and Ohio.

And he'd be good there.

He would have left.

I mean, he was a lot different.

Same with Donald Trump, you know.

And he's got a successful district senator business.

.

Yes.

Well, the next problem, we never get it solved.

What do we say?

Well, I don't know what you mean.

See, now with regard to that, those are the only things I had except, uh, uh, agriculture.

Yeah, what about agriculture?

Uh, have you heard anything more about Hart?

I haven't heard anything more.

Rogers has talked to Hart.

I understand he is, he has a very good offer.

Would he like to do it?

It's a commercial.

Yeah.

And he'd like very much to pay us a lot of money for the long range retirement plan.

Which he really doesn't have absolutely no money.

He has no money.

Right.

He ought to take it.

And he feels that he should do it, that this is probably the last chance to make money.

That we save time, but become tarnished.

Well, basically, no.

Basically, anybody, in my opinion, in the cabinet, who is concerned about the money payment, you get out of town.

Exactly.

Except for, basically, I would say, if you get the public to go back to it.

That's the major concern that we have with them.

But a fellow like Hart is going to have a much bigger sales value now than he will a year from now, and particularly in the event he didn't win the election.

There's Hart and Hutch, and probably the only two guys in the cabinet who have been running for office, and no ribbons.

At least that's ten.

He's got some money.

It comes from where they're going.

I don't know why, but they're going to have a little.

I'm sure that Hutch doesn't anymore.

I don't think he likes Hutch.

I think that might be why.

Well, of course, he's just a worker.

He's not an inspector.

But I don't think, well, we should have been able to do that.

I had talked to Conley about it.

Now, I had talked to Conley about it.

I said, John, I said, can you know anybody?

He said, they ran into the department.

who isn't a farm hero.

Well, he comes up with the idea that a cattleman probably is the best thing to get him.

Probably is right.

They're all women, to begin with.

I would admit, unless he's a member of the Bureau, or a dairyman probably is okay, too, in this instance.

But I think somebody of that type.

Incidentally, what would you think of love in Colorado?

He doesn't sound like a farmer.

I think he is a farmer.

No, that's the point.

His wife doesn't either.

Well, you know what suggestion has been made in rebelling.

Huh?

That's Bryce Harlow.

He thinks that he is totally transparent.

You can't really.

Well, anyway, the point is, you'd have to resign from the Senate.

You'd have to resign from the Senate and have a special election for the Senate, which I think somebody would win.

But it's a hell of a risk, in my opinion.

He isn't terribly sharp.

That's the point.

You need somebody to go around and sell whatever it is you're trying to sell.

I don't know if we elect a governor and we elect a senator.

I know.

That's in Oklahoma.

He isn't that quick.

He sure isn't.

I wonder if I'm going to want quick people.

Well, I don't know.

They may not want quick people, but we've got to have somebody that's smart enough to know what to do.

You know, you're talking about what I mentioned before, head and shoulders.

If I was smart, I'd be more accountable to the United States.

Is he a farmer?

He's a lawyer.

I wonder if the Nun thing is coming to my mind.

Nun, at least, talks like a farmer.

He acts like one.

He knows a lot about it.

We're leaning on him.

Dennis, Harry Dennis.

You know, none of Bob could be a better man.

None is as sharp.

The crack is a politician.

And he's a hell of a salesman.

And he talks the talk shows, knows what the farmers do.

They're all.

He really has a knack.

He's tobacco, which, of course, is part.

He's rice, tobacco, cattle, cotton, corn.

He works Ohio well.

He works in particularly Midwest Oregon.

He's a hell of a politician.

Also a former head of the government.

I'll lend you money, but hope none has a farm.

I think you would have one.

Damn near everybody in the country has a farm.

I'm sorry.

Which would be good, but I kind of laughed at him.

You see, Hardin basically died as a professor.

And I think he's a great guy, and I think he and his wife are superb people.

But I think, frankly, as Bob and I are starting to come back from out there at First Book in Iowa, I relate to the farmers down in Hardin, though.

And they kind of think I'm one of them.

You know, I can talk my Midwestern as it is, but I don't have any of the manners of the Easterners.

That's really what I get from them.

Yeah.

Oh, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.

I've got, uh...

I don't think so.

How about Lee Nunn?

Would you like to be Lee Nunn?

Yeah.

Lee Nunn.

Yeah.

I just .

His name was on my list last night.

I was going to ask you .

You brought it up.

I was going to do it.

No.

OK. Now, another class of the university we got .

It was outside of .

Would you excuse me?

He got bogged in the rock.

He didn't get curtains.

He got bogged in the rock.

Not it.

I wonder how the hell we got four channels.

Sure we won.

If you've got the right channel.

I got that.

Assuming you get the right fellow outside of the channel and one of them is there, maybe you lost it.

I think we probably must have lost it.

We did lose both.

Is that right?

We won.

Pretty surprising.

Yeah.

Hello?

Lee, what is the, I was just talking to John Mitchell here about some things, and my brother.

Do you know whether Louis, of course you do know your brother, he's a lawyer, of course.

Does he have a farm?

I know you have one.

But he has done farming, hasn't he?

What kind of, what kind of farm?

Corn, corn, soybeans, something like that.

But he did own a farm at one time and does know something about it.

Yeah.

OK, good.

Technically, fine, fine.

Perfect.

He owned a farm, a small farm, grew tobacco, corn, soybeans, and so did one man.

and now there's not a whole lot.

You know, he just, he was just farmer oriented.

And he looks like it, looks like he just walked through the neighborhood.

He just, he lives his life that way.

It's a dang truth.

I can tell, I can tell these farmers.

I can tell you.

You've met your feet a certain way, proper or not.

Now listen, that is the line.

Okay, that goes.

Who's to talk to Howard first?

John?

No, let Bill Rogers go back to him.

Yeah, go on, go on.

Or at least we've got to talk to Bill.

Bill should have then talked to him and then asked.

Bill thinks that...

In fact, I'm surprised too that Hardin hasn't asked to see you.

Bill, Bill Hardin hasn't asked to see you.

I was going to call Bill.

You call Bill.

All right, fine.

Tell him that we have a man that we can put in the job.

And I encourage him to take this position.

And it's done.

I think we are.

Could you resign now?

All right.

Well, no, no, wait, wait, wait, wait.

Okay, thank you.

That's about two months.

Yeah.

He would, where would he go?

Yeah, well, if you've got to stay in November, you put it in November.

That's right.

Louis has an excellent coloration of other ways.

Borders things, sort of soft.

We haven't got a southerner in there at the moment.

I guess it's a southerner.

Louis is not a good country.

There's a great strobe of governors who work very well with you on a political question.

You keep saying we'll never put another governor on the cabinet.

Well, I don't think it's that kind of a problem.

Each of them has its points to vote.

Just don't say it on your trips, please.

It's a report.

It's nice.

You don't send it on jokes this year.

Well, he's great to ride on the stump.

He's pretty good on those tires, too.

Is he?

He's good on the stump, too.

And so is Romney good on the stump.

We've got our head.

And you've got to remember that all can be.

But I think the Nunn thing is perfect.

Now, let's move on that quickly.

Then you call Nunn.

I think that's the way to do that.

Do you want to check those with some of your political experts?

Yes, sir.

I think it'd be good since I've already asked him about this.

I've had a few parlors some season, but I don't know.

I just can't risk losing another senator.

Let's put it on that face.

Oh, yeah.

And this Rizzo thing is really solid, for a very solid reason.

Yeah, but if he wins, then he can tell Annenberg to go home.

Well, except that he knows Annenberg will give him that if he loses.

Except that, apparently, there is more to this than Annenberg's relationship with Rizzo, in fact.

Well, I've seen Dr. Lawrence Longstrap, who came out and said he didn't agree with the administration on April.

So, great.

Great.

I just hope Rizzo leaves his ass off.

How does Harlan feel about Rizzo winning?

He's managing Longstrap.

Does he think Longstrap's going to win?

It's just, he has, it's the motion, I think Arlen was running Lonsdale's campaign.

Yeah.

So that he would go to the players, but he doesn't.

What does Arlen expect him to want?

He wants to be governor.

Do you think he wants me to do him a favor?

I don't know.

Governor, if he did that,

Yeah, how long have you guys been with him?

He's an administrator.

Oh, I know an administrator.

But do you think, is he the one to be our chairman there?

I'll just take a look.

You got anybody?

What we're doing, all of the players are putting together and trying to see if we can agree on it.

And create pressure on him with the strength.

Strength is one of the problems.

Tell us the...

I guess you've got a coloration.

What could we use?

I think what I mean is he's got a complex that makes politics difficult here.

And that's the problem here.

It's too bad that they have to infect it all over again.

Walter Annenberg.

Walter didn't.

It's a really hard line.

That's one appointment that's paid off, isn't it?

Walter also has this consideration.

He said the most important thing is to get you reelected.

He has a TV guy, which is a long story.

Yeah.

He also reserved the right, and he sold it to me, right?

He told you that, didn't he?

That's a good one.

I mean, I like her too, don't we?

So, what he is looking for is some guidance as to whether he can stay in London.

Sure.

Let me say a problem.

The problem with having him come back is that I don't think anybody would want to take him back.

This is one that I...

Does he want to stay on after the election?

What I was thinking, and I'm thinking of Reagan.

You know, Reagan, what does he want?

And there are some talks that would affect what you'd like to be an ambassador to.

What the hell would you want to be an ambassador to, except London?

I know this is wrong.

I don't think he...

I would guess he'd want London, but I don't think he knows.

They don't speak any languages.

We haven't had any ambassadors in the history of the United States.

I think London is all in one.

But with regard to Annaberg, Annaberg is a patriot.

Well, let me ask you, what would be the

If he got back here, he could really...

I think he could do it from there.

I think he could just do it to help us there.

He doesn't sign the editorials and so on.

Or does he?

He would have to.

If he had an editorial signing the war, or an ambassador to... Well, his right reserve is to write a story and put it on there.

Oh.

Oh, I can put it on there.

But that might not be the .

No, that's right.

That's right.

And also his influence, considerable influence among people.

I wonder if he can't do it as an ambassador in terms of his influence, more effectively than he could be if he were here as a private citizen .

The other thing is the chance that they keep the secret if you want the secret.

That's the best payoff secret we've got.

It's the one of all of them.

That's the way we come here, too.

What's your ?

I feel like that's from the political point of view.

Whether you have a vote and have

The organizations that are within his organization will use those resources to account.

If you get Annenberg out of there now, or now in May or June or whatever, it's going to be worthwhile because it's an expansive client.

The only one reading that I'd like to...

and have that open for a trade, I think it would be very useful.

It might be a way to solve the California thing, to throw Reagan into the Ambassador's ship, let Reineke go up to Governor, and then Finch is cleared away for running for the Senate.

I don't know what that does to those other clans out there.

No, let's not get this program before the 72th election.

No, I don't, I don't.

That would be a way to lose the Carols for most of them.

Have you had a conversation with Reagan about this?

No, no.

I have the slightest idea that he would be interested in being an ambassador, but some have said that he wants to live in California.

That's why he's talking about writing for the Senate or something.

He's talking about that.

But he'd like to get the hell out of there.

Because the Senate has posted about the subject for the Senate.

You know, you might have a situation where you're writing to the governor and he's ready to come to the Senate.

Yeah, that's what he's interested in after 72.

After 72.

I think the president's trying to water average .

He has a tremendous organization across the town.

Oh, yes.

And if it's structured properly, he'll make fun of it in many ways.

He's a great guy.

Well, let's wait on that.

I agree.

I just think Walter ought to stay where he is and do everything we can.

I'm sure he'll sign the editorial paper and we'll be able to do that.

You know what I mean?

Try to help him in some other way.

In Illinois, we're privileged to be in Hauser.

That's right.

Tom Hauser.

Percy is broken.

Aaron is totally there.

See ya.

Hello, John.

How are you?

You really went big.

Congratulations.

What were you doing?

Shaving points?

We didn't get Curtis.

I'm very surprised that nobody took a walk.

There's 49, 48, 97 voters.

So all you have to do is come back and have an election and then it's not yours in a month.

We're the only ones out.

Tell you.

If you got to vote the Delaware vote, what happened on that?

You got to vote.

How do we do that?

Well, you're going to message the federal government.

Sure.

We owe him that, I remember.

That's the lowest option.

That's what we owe him, the first option.

And we'll have to sell that to the oil company.

There's a lot of this here out there.

You've got West Virginia Bird and West Virginia Bird.

Yeah.

You've got a cannon, you've got a case.

You've got a case with three A's.

You've got a cook.

Cook or cop.

You've got the Marlowe cook.

Yes, that's interesting.

Mr. Cranston voted for us.

Oh, yeah.

We found a lawsuit.

Randolph was right here with us.

You got a tell-all for us.

Not for us, as a matter of fact.

You got a pen?

Did we get a pen?

That is correct.

We called the medicine for us.

You called the camp for us?

Of course.

Bannon is a great follower.

He told you that Goldwater was against him.

He was against him.

He lost Goldwater.

He lost Bobby Griffin.

He was there.

He lost Dominic.

Good God.

What the hell is a man with Dominic?

Principal.

That's just great.

He's a principal.

He's the chairman of the Don't Stand, Send Campaign Committee.

That's right.

Bobby Griffin is your whip.

That's right.

He lost him.

That's right.

What do you mean you've got great leaders down there?

Did we get Scott?

We haven't got Scott.

I guess he died.

He's not a part of it.

He's a part of it.

We don't get any of him.

We've got about a person.

We've got a guarantee.

We've got a wrong person.

We've got about a person.

Oh, that son of a bitch.

We've got a guarantee.

How'd you get Chappell?

I don't know.

How'd you get him, Chappell?

I talked to him.

It was the family of people who vended me.

Well, there's two letters.

You talked to him?

Talked to him and talked to him.

He promised to some of the families in New York.

You met in New York?

Right.

We already told them.

What about Andrews?

We must have lost Andrews.

You got Matthias.

Matthias.

God, there must be something wrong with the Villas.

We lost Andrews.

We've got Trent McIntyre, Metcalf, and another Moss.

That's later.

What about Montoya?

Lost Montoya.

Lost Muskie.

That's Hackerwood.

That's Muskie.

That's Pearson.

That's not all that is.

No, actually.

Yeah, we got Christian.

We should have gotten Patrick Williams-Christian.

I got Patrick Williams-Christian Friday.

That Friday.

It was actually Roche.

It was Roche.

Roche.

That's the way it is.

That's every, every day.

She hasn't voted on it.

Steven was here the last time.

We haven't seen him.

I know.

We haven't seen him.

That's the question.

He does have, I mean, I have to .

We haven't heard of .

That's an odd, interesting one.

Oh, it is.

It's really just the strangest combination of us all.

Well, John, we had a strange set of things working on us.

Yeah.

We had the liberals working against us.

And then we had the conservatives working against us.

You don't question the religion of Goldwater.

Then we had GB working.

We had United working.

We had American working too.

We had Donald Evans.

Now, Donald Evans was working too.

So we had a strange combination.

And we had later with us.

Some of them were against separate.

UAW was against UAW.

Machinists were for us.

That's right.

That's correct.

There was some thought that Griffin was going to take a lot.

but it's a

Nobody picked Washington at all.

I just wondered, or I get back to this all the time, we get kicked time and again by people who are not very complimentary.

We really have got to be harder on some of these people who have asked unbendedly for what's possible.

They don't know what's putting them.

I just can't put it on my mind.

I've got to do it to you.

I've heard you.

Good.

Put it to them.

I like the efficiency of leadership we have.

That's right.

Yeah.

And it's hard to exercise leadership.

That's right.

Oh, yes.

Well, you know, it's bad for the White House to have to call these people.

I had to call, I called four people.

Well, they lose two or three leaders.

Right.

I was willing to call them.

I was willing.

I had to call them.

Oh, right.

Oh, I am.

I am.

That's a terror.

It's stupid.

They were in this fighting for principles who got that much, too.

It's done now.

But I'll tell you, we don't, it's not for him.

I want that list.

I do.

I don't want it.

I just don't want to forget it.

Well, I go to the press.

Any blessing for it.

You've got some damn project.

I've got time left.

He gets it.

So you'll give it to him.

No, I won't.

Just give it to him.

I'm not going to give the list.

He's devoted with us.

We'll take it off in Nebraska.

No, the rest of the world does.

The rest of the world does.

And Curtis usually does.

Yeah.

Curtis, I don't know.

John, I've got one proposition before we talk about your international thing.

Remember we talked about agriculture?

We've come, I've come up with an idea.

John Mitchell has given up on it.

You know, he wasn't around.

The difficulty with putting somebody in a position of politicians is to say a problem.

And you don't have a candidate yet.

No, I've got six.

The difficulty is you've got Farm Bureau, you've got all that.

If you've got the best mentor in the Farm Bureau, that makes all the others mad and so forth and so on and so on.

But the problem with getting people who are in politics is

If you can't find any other farmers, you're having to find them.

There is one.

There are two actually.

One in Colorado, which you probably know him.

One is well in Colorado.

But the trouble is, while he is sort of a farmer, and he is a little bit of a farmer, he doesn't talk like one.

He's more a social kind of person.

I like him.

Great call.

Yeah, great call.

But he's more a Denver boy than he is a farm boy.

John Lovett.

And incidentally, John, we want him for something else if he wants anything.

Because I told Lovett when he ran for governor, I said, look, we'd like to have you because he's a very attractive guy.

But in terms of a farm, I'm trying to get really, now that it's hard to please him, it's not a possibility.

We want to get a guy who really looks as if he can walk through the fields.

Now the guy that I think, that I think is deep to deep said is Nunn.

Louie Nunn.

Farm origin, farm background.

He's a governor.

He's a, he leaves this year.

They left now.

He's a, his farm, his background is part of the back row farm.

So he's a part of it.

It's a, it's a border state.

It's a,

He also is very strong in Ohio, Illinois, Indiana.

He knows that morale very well.

How does he sound to you?

I like him.

Do you know him?

Yeah, we should know him.

Well, he was not a doctor.

What does he sound to you?

You see, the other thing about Nunn is that he's smart as a quip.

He's a lawyer.

But he sounds like a whole country.

He always puts that thing off.

And I think that's what you need to get out there and talk to those farmers.

In Kentucky, he goes back to those mountain counties, and he trots down those streets, and he talks that language.

I have a feeling that none can talk the language.

I think he's smart enough also to take the program.

But he's got the appearance.

I don't know.

At this point, we've also got the undersecretary, we've got Campbell, who's a pretty good man.

Yes, Campbell is.

Well, he's a good politician, which may be more important than the good minister.

Yes, and I would answer my own question this way.

Anybody who has been successful in America, I believe that has some awareness of politics.

Well, that's great.

Well, obviously, it worked for the fact that the law in Kentucky does not allow him to see himself.

He can get sued for reelection.

He's that popular now.

He had problems at the beginning with the sales tax.

He called it non-sale.

And then he just went off and bought it around for, you know, although he doesn't do nothing.

And as I say, I just, he's a popular country boy.

He puts that on.

He always follows through on that.

I can keep you off of those pollen contests.

You see what's the thing?

Basically, Harden can't do it.

Harden is an intellectual.

He's a very fine man.

He knows the farm back and forth.

But he doesn't sound like one of them.

Right?

I sound more like one of them than he does.

Because I'm more of a downer.

And that's what you get down to.

You've got to be with these folks.

They know.

They can sense whether you're sort of like them or with them.

I just have a feeling there's nothing like being on a cracker jam right now.

I like the fact that he knows politics.

I wanted Secretary Geiger to talk to us.

Knows politics, this guy.

Louie Nunn is one of the most consequential politicians, I think, of the United States.

What does everybody else have to explain?

They are.

They lead the world.

They describe it.

I want to tell you a funny story about Louie Nunn.

I was very helpful there.

I thought he was a father to the poor.

And Louie Nunn had a private highway program.

So they laid out where all the roads were going to go when they were full.

And then he had his people go out and get petitions from them.

In the area where these roads were already destined to go.

So he had everybody on all these roads that were going to sign these petitions.

Because the governor was bonding with it, because their petition was put in on the highway.

I'm sure he did.

I would say he did, but he had to draw it.

Both of which have nothing to do with what I said earlier.

One is going out to press and confirm that there are and make it look like you're just trying to find a place.

But you're not trying to be a part of the executive office.

You're just trying to find a place for an out-of-order politician.

Second, to the extent that it's probably you who does it.

That makes four of us.

Yeah.

I think the going out thing, sort of the lame duck thing, would be much stronger.

He goes out basically when the governor retires.

No, no, no, and I agree with you, the problem is that the posture in such a way is impressive.

Well, I think also there was a very adverse reaction to the fact that he isn't, hasn't spent 30 years in the farm to go over and find culture and stuff like that.

I think on that score, Louie Nunn will come through out clear as a farm governor, basically.

Don't you think?

He just doesn't want to, you know, compare him to any of the others who are out there.

I mean, like the Indiana governor, the Ohio governor, who is not a farmer.

Bob Ray is not.

They know he's a warrior.

If you ask Louie Nunn, how could you ask any number of people that don't know Louie Nunn?

What do you think he is?

Well, I'm not arguing this.

Well, I understand that.

No, no, no.

You've got to smoke.

You've got to work on it.

See, he asked this.

Among the kennels, among the horse racers, he'd be strong in the horse racing.

Listen.

This is your, that's a big, big hole.

You know what, you ought to see the, the, the, that's why I brought that.

You ought to see the, the morning event, the morning polygraph, the day of the complex observing, half of it was taken up with the movement.

That's right.

But, and they got, they got the very power of the group.

See, as they overlapped with the Corps of Arts Association, which is the world's largest martial arts organization, just like that,

They're all tied in with the American National Captain.

So they will tie in very quickly.

The American National Captain tied in on Europe, pretty much, interrelationally.

You know, I have another thought, John.

One place that we have never had the support that we really deserve is among the horseshoes.

Horseshoes is the biggest fan business, the biggest sport in America.

Our people have had horseshoes.

Well, not now, but we're going to change that.

But Louie Nunn, Louie Nunn would face all the horse racing people and say, I've got weird form.

And that means a hell of a lot.

This is the Phelps crowd, the Melvin crowd, and I mean the Phipps.

He doesn't know them all.

We don't know them all.

And this is the crowd of George Frederick.

And the horse can't do it.

They're in the impacted form.

I mean, they can chip numbering very well.

And we screw.

So...

I think, of course, my god couldn't tell if he was tobacco or if he was a partisan in the South.

He was worried about what his thoughts were.

And this is you.

You have peanuts.

I don't want to believe in tobacco and everything except wheat.

They don't believe in that.

But that doesn't matter.

Wheat is not a problem, basically.

Wheat is a...

Nothing different from a farm trade in the West.

But cotton.

They grow cotton there.

They grow something from a farm trade.

He would tie into the Southeastern.

I like the southern location, too.

He's south without being east-south, which is just right.

Down there, of course, he's got a very good record on the whole civil rights jazz, you know, without being too far overboard.

He's great, and he's also very, and this is terribly important, I guess it's because of the report that he's taking.

He has an enormous stroke in Ohio.

But we need to go.

We've got a Democratic government.

And this very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very,

I think he'd be good.

I think the horse thing hasn't occurred to me.

But if the horse thing, if your analogy is correct there, he's good out through the mountain states.

Because what is it?

Because you've got Wyoming, you've got Montana, you've got Mexico, you've got Utah.

All of those are very horse-oriented.

What's the question?

I don't know.

He's too lucky to testify.

My God, he's one of the people that we were able to do.

She was told we had a fight.

Who would he, how would he relate to the state of Texas people in Texas?

They all have farms down there.

Okay, reading the arms, as you know, it's in, it's in, that's something, that's wrong, that's an issue.

That's right.

Let me say it, I don't want this to go beyond here, I don't want any political club, checkmate, anything like this has got to be handled, and then just, just do it.

But we'll, you check the city, you've got Rogers, check the city, the heart, the mouth, and then you give Billy a call, fair enough.

Well, the thing is, if you would find out just discreetly what the situation is as to whether he would be available to do the act of the election, or also

Well, he certainly got away with it too much, I guess.

Because it might defeat the other party, who's out now.

I think it's the Democrats and the Democrats.

He does, but he doesn't need a lot of money from them.

Okay.

Now, except for this little reverse quip there.

The Democrats and the Democrats are out of the hand of the governor.

Oh, yeah.

Oh, he couldn't do it then.

So he got away with November.

So that's part of the hardest part.

We're on the election.

Oh, I'm really sure.

Not bad.

You could probably mention that.

Yeah.

And even if Barton had believed before that, or he would have let Campbell act, she'd lie to him.

Dan Goodman.

We can't put him up yet.

I guess we're late enough to lose.

But none.

All of a sudden.

The southern, we want to call it southern for southern Kentucky.

Kentucky is considered the Midwestern state.

For example, Kentucky doesn't have, they don't have the civil rights law.

The farm crops are basically the southern part of the state.

The farmers do, but they're more southern.

The farmers are on the line now.

and they're going to like that.

Because the cattle and the corn, the corn is the big thing.

The wheat states, when you come down to the wheat states, they're just out there, and they're going to have a lot of good time.

When it comes down to wheat, when you come down through that stream, it's north Dakota, south Dakota, you know.

But the farmers really want to do it and provide each particular, you know, you go well with the wheat,

Right.

Let me ask you this.

How is he with the dairy?

Dairy is pretty big.

Of course, we've got such strong lines.

If I could not have any more, I could do with the dairy.

Oh, he will speak up for us.

He'll help us.

He'll be a lobbyist for us.

We won't be able to cut that damn question.

maybe it will be not an unmixed bus.

Why don't I have that?

They need that.

Well, let's get that right.

Now tell us about your talks with the chefs.

I had an excellent talk with them.

But you have to tell us about them.

I don't know where they went.

I had an excellent talk with him.

He has, I think, the preference that he has a few unresolved questions, as you like.

And I said to him, George, there are a lot of these questions I can't answer.

And Franco, you can't stop him?

I don't know.

I don't think it's a human being in the United States who can't handle our time.

All I know is, I don't know if we're in a relationship.

We can come and go any way we want.

We went through the whole thing.

So do you take a moment, because John hasn't heard it, to run down the five-point program, John?

May I take a few more minutes to get some of the background reading up to it?

Yeah, yeah, yeah.

Sure.

So, John, I think we're basically there.

Let me say, before you start on this, John.

This is going on in Rome.

We have not sent it down.

There are a couple of papers being read and everything.

In fact, we didn't put a talk on it.

Somebody said there was some talk on Wall Street and said those were considered.

The government's good policy.

There are two basic problems.

Both legally intertwined.

One is the international trade and monetary situation, which is, prior to the general market crisis, the dollar deficit, the balance of trade, all of that implies bond investments at home.

The whole economic mission of this, the lack of competitiveness in this country, the lack of motivation by workers, the possibility that the dollar will be overvalued in various currencies around the world.

The fact that we, most people are saying that we're not doing the economic service, assuming that we should.

The fact that the president might have to increase the pressure to do something.

The fact that the American businessman with an almost single-minded approach thinks nothing is going to be done about inflation unless something is done about failure.

And they're not going to be competitive unless they get an investment back with Mr. Shannon and also

to be in both places, business and labor, that we've got to do something about it.

We've got to do something about it.

And they haven't given up.

They just feel like the thing is kind of out of control.

They're worried about what the hell they're doing.

They're afraid to invest their money.

They're afraid not to invest it.

And they just move in every direction, whether it is they're looking for gear or leadership.

That's just a broad brush idea.

Plus, I would even say it more strongly, that there is an eroding confidence in the ability of the administration to read these products, the economic products.

All of the economists, all of the writers are beating it more and more and more.

There is one indication that I've interrupted that doesn't make any difference what kind of foods that we get out.

Is it halfway good?

Like the retail sales tomorrow would be very good.

We can't sell it now.

And any of the foods that's halfway bad, they just can't cover up no matter what.

They sell them on a strike with the stock market.

Are you okay?

Now, if you add to that, the very small improvement on the part of the business management in this country and the deals in the international markets, more and more companies are coming into the store.

They're coming from the Far East and Europe,

that those people view us as simple as iron.

And we don't have to be in a bind, that we can get it all over the block, that we don't have to protect ourselves.

Now, this is universal.

And what not is true, that's what everybody says.

That's the point.

Now, plus the fact that our foreign experts have eroded to the point where it's all columnist humanity who's right about it.

Our global reserve is down slightly over 10 billion.

They take $10,000,000 about the credit card and make credit to the crisis.

The matter is simply this, that in official foreign exchange, there is approximately $33,000,000 of dollars for which we have a commitment and an obligation to convert to gold.

We have $10,000,000 to build it.

So if they come in here, we can't build it.

So in effect, we're living in suffering.

in any other range of countries.

Now, this is Germany, this is France, this is Japan, this is very, very...

Even one of them can trigger the runoff problems just that quick.

Now, they're not doing it simply because they don't know where that's going.

Now, that's a damn poor condition for us being in the harsh world to be in there in Russia.

And secondly, in my judgment, we cannot go from now through the election in this kind of situation because we've lost, we will lose this week, now this has been billions, but we will pay out this week approximately $1 billion in assets.

We will have lost over $2 billion in assets in the first year, this year.

I'm sure primarily it was Howard, and Fletcher, and Bell,

Some of it's going to the fund, because the Great Britain's paying off some of their debt to the fund.

So is France, and they get $200 billion, and so on.

But the net of it is that we've lost $2 billion in assets this year already.

Now, our balance of payments being what it is, there's going to be a constant uneasiness in the world market, no question about it.

Now, I personally don't think that we can withstand a crisis of some proportion beyond

I have that meeting as of September 17th.

The last one is September 17th.

So that's what I need to keep in mind.

But I think we can get through all this perhaps because of all the implications.

But given all these problems, that's just very quickly hurting the facts.

If we're faced with these kind of problems, if we're all going home, and we've been thinking for months about what to do about it, well, there are certain steps that we can take to put ourselves back in the bargaining position, the position of strength, the position of leadership, ourselves, and the first and closest will.

We can say, write a letter behind that and say, we're going to look at the currency bill.

That's something.

Secondly, we say that we will... Then we say that we will... Now, we're already chosen... We're already chosen... We're already chosen... Basically, what we're talking about...

All right, those two things can be done.

Now, they're not going to impact.

Now, we can do that in such a way that, in my judgment, is what it looks like under international states, who both understood its problem and reacted to its problem, and did it in such a way as to try to stabilize this and do it this way, the international monetary picture.

Now, but to do that and to do credit for the bonds, we're going to have to, and even at home,

My God, we don't want him out of here just taking no action, because this, in effect, devalues the dollar.

So, we can't let the Americans talk about it.

We can't do it.

We've got to do some things at home.

What can you do?

All right?

There's an electoral exercise tax on all of them.

All of them.

Here's one of the great questions.

You can watch it.

You can tell us an amount.

Barn made in the 70s.

It's going to be right there.

This tax on all of them is going to cost us a billion and a half.

Gross.

But it has tremendous implications for the European field.

More expansion for additional activity, for the automobile market, for the American business.

It's $200 a car, you say.

$200 a car.

Which are lower-priced cars that pick it up.

And automobiles, the manufacture of automobiles, impact one out of every six jobs in America directly in the U.S. We need to repeal that tax.

Secondly, we need to directly accomplish the reinstallation of the 7% investment tax rate.

This is, this is like saying every person that's going to have his mark, his path, his faith, that this guy is supposed to go.

This can't be.

Now that'll cost you, let's say, $4 million.

So the two together will cost you $6 million.

All right.

But then you go further.

And again, you posture this on the basis that what we're doing, we're recognizing these problems and we're taking some fairly strong actions too.

to make the American industry competitive, so we're going to impose a 10% quarter tax on all our imports.

Now, because that tends to be inflationary, then he's going to say, well, we've got to fight inflation.

We can't stand it anymore.

So I'm going to freeze wage prices.

And that was January 1st.

And in addition to that, he said, that I looked over the place.

And I can't defer H.R.

1.

It would have a net increase that would cost me $4 billion.

Deferred from here.

Deferred from January 1973.

I'm also an advisor to Congress that I am opposed to any increase in salaries of any federal employees who live in my area.

And we have to look at your voluntary army increase.

We may not be allowed to.

But you have legislation and that's the way you're going to do it.

Yeah, what that comparability thing.

The president would suspend that.

He would suspend that.

He would suspend comparability.

So you're trying to get $5 to $6 billion to make out what comes out of it.

Sure, as a matter of fact, the genre we're in this morning, we're going further than this.

And frankly, I'm for it, except that I...

I think that it may pose too many problems with Rockefeller and the others, and that is to drop the drug machine, the general machine.

Oh, yeah, you've got an issue.

You've got to have an expenditure there.

That's right.

Well, that's about the thing.

Now, what do you do with all this?

First, you put yourself in control of the international situation.

We don't know when we're going to get suspended.

This means we've got to start negotiating.

But we can go for six months, we can go for 18 months.

And we go back to a fixed rate or not depending on what we want to do.

But he said there's a controversy.

And we can go to a fixed rate with a mark and not with a year if we want.

Now, the call for 10% import tax is inflationary, as I say.

He counted that for all the economies.

The rest of them, I say, I'm freezing wage prices right now.

Total wage prices.

No wage price controls.

The wage price brings an interest.

So during this interim period, when you have a big area of international money, and when you've got all these things coming about with dollars, you don't have any inflation.

Just wage prices.

legislation.

Now the difficulty with that is, again, to interrupt for a moment, the difficulty with that is, of course, we've never been tried in this country before.

That's not really voluntary.

That's really what it is.

That's right.

Because there are no, as I understand it, John, there's no system set up for penalty, et cetera, et cetera.

There are no sanctions.

But on the other hand, what the hell?

I'm not sure what's the answer there.

Well, there are penalties in the bill that give you a

power already is, and the sanctions today, you don't have enough handings to enforce it.

In other words, we don't have a procedure.

So we don't have a procedure.

We don't.

We haven't got the huge bureaucracy, frankly, that's necessary.

So for all parts of the country, there's involuntary sanctions.

But I will say this.

We discussed the January 1st debauchery.

It's going way too far to face it.

That carries through Christmas.

Then immediately after Christmas, the Bureau of Equality and Quality Inventory said,

That's how we did it the first time.

Then in January, you have all the whites that go along.

So maybe you get five, one, two, even after that.

Then you say we'll be visiting in January.

Then we'll take a look.

If it gets a hang, I'll put it on the map.

Perfect.

And you're a part of the overall structure.

Sure.

You can keep the oral.

Just say, I'm temporarily putting it on.

I'm not going anywhere in the first.

Then we'll see.

But you're a driver.

You should keep it.

If you put it back on, you may be six a day before the action.

You won't put it back on.

Or 30 days.

Never been before.

It's a junction.

But you're, it seems to me, you're in absolute control.

In the meantime, you give up every opportunity in relation to this account.

You don't have.

The excise tax will all go to you.

You figure out how to import about 10%.

So hopefully you can get yourself more domestic work to drive across the border.

Now it may be that once you get into it, you may want to make it on your own.

What are you bringing in to make?

Like ball sacks, let's say, make balloons.

Originally, I put it across the border.

It's 10%.

Or you might have the 10% on it.

It will increase your property.

It tends to offset.

That higher import is roughly $44 billion a year.

10% will be $4 billion a year.

Well, that's pretty well offset.

Your investment tax credit will plus your exercise tax.

If you do that plus deferring,

One thing we do is a small thing, but it certainly helps in our conservative

Not on these, by the way, the pricing.

They've got good equipment, but they don't like it over the HR line.

That's a dynamic issue.

Go to the far left or the far right and have the bull against you.

It's a loose way to get off.

But also the temporary aspects of it.

I think we've pressed the issue of the problem the president said, but I want to create the track, which I'll never tell you.

That's a question you really ought to have, because when you take all of these steps, and the money gets taken to a certain house in the national money market, but it's not where it's going to be at, but if you bring certain things, in terms of wages and grants, it's going to have a very stabilizing influence.

You don't include your passive depreciation.

You have to be honest.

Well, that comes later.

That comes in the budget.

You can't go over fast depreciation until we come with our new tax package in January.

Well, I think Bob's asking about the depreciation statement we put in earlier this year.

Hold on one second.

No, that can't come later.

That's what they come later.

You've got to have another tax to do that.

Your investment in credit was a good super secret in those reactions.

No.

All right.

I'll keep that on.

It was a good super secret.

Well, they've done it.

They're out for it.

I think they'll pass the automobile thing.

We'll have Woodcock out pushing for that.

Now, tell us your Schultz's reaction.

Good.

Which one?

All of them?

Except Schultz?

for up-to-date prices.

He says, my immediate reaction is that on the 10% import leg, this tends to be a question.

If you increase the price, that'll give the domestic producers that much more money to raise their prices.

Like you said, you're talking about the whole price.

You can freeze those prices right where they are.

Difficult, of course.

If you take them off, maybe.

Well, you can enforce it with respect to the big ones.

Yeah.

The big guys cannot raise prices that way.

Oh, of course not.

Or at least, of course, our investors.

The investors in the president, he's going to have to delegate it to somebody.

I was suggesting that they could delegate it to OEP.

OEP.

You see what I mean?

Yeah.

I don't care if it shouldn't be in the Treasury.

The reason is that the Treasury scares the hell out of people.

They put an income tax people around.

I'm thinking of a bureaucracy that's already there that's more competent.

You haven't got a bureaucracy.

It's also got a bureaucracy on every business.

But anyway, we wouldn't want to, I'll tell you that.

Well, we would have the capability to expand the community.

We've got the computers, we have the customers already, so you see that.

Well, the other thing, the other reason, and not just to get involved, but the other reason that it might well be in Treasury is that, you know, I've had it designated to do some economic folks on the administration that I think it would sit well to say, oh, my, now the guy's going to do this.

I think that's a lot more powerful than having somebody on the White House who would be the

But you, the power is actually, you know, you know, the White House, you know, you think you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're, you're,

Now, it seems to me, to follow up on this, it seems to me that there are three factors.

And I'll start with those that are most important.

Events don't turn to the President's action.

By doing this, he approves to this country a new war.

Number one, that he's a warrior and his father.

Me and Beth.

And number two, that he's got the courage to anticipate and act on the whole movement.

Now, that has to be the answer, sir.

And I believe it.

The message is international.

Now, internationally, it recognizes that you've got a problem.

You don't wait for the Japanese to revalue it or the British to revalue it or the British.

You step in and say, we're not going to support the dollar.

If it's overvalued, we're going to find out.

But we're going to look for a revaluation.

It was a realistic approach to our trade agreement.

That's what she said.

That's the message.

And the people in London and Birmingham are much more cognizant of the problem than the people over here.

No problem at all.

Now, on the domestic front, it seems to me there's nothing but question.

But later, in the business, my guys didn't expect anybody to just do it.

I say, I know 10 million people who buy cars and cars.

And it's not going to be poor, like Congress always does.

This is the poor bastard who's buying the cars, got through the work, and buying the other cars.

The guy you're talking about is a very keen car lover.

He's our constituency.

He isn't the guy that rides the subway.

He's the guy that buys the car and drives it away.

And the investment tax credit is important.

It should be in your support among your conservative and your business people.

Is there a potential that he is given a totally antagonistic knee?

The thing that it's a package, that any package comes out as a panic.

They say Nixon's scared to death.

The economic thing has built up to the point where he just opened his hands and turned around 180 degrees.

I don't suppose that anybody would like that.

It's not a creditable story.

You take the position that the economy is really poor.

But it is Japan.

That's our position, but it ain't nobody's position to lose anything or anything.

But you have to at least give them service for that.

Well, I don't know if there's a split here, but we're talking about an international problem.

We know that they're in it, but you are going to have to run it.

You put the wage and price control into this country after all we've said about it.

So it's very difficult.

In the international program, right?

Supposedly.

But the gunner wants to play it the other way and say, make sure that after sitting on this can for two years, you refuse to do anything about the economy and just sent the company out a couple of weeks ago to say we still aren't going to do anything.

And all of a sudden, he pulled his cart and went on and on.

Well, every response is really excellent.

The import.

Not the import.

That's right.

I don't think anything you do that's positive has

There is something that they said that there's just one point.

You get down to the point.

It's the best time.

Yes, sir.

So whether or not this week.

Yes, sir.

I have to go to this.

I think you ought to go.

I said to you about it.

I'm going to tell the president.

We've got to put it in while they're putting up with her.

All right, the house may adjourn Thursday, so that's another point.

Senator will take it by then.

Is that right?

How he could get something to go Thursday?

Well, you've got to.

They're still in session under their own rules.

I recall that it was a one-house issue.

That's right.

The House may not have a session, but I don't think they can't recess.

I don't know what the rule is, but I'm sure that I've forgotten.

A church that leans to Friday rather than September.

Now, in terms of the argument that follows, September is a little better.

And it puts more distance between our saying we're not going to do it and when we're turning around.

It doesn't look as panicky and says, well, in a more deliberate way, we look at the thing and in September we work it out.

That's when our planning is considered.

I don't know what else.

It's controlling.

If there's any error we've made consistently all the time we've been here, it's indeed deliberate.

John, how old is the big factor in the actual monitoring?

Between now and September, they obviously will have more time to think about it and plan for it.

And probably perhaps we can come up with a better solution in September.

We'll wait until September to talk about the media after the media conference.

They're not going to have much time between then and the time they're coming away for the international conference to get much put together.

And this will shock the world as good as it will, because governments of Europe are basically on vacation.

August is a slow month, even this month.

Congress should be gone.

We'll be damned with investment in Wall Street.

Wall Street will have time to accelerate this, to understand it, to interpret it, before you get into wild fluctuations in the market with tremendous violence of money.

That the real danger of waiting for September is not that we need foreign government for that, but frankly, that it's something of the early age.

Now, and this obviously involves people.

I would think that if anybody knew that you were going to have this program, it would be one of the most fantastic things that would happen to people.

But I would think that if one of you were here in a national project, one of you could help us get it out there.

I mean, you would have programs and not come over here with an irrational reaction that would go your way.

This is the kind of move they should be on.

I don't know.

Market X would rate Frank usually to the unexpected.

They always are.

Basically, what it is, what it is, they're the ones that are working.

Well, look at your... And some of them, if they thought they were going to go down, they couldn't run it down.

I don't trust those people.

Look at your two basic factors that affected most of your investment, because of the airport, which was been a way to get a good plan, plus the excess, which was part of the money.

The judge indicated that we should consider this, and we did, but we didn't consider it.

Would the other people reuse their prices?

Yes.

Would they announce that right away?

Because they've already announced the new car prices.

Yes.

Now, I say that now.

Let me say this.

I don't want to keep hearing any of the new car advertising.

It's another reason to do it now instead of in September.

We did not say it.

We'd have to put it right to them.

Well, I asked Rick from Chamberlain.

He came to see me at your request.

They said they had letters from all over the table.

Letters from Cleveland saying that they would pass this straight through the jury.

I wouldn't be surprised if that were the case because everybody knew that steel would have to settle if you're willing to can.

area, and hell, that steel is going to raise their prices.

There's a more direct relationship, apparently, between a rate increase in steel than in almost anything else, and I don't know why, because it's a heavily automated industry.

We raise steel, wages 9%, goddamned, they raise prices 8%, because we already bought their steel in the first quarter.

Well,

What, uh, when would you like to, uh, I'm just going to go ahead and show this to the people.

Are you ready for the call?

Are you ready?

Oh, I'm ready.

All right.

I'm just going to go ahead and show this to the people.

Like, it seems to me that you people, John, you, Schultz, and myself, I mean, I'm racking my nose for something.

Peterson's for something.

And obviously, they are the ones that have to carry it out.

You and I are the same thing.

Schultz is the same thing.

Schultz will certainly be a demographic on the other side.

So I think we've got enough people in the tree of us to make the decision.

Fair enough.

Or do you agree?

Do you want somebody?

Oh, no, I agree.

I agree.

You can get it down if you've got Volcker, if you've got McCracken, if you've got Peterson.

I just don't like that.

I don't either.

I think you'd be the one talking about it.

Sure.

But in other words, both of you can give that and then we can be prepared to go and cut it.

But I prefer not to scatter it.

But I think the three of us could have a very good talk about it.

The only one that might represent it

I don't know.

Now he came up with that and what he started with was the border tax, the export and the export rebate, which you can't do.

Well, I really don't want to do the export rebate.

I'd rather do the tax rebate.

Right.

So we're kind of divorcing about it.

Right.

Less problems.

Yeah, yeah, yeah.

I agree.

Export rebate, as you said, does smack up pretty close to the biology gap, whereas the import

That's just not the whole point.

That's right.

If you have to tax credit class, everybody can come to that school.

Why is it that the employee tax is not there?

Well, there's something to be told to you.

On a real risk, you have to use it.

When you feel like that you have problems to trade policies, you may or may not even think of it as tax.

But if you want to use it in other ways, you have to think of it as a deterrent.

You can't leave those two million people.

That's how most countries do it.

I said, well, I'd like to do it, but I just got to get you paid.

But he said, in addition to the problems with the French government subsidizing the restaurant,

He said his vision was to give a credit, that he would find a new friend that conserved him with less than an hour of parking money.

He said, well, that's what we're running into all over the world.

And he said, now, hell, I just, I just, said, I feel like a man of credit.

Good.

He said, I did.

He said, I don't blame you for that.

But I don't just call on him.

He said, this is what's happening to us.

He said, I don't like it.

He said, we ought to do something about it.

This is what's happening to all of us.

They're doing .

No, sir, I mean .

Sure, 6 o'clock.

What about ?

I know .

Yeah.

I think what we'd better do is .

Well, rather than coming back at 6.

So do you have time?

Who else would you like to sit here with?

I tend to play it very close to the desk.

I would prefer you to be there unless you would be there.

And I would never be there.

If you want to practice, don't.

If you want to practice, burn.

If you want to eat, shine.

I can do a little more safe with this.

I mean, I've never, you know, they've explained to me how this works.

Only everyone that I think would be useful because that's what you might be experiencing.

.

He's the one that said it in the beginning.

Yeah, he's talked it down.

He likes to talk to the press, but I have no sense where he's been told not to say something like that.

In this particular case, I'm wondering if he might have said something about these theories.

Well, this is what he has done.

This is what he has done.

He's gone around with his part of the text, and he knows what it is.

It came up in Chapter 1.

Can you speak?

I don't know what he does.

There's no way.

But he does come out with these ideas.

Yeah.

I don't, I'm like Bob.

Yeah.

I don't know these, but I didn't know them by the time.

That's just a couple of years ago.

Bob would sink the Titanic if it gets out.

Bob would come on the station for it.

He says he'd pretend to put it, but it comes out of his mouth.

It comes to the question.

I don't know.

I don't think we need him.

I think he'll go.

I think actually the three of us, the three of us, will do the best we can.

Shultz, I think we need.

You, of course, saw it.

Burns, the only thing we do with Burns is to tell him.

You know, I mean, we've got to, we bring him aboard by, because there's a guy that will come, just as a, to get the flash.

And he said, I can find him.

And the way this, the Burns flight was made, we would sign a code.

We would wash him off our turf.

And then we'd bring him, and I would,

.

Is that my word, Tom?

Yes, sir.

Of course, the wage price for you, the energy you have, I think John's got a point.

In our country, it's just like the fact that we, there are less tax evaders in America than any country in the world.

In our country, the businesses that have won a hell of a ton by already, the price part of the big businesses, now down the line, we're going to find every violation to be leeching.

They're not going to have the information.

Well, they would have it.

The CBI would know.

Services, things like that.

The goddamn doctors.

Everybody else is going to be away for the rest of their lives.

No, I don't know.

People would go in and say, that price is up.

It's a matter of time.

And you have no police.

To a large degree.

Now the other thing, the other thing that I'm concerned about for each part of the street, of course, is that they've got a late sign.

They're not, I don't think there's too many signs.

They've got a lot of signs.

A lot of signs.

Other than that, we understand that, well, there's a couple more railroad things coming up.

All sorts of construction, let's see what kind of construction work.

They were all out there.

Shelton was just out there.

Oh, that's right.

On the other hand, this part of the evening, that's me coming out.

That's the way it's supposed to go.

That's what you did, buddy.

You probably did it on record.

That's the way it's supposed to go.

I wanted to give them a taste of it.

If nothing else, if you learn this in January, I'll tell you one thing, if you stop the shooting crap on the way to front school for a while.

Right.

When you come on board the MS3, the only difficulty with it, I thought about how this thing would work over a long period of time.

If it works over a short period of time, a hell of a lot of consumers are going to get so used to it that they're going to say, oh, Christ, like we have it all the time.

Like rent control.

Yeah.

Why do you want that rent control?

The tenants didn't.

They did, but you also want to, if that's what it was supposed to do, that's not all it was supposed to do.

What is the question?

Sure.

Controls.

And you couldn't do anything.

You couldn't change.

You couldn't do anything.

But it seems to me, I've tried to get Mary Ann to see if you need to talk to me about it.

You're basically, for instance, you're a Nesquik coach.

And we're not really putting on a coach.

You're married to a guy who's a great champion for the Nesquik Nation.

I don't even know about it.

I don't know.

The doctrinaire concern, it doesn't make a bit of difference.

I mean, it will concern people like, I mean, if you're talking about economic concerns, it's like, well, they certainly aren't going to like it.

On the other hand,

In terms of the conservatives, the political conservatives, the only thing else to look at, as you will see, would be the dropping of the, pushing back the family system.

They always look at that issue like that.

They don't understand it.

We'll see you then.

Well, if you want to just have a long coffee and tell me when you'll be back.

Yeah, I'll work out a time for you and show us together.

Fine.

You're free tonight, then.

Yes, sir.

Please, we want to talk.

Fine.

He likes to be, of course, he's terribly sensitive about criticism.

to the effect that he had said no, you know, and he had really got to it.

You know, when he had me to lobby, he asked me to, you know, inquire about all the speculation and so forth.

Six hundred years ago.

And he was very sensitive about that.

Now, of course, that tends to make him want it.

Too bold.

We have to do something about it.

My own view is that I never mind being too bold in China every day.

But we just really do not realize that a bold move like that has been thought through for months in advance before striking all the cards.

That was a bold move that worked wonders on a lot of international banks.

It didn't make a hell of a difference in what people decided to do about anything domestically.

But...

A bold move like this could, and probably will, by all those consumer attitude types deciding to not go for money, this end consumer resistance bar, this year where people won't go out and buy anything.

They've got all the money stashed away.

They've got the ability to buy.

If they won't do it, if you did this... What about the... Just look at automobile prices.

All the people that are hanging there, shall I buy a new car this year or wait another year, and knock the price down 200 bucks, they're going to find that.

Well, with regard to that, though, now Schultz would say, well, look at retail sales, look at how good they were doing.

Right.

Well, they keep being good, but they aren't good enough.

They haven't been good enough.

They haven't busted through the lingering barrier.

There's a big damned-up ability...

to buy, and it keeps trickling over the top of the dam because there's so much there, but we haven't opened the thing enough to put a gate out yet.

And something like this, got a Michigan Survey Center that knows what else to put in the dam, which sure indicates, that's it, the people want what you're pricing to go.

It's not because they won't believe in Christ, it's because they want some action.

I wonder if some of these are part of the reason that we have to do that.

What are you supposed to say when somebody's sitting in that cell wondering about what's going to happen next?

And you can do that for a couple of months on a dramatic action that you can then get out from under.

So you're not trapped by it yourself.

I was saying to Cosby this morning, I said, he said, we've taken off this number for a couple of days.

He said, right through Christmas.

And because I can see the biggest goddamn Christmas tree in history, they figured it was going to come off in January, you know, or by Christmas, you see.

One of the first things they did was, instead of dropping down in January, the present tree was dropped.

Can you go for, if you declare it now, can you hold it for that long?

Sure.

I thought you were going to go down and get it done in six months.

You can go six months.

Go six months and water it.

And you can rebuild it.

I think what I would do is better to let the folks go home for dinner.

I'm not charging for everyone.

I wouldn't like to hurt them.

I don't like to hurt them.

It matters in a certain way.

And then both I see them in the town.

I agree with that.

He is a very far-ranging God.

He's got a lot of heart and understanding.

A lot of understanding.

And also we study this in our mind travel.

Do you think there's any doubt about it?

He could be the guy that got in this Wall Street.

I was the fellow president.

What's his name?

I don't know.

Yeah, but he's got it back.

I said it.

He was getting off of it down here.

Maybe he was.

I don't know what it is.

I think that's more likely to be Peterson than anybody else because he's disgusted.

I wonder if you could at least call him and show him that.

That's what we have.

Boy, we ain't got a hell of a lot to burn until we're ready to do it.

Do you agree?

I'm not certain we're going to do it.

I don't think we're going to do it.

.

You know, we bought one.

But he didn't do it.

I have no idea.

But he had another thought, too.

He was not going to do it.

It was expensive, but he was sort of going to do it.

So I had to bring it up to the person who was supposed to do it.

And they wanted to bring it up to the regular branch.

And then we decided to do it.

It was international.

Bob, I think we ought to scratch our thoughts of a press thing on Wednesday.

I think I've got to think about this thing a hell of a lot.

I don't want to be down at the bowels of the government.

I mean, over here, preparing for a press conference, I mean, we're going to go on this on the side of mind that we're going to go the way that I am.

It's not going to be the same.

Of course, it's going to be the side of mind that we're going to go on.

If you're going to .

Well, I don't know.

The point is, I've got a question.

How am I going to decide?

The point is, though, I do have to think about this decision to be on Friday.

I have to think about it now.

It's silly for me to think about it there.

I have to put a specialist in prep at my time.

I don't know yet.

We're quite open.

I don't know what we're going to do.

I'm rather curious what Schultz is surprised about.

I think the context that you say Schultz, Schultz, I don't know, is serious about some of these things.

We have asked about the, he may say, about closing the dollar and closing the window, closing the window.

He has, but he may not have thought of it in the context of what Simon Lincoln is willing to promise to read.

In addition to that, human nature will always be around you and bearing on you, too.

It's a good thing.

It's going to shape what's going on and why it hasn't changed, et cetera, et cetera.

And this may be their escape valve to get off to the ground.

in a constructive way.

I think the fact is it's constructive.

It has the same kind of a speed quality as the China thing did in the international.

I know it was there more personally involved.

Oh yeah.

His black jobs are all part of the policy.

They don't want that policy to fail.

And actually, I think, I don't think it is because there's so much that's moving along, and they're at a good pace, and maybe it's still going to get out and get people on to the columns of the theater.

If you're going to have only the domestic type money, that's not going to matter.

Yeah.

But the international, that's what's concerning me, not because people don't worry about it, but if they trigger another international thing, it should be money.

is to raise hell with these stupid Wall Street people and the modern American businessmen.

The American consumer is a little bit all over the place.

They're scared at times.

They're scared television is all over the place.

But how do you have to do it where you call it a crack and how do you ditch your way to where you're supposed to go?

I guess you come back and do a while of spending and a while of saving.

I wouldn't get into the merits of that at this point.

I just put that out there.

That came out later.

And I just thought that could be a secondary story.

Now that it's held up, we can start an initiative where we work with that.

That's right.

Well, work requirements, frankly, are pretty big.

H.R.

1 and H.R.

2.

H.R.

1 and H.R.

2.

H.R.

1 and H.R.

2.

H.R.

1 and H.R.

2.

H.R.

1 and H.R.

2.

I don't, we didn't have a health check.

A few, a few knowledgeable people who have sorted it all out.

Yeah.

But they're not really, you've got to react to people who come and say corrosion on either side.

But put it all on hold, it might, it might not, you know, have to do that for three or four years.

Yeah.

But I have the experience under the law of the earth.

I'll do the pressing.

As a matter of fact, as a matter of fact, the pressing will be needed then.

We'll do this.

Manella, bring Mr. Mitchell some of the good scotch.

Yes, sir.

No, you don't want a drink?

Why don't you take a drink and go home?

Fair enough.

You know what?

He's got some.

He's got some 30-year-old stuff.

I put my hand on a very small pond in the middle so that I can water it.

I use my jigger, you know, the small jigger.

Did you have to use one glass of water?

I had to use the small jigger and use the same one for me.

In my old age, I drink less and less.

I don't know why.

I drink less and less and enjoy less and less.

Right?

I was thinking of mundane matters.

Austin, Texas.

Goddamn.

No.

Caroline just handed it to Schultz.

I want them to go down to Schultz, my brother, because if he was handling the screw that went over there and he gets back to Louisiana where they made, he's turned around 180 degrees and I'm against busing.

I'm totally against busing.

I saw some holes, for example, in the glass.

That's what I saw with Schultz.

I told Schultz that he could go down.

I said I didn't want to try to drive him down.

He was going to try to cage him.

I don't want to hurt him.

I just want to get on the right side of the issue.

I agree.

Good.

Well, that's the point.

The reason that the question was that the point that John, the moment that that paper was filed without indicating that we had, we thought Schultz could go down and explain that, but not you and the lawyers who showed up.

There was one other club that I think would make his trip to Austin more viable.

People down there.

Good.

Friends on the subject.

Good.

So that he has a reason for being in Austin.

Good.

Well, what a, yeah, yeah.

When the hell was it going to go?

Well, the early ones, the one that was in Negro, we talked about.

The same thing is almost impossible.

The thing I talked about this morning, which I think does make sense, you know, there's everything from constitutional amendment, which I understand you feel not good at.

Do I feel not good at it?

No, I'm not.

You don't know, maybe it is possible.

I haven't thought about it.

I wish there was something we could do with it, but I guess it's too tricky.

But to be on the right side of the issue, I told her the day that when the, just as soon as the hunters got back and that emergency, they didn't have school, I think, but the administration would,

proposed, and that we would propose, and that it's not a good part of the deal.

I was wondering if you were trying to find that 730 plan, at least put this on effect.

Now, it doesn't reach you.

It will be sort of a shell game.

You know, if a school gets funds for this purpose and puts anything to be on paper, they've got other funds.

They've got to bust the government.

But the busting thing is just, I don't know whether Berger and his boys realize what they've done, but it's a horrible land problem.

It really is.

And his people just lie on it.

I know.

I had a long talk with Warren Berger when I asked him a question.

Right.

See how you take a taste, that's how you like it.

It's really hard to ask a question.

I've had a bunch of that in recent years.

Somebody sent it to me.

That's an excellent suggestion.

John, you were talking to Berger.

He said that they were going for an out-of-regulation balance in the court.

And he and his wife ended up holding back from that.

And he said they had a hell of an argument over the language of the opinion.

and that he had met his family to do the process of arguing about it.

They're both on both sides there.

They felt that the left had enough room for the administrative aspect of it.

Mr. Devlin, why don't you check to see whether the market held its again.

I don't think it takes that long.

Postmark it.

649.

All right, 500.

12,000.

OK. Let me see.

Slow it.

by modern standards.

And I remember the stripper packers that were insured there.

I mean, then they insured it, and it was totally deceptive.

Ah, up 649 on 11.8 million shares in the very lively market.

Well, I think that's probably true.

But let me say, John, what I have in mind

to do it is a constitutional amendment.

But I would submit it.

I would take a hard damn look at it.

This is what it is.

I would submit it and have the Republican Convention endorse it as part of the platform.

And then I would at least express my little degree of contention.

Well, maybe we don't do it that well.

I'm not sure we will.

With whom?

Who?

I don't even think Rockefeller's got people.

Blacks?

Well, now the other thing would be to have me advocate for his mandate.

If it's too much before the election, too early, or too late for anything to be done about it,

But where my position is clearly stable.

And then, but the, whoever the Democratic candidate is, come out against him.

Now, what does that do for us?

Well, that necessarily raises the issue.

But this busing thing is a- Well, Mr. President, I think this is great.

I don't care whether you're from Pennsylvania, or New York, or Illinois, or Ohio, or whatever it is.

And I think we've all created a family you don't think we could build on our own business.

I tell you, I feel so solemnly about it.

I just feel it's wrong.

I think it's morally wrong, really, with kids.

Elementary school is a life cover.

Other high schools.

But I think elementary high schools will ride the damn bus.

But elementary schools, John, you shouldn't take a kid.

less than 12 years of age, to put them on and run them into a black school, or a black-headed, or white school.

And then, with all the water that went into it, it was correctly looked at.

Children and the education process, and teachers, and administrators, all concerned about that.

They've built some good black schools.

Yep.

We've talked over there prior to that.

In Louisiana, John, George, George Chilton, they're firing the black principal.

They can't teach you.

And the teachers can't teach up the schedule.

It is unbelievable what we're doing.

We're killing them.

They're going to cause resegregation.

It's all going to be like Washington, D.C. Now, I think we ought to fight them all.

I don't think it's been temporized.

I think it's a temporary action.

temporary action, you knew that supporting this amendment was okay, but you did not agree.

Let's not let any of the money for this dance, a billion and a half, be used for busing.

I thought that was the problem.

There.

But now on busing, then maybe we ought to bite the bullet with regard to constitutional amendment.

I thought that the constitutional amendment was the first, and you are advocating the constitutional amendment, but in the meantime, the court has to take care of it.

Yeah.

That is why, that is why, that is why I would not advocate until September.

You see, carry out the orders of the court and cause so much hell, good, perfect hell, then in September advocate.

At that point, we've only got two months.

I would have signed you with the game plan in September.

So after the convention, I would have, after the convention, I would have advocated myself.

Just get it right between me and I.

Because by that time, by that time, you see, our Democratic friends, they can't have a full week.

They would be trying to embarrass us with it.

But by that time, they would not fight.

You know, could you imagine Muskie and Hunt for your candid coming up?

They can't fight.

And they're going to make sure they kill him.

But we just get it.

Let them be on the side of Muskie.

kill them too if they come out as supporters.

You can get them way up on the other side of the fence.

We have them ranked at five.

The big case is the K-4.

If you come out in the direction of re-segregation, the number of lines to build on can go on and on and on.

We will have sufficient disturbance all over the country.

I think we have a problem as to whether or not it's going to be closed.

And I bless the provision of the school, but

You know, that's great.

We're going to get that van coming until the great middle of November.

I know it isn't going to be worth anything.

I'm not a bigot man.

I was never for the goddamn money.

If it kills it, that's good.

And if they don't pass it, that's all right, too.

I was for it.

I'm not for the van.

You see, I don't have it to be for anything.

That's not for the rest of the show, either.

Well, the question I have here, though, is where are we going to be selling the van?

This is the thing they always looked at, always talked about.

Pretty good money, yeah.

Well, I'm there, but you know, I'm there to basically tell the citizens we want to see an improvement in their education.

Decent pen, I know, and it's just terrible.

Of course, screw it up.

I don't know why this patient looked all right anyway, but I guess it is just fraud.

Well, I think we should play games together.

I saw that iteration of experiences.

I must say though, we've really got our .

We will, if you do this thing, we will for a while, else we don't say we've changed our mind, or we won't.

They can and they can't blame you for it.

I don't think that a lot of them .

I know that the economy is not supposed to go .

And I find that the world is not that way anymore.

And we have got to get very, very tough.

We've got to.

And that's why I'm going to go with it.

You said this 18 months, two years ago, when you started talking about textiles, you had some of those lighters.

Boy, this thing has got so turned around.

We've got the old equipment, the old ones.

They've got all the new ones.

They just use the technology.

And I'm not sure that anybody knows all the hierarchies and all the solutions.

But we certainly have to take action.

When you think of those little cyanide vats with the Japs sitting over there with $9,000,000 of our money and not knowing what to do with it, they're looking us straight in the eye and saying, don't close off our automobiles there.

No.

Bill, how did your conference go?

I've been tied up with the domestic things.

The steel people raised prices, but I guess that wasn't anticipated.

But tell me, give me a rundown, because I'm just sitting here talking to John Mitchell about these kinds of things.

He's trying to have a buster fighting against the United States.

He just swallowed his pipe.

Yeah, I thought you should know that when I called Goldwater to get his vote on Lockheed, which he didn't get, he said, yeah, Bill called me and said, yeah, yeah, yeah, Barry, I asked him to.

And I called George Aiken to get his vote, and I didn't get it.

But he said, yeah, he said, Senator Bill, I asked him to, and I really appreciate your support of the channel.

But they did it.

It does show that they all, well, they all bragged about the fact that you called them.

But go ahead.

But Dominic is just dumb, isn't he?

Yeah.

It's Buckley.

You called Buckley.

Yeah.

That's good.

Yeah.

The statement was good.

I read it.

I liked it.

The rhetoric was excellent.

I'm going to see it on the rerun tonight.

Yeah, yeah.

Yeah, but it's not simulated.

I can't believe that.

Oh, I didn't know that.

You'll hear Lockheed pass today.

Pakistan, have you got a game plan?

Will that satisfy both sides?

No, no.

What about the UN?

How about that?

Just call it on the phone.

I don't know.

Why does it remind you of that?

It's what an empty neighborhood has to take you to.

So, I don't know.

I don't know.

Well, they're going to starve.

They've just got to have some... You see, the difficulty, they can't report on a disaster.

Vietnam now, they can't report on a disaster.

They have to, so they've got to find one in India, where nobody gives a goddamn what happens, except the media.

Sure.

All right.

It must be clearly understood that we don't need any ambassadors.

They must be under no conditions.

If they do attack,

I personally would go to the conference and call the guy that made the lease and see if I can get that $3,000 that I'm going to pay.

Okay.

Well, bye.

Good day.

I'm glad that your eye apparently worked out.

You're no problem.

I look great.

Great.

Good.

Well, we'll take a look at this thing.

I want to see if George...

They're the ones that are pushing the poker, you know.

.

You see, here's the subject that he had no knowledge of, whatever.

You had a chance to see Eggers since you got pregnant.

I talked to him.

They gave a rough time.

I know a couple of them.

All of them are something very good.

We're getting some counter stories.

Bill Rogers, by the way, never met him.

I did.

Bill had quite a time with me.

I don't know where he was for one reason.

And we've been next to people here for a long story.

Part of it is the press pass.

It is the press pass.

I don't think there's a president.

Oh, that's correct.

Yeah.

I saw it and I explained it.

I can vaguely find out about the judge's report, but I won't come running into this with Paul.

That's what we're looking for, is a cross.

That's what we would replace him with.

I'm really content with the Vice President today.

I'm afraid he's going to be an amusement to the town.

The Vice President may have cleared him, but he wasn't accepted there at all.

That's the other way back to the other one.

He was upset with was that you don't consult with him on domestic decisions, whether you avoid him.

And he recognized that other vice presidents in the past did not consult on domestic decisions, but he clearly was a part of other vice presidents in the past.

In terms of the non-fungal decision process, under this particular circumstance, we should be handling it differently than the President should.

Coming back to China, I said, imagine how you would feel if you were in a meeting with the President, who is a foreign policy advisor, and you waited for the question from China.

The question from China came up, and the President went to this advisor and said, well, I can't tell you anything that the President said.

The president should have confided in him.

Then he got back to the welfare decision and said the president and some of them won't have.

Although he admitted that his inputs were in.

He thinks we should sit down and do it.

I said, he really let his hair down.

And he went just the other way.

He said, he has no ambitions for a long haul.

But it's way too early to decide.

So it's very embarrassing to be confronted by the press constantly.

He just went and did any attacks on Ervin.

He did say that he and Ervin had gotten off on the wrong foot way back at the beginning when Ervin frustrated his desire to hire an LBJ defenseman.

He said, as a result of that, I've never felt that we've been on a good basis.

And I agree that we should be on a better basis.

And he's decided not to appoint a director of the Office of Intergovernmental Relations.

He's going to have C.E.

Boyd on him.

That's his background.

And John then said, in an inevitable welcome occasion, he didn't pick C.D.

Ward.

He said he didn't feel terribly comfortable with C.D.

Ward picking up things from the vice president all the time.

And it was a great statue.

He should have decided in a governmental way.

Well, you see, John, he cannot be in on the decision.

It just never worked that way.

That way, we did it.

And the child didn't agree with how many parts he was going to take.

He didn't really try to help him, I believe.

And the wife said she wanted to go to the team on this trip.

Well, I could tell her what was wrong, but we weren't sure whether we were going to be able to help him or not.

And he asked me in practice, he asked me, no, he asked me in the office, and I said, this is hard, this conduct is difficult, we can't do it, we can't ask for anybody's help.

I'm hoping that he would have a good sense to know what other things might be going on.

And we had practice, and he raised the sentence again that I made, and I said, well, I don't know.

It was quite a time-consuming time.

Well, for him to Well, I don't think that's quite it.

I don't know.

This shouldn't be a problem.

No way.

Nobody was a problem.

Roger was told actually.

And that's just the way it happened to me and Roger understood.

We actually hid it from him.

He had a pretty good name.

He didn't know where he was going.

He didn't know what the hell his name was.

John, it worked.

That's the point.

It wouldn't have worked otherwise.

It wouldn't have worked because they were terribly concerned about security anyway.

And I wonder if...

My job, he was in that, you know, back in the system.

Her Christ said she sat up there and can't take it with everybody else.

Everybody in that shop had your program.

You were trying to sell it to the cabinet, huh?

Well, you know what I mean.

You know what I'm talking about, don't you?

All right, you didn't write it.

I can't stand it.

Correct, correct.

Why didn't you tell them to?

I don't know.

I think he'll be certain that it should be released.

He says it wasn't earlier than that, so I don't know what he's got going on.

Mr. President, I have a very special approach to Aging.

And I know that you're always going to make the question, say, when you make the sentence, to the Americans.

But the main thing is, I think, the work history of Aging is incredible.

Absolutely.

First of all, it's very hard to run from the right-back direction.

In other words, is there a second way to keep all of your options open?

I don't know if it's some kind of a technical aspect, but I just think it's a good way to do it.

I think the word I was talking about, the word I mean to say, I don't know if it's the current posture or the air is being poured there and so forth, so it's your options that are going to be shifted.

Yeah, well, take, for example, what we just talked about.

You couldn't possibly do anything like this.

You couldn't possibly do it.

You don't have to talk to the Secret Service.

You've got to talk to the staff.

People have got that.

You can't do that.

It's perfect.

There's a great unit.

.

But the case that I can only recommend to him is that it's because, you know, he was most likely a subject of what you can imagine.

I don't know how long he should have cried to.

And there were various wrong feelings and quicksand.

But most of them were boring answers.

Yes?

But you're right.

That's why we tried to build it on this trip afterwards.

I must say, it was a little hard, because we did some things extremely well, like the softball, but I didn't do any stupid things.

Which, of course, anybody can do, and I always answer, thinking about the people they use, and so forth.

But you know, like I said, it's not money, but I'm thinking different ways of looking at the rednecks.

Well, I agree.

We've got to keep .

But as you can see, John, why we cannot go and bring him in to sit and advise him.

Well, that's the horrible problem.

He isn't consulted.

There's a polarization here, if we look at it some way.

You need a little courage to go a lot further along the line of keeping the animals happy without bringing them in.

But as early as we see them, that's the problem.

That may be, probably not, but that's hard to do too.

See, he doesn't much want to be in for the staff.

Yeah, true.

He doesn't want to be in with the captain.

No.

Or for that matter with the Senate.

You know, take the boat like this.

He has long gone into the school business.

I don't know.

I don't know why he called.

I used to work up there when Eisenhower had those, that wasn't a crime, it was all Monday, I'd talk to senators for this and that.

Now, Edgerton should be up there.

I want to find out, did he help any of the folks that he talked to?

That's what he should be doing.

I agree, but I would think that it was quite an imposter of Bob's comments that the President would appreciate if you would be up there, get on your ass and see what he could round up and work on and so forth.

I do feel it.

I just, this is a good one.

Oh, well, hell, he didn't work on Curtis.

That's right.

What the hell?

Curtis and Go Water.

Go Water.

People like that don't work on that.

On the other hand, Gage ought to be the hell up there.

He resides over at the center.

We ought to talk to his team.

But he doesn't receive it in the cabinet.

They take the governors.

The only governor he talks to that I know is Ray Wooden the rest of the time.

Oh, I think he does some of the government.

Oh, they call him Ray Wooden.

I don't know if he does a lot of it.

But I think he initiates some.

But I do think it's very important.

I bet it wasn't what I was expecting for this session.

And all of our voices have been poisoned with it.

Good.

Well, Bob, you give an instruction .

Well, do you know what I mean?

Well, I guess so.

If that picked gold, then .

He says it's galleon.

He's got some stories .

If I have to pick gold .

Well, I think it's just a simple explanation of why .

Our guys went to unusual lengths to try to avoid that.

And the same with the .

And all that stuff.

I think he's just got some suspicions on Scali and your move.

I think it has to be a .

So Scali's moving with it now.

Their response to it, one of the things the Vice President wants to do, Scali's idea was,

The way it went, the unfairness of the Newsweek thing, is not to get the personal satisfaction of making them print the little letter of retraction that nobody will see, but to make them print a basic page written by the Vice President, summarizing the substantive nature of his trust.

And they're working on a thing like that, trying to make their, you know, something, make a plus out of it.

That's what they, you know, what they're trying to do with, well, I mean, it's, you know, it's a real embarrassment for them.

And who's been responsible for that?

That's much better.

Never argue on their attack.

Because a hell of a lot of people will forget that.

I think you better go.

You say that they are expected to be here at 7 o'clock.

You're absolutely right.

Hard, hard job.

.

Well, I think what we're all wanting to do is employ a marketer, a marketer of all the products.

And I think that's what we're going to do.

We're going to do a marketer of all the products.

And I think that's what we're going to do.

I think that's what we're going to do.