Conversation 332-039

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We've got to find out what it is that we can't pay their price for the sun.

Not that price.

I included also a copy of your outline so you can see how it looks in the paper.

And it got a little longer because of the time that you sent me and also because .

There's the flesh hanging out on the outside.

He's gonna have to be cut.

He said he was gonna be cut.

Thank you.

And then I'll go over it once again with him now.

I don't know, Lord, should you be with me?

Yes, sir.

You should not just spread it around to anybody, not to the dictator or all around history or anybody else.

Henry, of course, puts this on the scene as the history.

But right now, he seems to be getting a draft of I have approved.

I'm not going to say what he wants.

Now, when do you think that...

Are you ready for the workouts?

Quite interesting that he went to Moscow.

I've gotten so suspicious when I heard he was with you and Cam David over the weekend.

I thought that sounds too easy.

I don't know why some newsman doesn't think it sounds too easy.

Uh, Mr. Ambrose, please, uh, uh, in the, uh, research office.

Yeah.

I bubbled it on a little faster than I thought, but if it was getting lower, it could come on over there.

We'll talk about it now.

I have, as these fellows have done, done an excellent job of pulling this stuff together.

And I don't want to crush you too hard, but whatever your schedule at the time, let's do it.

But I'd like you to come over and let me sort of read it to you, the appeal of the statement.

And then I'll give it to you.

And then you can horse around.

Come on.

Oh, come on.

Fifteen.

I think that's better.

You'd rather wait for three o'clock, so that'd be better.

Yeah.

I was going to say two o'clock.

Okay.

Come in.

Can I just go in quick?

Well, I want to tell you.

I told him to get out.

I'm going to have him come in right now.

I'm just trying to do it.

Why don't you take this copy and help them change this?

They're rather minor, as a matter of fact.

We may have to cut some, but we may have to go along with it in this bid.

A lawyer.

I went to the Fletcher School of Law and Autonomy, as it was called.

I went to international law school.

So, I totally agree with that.

I went to the Fletcher School of Law and Autonomy.

What's your reading?

feel as you go through these .

.

. .

I wasn't a lawyer.

I would like to have gone to law school.

It's hanging in the wind.

It's not worth three years.

They give a law course a year and a half.

You get all these people regarding the logic.

You know, just do law your way of thinking without knowing true law.

That's why you have to learn about how to work out an issue of...

bond issue or a stock issue or something like that.

You see what I mean?

Right.

It's just a bunch of crap.

You think John Johnson would be more disciplined?

He doesn't want Henry to be here.

Do you have a...

I don't think I'll pay that much attention to that at the end because I think it's a hell of a good point, but I think that we're going to have to talk to a lot of the other people on that other side.

By responding to it?

Well, it may be, but I don't know.

I have no idea.

You know what I mean?

It's something that... Members of Congress themselves take it on and have to deal with it.

Well, one reason, too, is that I have that father and that I'm having what is now an opposed conclusion.

It's driving Henry out of the wall.

I'm going to have to say, it may not drive him out of the wall as far as we can think, but that's the way I'd add this.

At the present time, but on the American defense, we're telling you that we're bombing military targets in the most extreme and stressful terms.

And we go on to this.

The enemy has failed in its efforts to win over the people of South Vietnam.

Colonel Abrams believes that the enemy will fail in its efforts to conquer South Vietnam over there.

The enemy's last hope is to win over Congress in the United States and among the people of the United States.

We'll get a three-day camp among the people of South Vietnam on the battlefield of South Vietnam.

The great question is how we, the American people, respond to the challenge.

I understand the bitter frustration and the impact of the law position on this long and difficult war that has caused the United States of America.

Their case for doing nothing to stop this food competition in South Vietnam is compelling.

To know something like this hasn't been done enough.

The South Vietnamese can't defend their country without our help.

Let's get out.

What the President should do is to order the evacuation of all American forces and let them not escape COVID.

What the critics fail to realize is that quite like the state, it's not just the future of the 70 million people in South Vietnam, but the future of peace in the world and the future of the United States as a great nation will always use its power to keep the peace in every grave.

Some of the facts.

We did not start this war.

We went to South Vietnam and helped the people of South Vietnam to lend themselves and support the aggression.

The Vietnamese do not abhor their spring invasion.

Without massive aid from outside powers, their tanks, guns, and most modern weapons.

If one country, with the assistance of other powers, invades another nation and succeeds in conquering it, other countries will be encouraged to do exactly the same thing.

In the Middle East, in Europe, and in other international areas as well.

The Vietnamese believe that Vietnam, at risk of war in other parts of the world, is not a safe place.

We aren't trying to conquer Vietnam or any other country.

We want no territory.

We seek no basis.

That's why I say that we will offer the most generous peace.

Peace with honor for both sides, itself Vietnam and North Vietnam, keep respect for each other.

But we will not be humiliated.

We will not be defeated.

And we will never surrender.

This is a matter of generalistic national pride.

What we must face up to is an informed, supportive, communist aggression failed in Vietnam.

It will be discouraged elsewhere.

If it succeeds there, it will be encouraged elsewhere.

And the risk of war outparks the world in us.

So I say let us bring our men home to Vietnam.

Let us end the war in Vietnam.

But let us end it in a way that the younger brothers and sons of the brave men who have fought in Vietnam will not be fighting in some other Vietnam in some time in the future.

I am reminded by friends and prayers alive in this election year that I risked winning the election by ordering our air and naval partnerships to resist this progression.

And what I regret, decreased my chance to win the election if I brought peace to Vietnam, whatever the price.

I completely reject this type of advice.

The cost of winning an election is too high, and the price is an American business.

No man who sits in this office can act in a way that weakens the presidency of the United States.

The United States is the most powerful nation in the free world.

We have made our mistakes in foreign policy, but through our general credit in this century, we have never started a war.

We have always used our power to defend peace and freedom, never to destroy it.

This year, I covered Vietnam's historic general peace.

Next month, I shall travel to Moscow on what I hope will also be a general peace.

In the 18 countries I have visited as President, I have earned great respect from the office of President of the United States.

I have reason to expect, based on Dr. Fitch's report, that I shall find that same respect I have in Moscow.

I do not know who will be in this office in the first place.

That is a decision we as American people will make.

But I do know that future presidents will travel the nation to broaden our terms of peace as I have.

If the United States pleads with me about humiliating a leader, the President of the United States, whoever he is, would not deserve or receive respect which is such

that the United States is to continue to play the great role we are destined to play of helping to build a new structure of peace in the world for generations to come.

Let's look back at the policies we've taken about the peace of the record.

That's the basic picture of contact with Zona.

It's obviously very personal.

You can see it's not real.

You see, we cannot, you cannot, you see, at this time, this will be in our hearts.

We're not going to let go, we're going to give it a little second.

In the beginning, we got superfluous.

Rather, it covered the pull-out days, but not all of them.

The part a little about the hearts and minds of the American people.

I suppose you can take out that thing.

Because I covered the same thing there, and I can say once again, bring in the China group, and bring in the Russian group, and the United States.

But in the end, you've come so far that the South didn't even get to anymore.

And if running, if we don't want to have stuck in the line, we've got an endless road ahead of us.