Conversation 333-007

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Now, before we get into this, we don't want to interrupt this.

Well, uh, uh, we're going to be cold and cold.

We're going to go over to Buckley and come to, uh, still in the business.

If we made it this day, we should have put the announcement as soon as we returned to Paris.

It's 40.

Oh, that's right.

We'll take that.

We'll get to play on tonight.

No one's really going to take it.

I think it would, but in fact,

That's what they all think.

Militarily, the situation is good everywhere except the military, too.

They haven't advanced any further in the Central Islands because they're solid.

They're running around with a division.

It's always evening.

I'll start watching it myself, if I have any doubts about this, before I start watching it.

I think we have to stop just sort of telling him we had a lie.

It was an issue.

And he's putting about 50% of everything.

The problem was that he told us not to do that.

We were told to do that.

He's putting over 50% of everything into that narrow area of the central island.

And 50% of everything, Mr. President, remember, is 100% of what he has to leave.

I know, I know, but it may not be sure enough.

Well, have we got enough?

If you order, do you have a few squadrons on it?

Yes.

Now, we are having... You ought to talk to Rush sometime about Laird, because what's going on there is really... What's he trying to do?

Well, every time we give an order, he sits on it for 48 hours just to prove that he's in charge.

So yesterday, I don't... You order under my name.

We do it under your name.

I never order it in my name.

No, but I meant it.

No, I meant it.

I know how it's done.

You say, on behalf of the President, I ordered this.

What I meant is just put a note, Mr. Secretary, as Commander-in-Chief.

Goddamn, I ordered.

But, for example, I don't want to plague you with this, but on Sunday, I wired Haig from Moscow that the bombing authority should be extended.

It was at the 19th.

It should go up to the 40th.

That's right.

And Haig...

I approved.

I know you approved this Sunday.

And Haig transmitted it.

Now, they know Haig doesn't do anything on his own.

Uh, yesterday morning he still hadn't reached the Joint Chiefs of Staff, so I called Thursday, I said, if the order is to take 15 minutes, the President will sign it and send it directly to the Joint Chiefs.

He is Commander-in-Chief.

Then it just didn't do it.

Why don't you write a memorandum to Larry that I'm astonished that that was not done.

And, uh, I sent it.

But I was very disappointed in mine.

In order, I issued on Sunday that it had,

put it this way, that in order that I issued an order on Sunday, it had direct relationship to a very important political objective that could well have an effect in shortening the war.

I was shocked, put it this way, I put it with words like this, I was shocked to find that this order was not transmitted as of last.

In the future, when I issue an order, I want it issued immediately, and I intend in the future to send copies of all orders and have no more.

Now, it doesn't put it exactly that way.

Now, I'm going to put it through Larry, and I'm not going to even resign, which I'd like to do.

Sure, I'm going to get rid of the son of a bitch after the election.

Why don't you go to him?

Why not now?

Rush, incidentally, in fact, he meant Packard.

Well, I know Packard as a soft man.

Packard was a decent man, but got... You see, Henry, you got... We were in a situation.

I feel so sorry for you.

Shit, you were over there with a bunch of people, none of whom were on our side.

Now you've got one guy on our side.

That's why I wanted Rush.

I told you, I'll put you...

It was the best, if I may say so, single in my area.

Right.

Because with Rush in there we can play off each other.

Orders are carried out.

He keeps me informed of what's going on.

And Larry knows it.

That's why Larry was... Now, if you'd have had that asshole from the Air Force in there... Simmons could do it.

Simmons is a nice fellow, but he's a typical bureaucrat of the McNamara School.

You know, he's a McNamara man.

He did.

When he was one, you know...

I'm not going to do it.

I think I should say, what are you going to do about it?

And I ask him, where?

You've watched it over.

Now, I want this.

Don't you think a brutal message like this might have some effect?

Just say that I was shocked.

Now, he'll come in and wind around and so forth.

Now, that order was sent.

It wasn't sent.

I had nothing to do with it.

But I felt, actually...

I put it on the basis that I found it, that General Haig transmitted it, you know.

I found it to sort of get you out of the line of fire, and I was shocked with mine.

This could have had a very important effect on very, very important political... Of course, they said, why don't you tell me more?

I said, well, God's a young man.

But say, Don, I...

you ordered another B-52 truck.

And since they don't know the difference between B-52 and TACA and North Vietnam, and with that B-52 truck, we hit that one.

And we wanted to ride on the 20th parallel.

I just wanted to make sure that they understood that we were bombing everything just south of our farm.

And I think Dr. Coe is on the way.

And this thing is buffeted now.

He'll be in Paris on Saturday.

You know, so...

He may get a break soon, but I don't know what to do.

Now, oh, what I meant to tell you is that the television that monitors all those stories, they've broken through the Dakota.

I wanted to say that.

There's one North Vietnamese division.

Yeah, and also, well, that's also in this paper, so they're cutting country in half.

But in total, that's one division that has always been in Dakota, the third North Vietnamese division.

It's headquartered near the coast.

It's never moved from the coast.

What is Holland doing on his assignment?

I just spent 45 minutes with Bob.

We just, and he's doing his best, and he understands it, and Haig understands it.

To get it out.

But he's done some bitches, Mr. Bittman.

I mean, take the press yesterday.

Take Jarrell and another guy saying on television, I will send there to save the summit.

I had said exactly the opposite in my briefing.

I was the only guy who knew.

It's sorry.

If it's intrepid, it's intrepid from us.

No problem.

They have been saying some of these things.

And I suppose they weren't supposed to.

They don't make the same things.

I apparently did a lot of good with Kay Graham.

Today's editorial is crappier than yesterday's.

It is.

And what's it about here, sir?

I haven't read it yet, but they both need to start meeting.

Is it about here, sir?

It's about...

They called it Mr. Nixon's war event, sir.

The New York Times, we can occasionally get, they are just liberal, but they're opposed to the organ of the Democratic National Committee.

Well, we did the best we could of freedom.

I don't think we had a dramatic announcement.

The press was trying to play it down.

What do you think?

They were trying to play it down.

They were so goddamned shocked and pissed off.

You know, it's like they tried to play it on our own, so we had some of them, you know, there and there and there.

It's got a good play, but nothing compared to... Well, it should have gotten a bigger play, but nothing compared to its importance, because the fact is, Mr. President, that, I mean, we can't say it without just, because I've just said it, the truth, the trip guaranteed you something.

And it has a 50-50 chance, which is more immediately important, but not longer important.

of having broken through and being not.

I think we got the Soviet attention.

In a way, it never mattered.

But none of this was worth it.

What did our people do about these press things?

I suppose they raised it up with the TV people about it.

I'm going to get all of them over here and read this out a little longer.

I know it.

He's got to put the heat on the other side.

Oh, well, at least...

I think my impression, though, is, Mr. President, the Democrats, if this wasn't spoken, must shake them to their feet.

You mean draft a second president?

Well, he doesn't care about it.

Well, I hope that's the person's problem.

In Massachusetts, he got 40,000 votes.

And, uh,

Incidentally, I don't, don't, don't agree that you, uh, you'd better, uh, don't believe me.

You'd better believe me.

So from Moscow's point of view, it's better to do it the other way.

Well, and from our point of view, let your trip ride.

Let them save you something.

That's all right.

I don't think the American people, they're not so goddamn dumb.

These son-of-a-bitches in the press, Henry, are having such a vested interest in defeat, and so forth, that we're, uh, it's really, uh, but this is God next to his devil.

What does, uh, what does Hall of Fame say you're going to do about this?

I hope that God said you were going to act this way this morning.

Well, the publicity was a plus.

So when I met him up, for example, I had my hand cracked.

Now, I don't want to lie about it, but I know what the facts are.

I think it's really...

I don't want to set away a situation that you've had it for four days, and I'm set in like, wow, even though it's saved, and they'll say we were defeated.

You get my point?

I don't think that there was a piece.

What breaks your heart is the goddamn military is.

If they had pulled these divisions back from the Central Islands for 30 miles, we'd be through this in Cape Hagen, because it would have taken the other side six weeks to build up behind them.

And by that time, it would have been the end of the season, and we would have made it.

And then we could have retaken in the next dry season by putting everything in there.

Well, it's the worst situation now.

Any of the goddamn television plays the fact that Ann Walker's been home?

And actually, in Anlock now, they put in another unit yesterday.

I think it's third quarter.

My own judgment is, strangely enough, the area where we are best off, unless they score a spectacular in the next week, is third quarter.

Because there we've got the momentum.

The first quarter is quiet, but I have the feeling that they're building up for an attack.

you know, what the hell they were doing.

But in its second core, Mr. Breslin, we just must get to concern, because even if they take control, even if they take play to, where the hell will they be then?

So I know it's way up the helicopter.

Why in the name of God doesn't Abrams on this one go out and brief somebody to get this in context?

Who do you think is behind it?

I have a cable here from both bunkers and

from Duncan Abrams, which was sent six hours ago, and they're both still very optimistic.

They sent me to you for your report tonight.

What are they going to say?

But I wired them yesterday and said, please give us your personal report.

We can't have the president in a position where he says something which then turns out to be wrong.

They say that they have no reason

to change the judgment they gave you three days ago, that the situation is essentially under control, that the South Vietnamese are confident that the... And that we're bombed now.

Yes.

And I think...

I don't think I can hold on to this government.

I only wish to take a high form today.

That's the one lesson I can hold on to.

I know, I know you don't, but I'm glad you...

There's many psychological...

If they offer a ceasefire, we can get, but I don't think we should offer it yet.

I think we should leave it a little longer.

And I think we should let it emerge.

just because the Sun, I think, if they operate tomorrow with these troubles, because you have to accept it in some form.

I don't think they'll operate with the Sun, especially if they're here, if they'll operate with the Sun.

They may come in very conservatively.

Let me say, if you think you need to stay here to ram out in some place, stay here.

Well, why don't I do this, Mr. President?

Why don't I go with you tonight and come back tomorrow night?

That way, we can put out that I carried out your instructions that in Washington, D.C. And also you could be here.

I've read this speech.

I think it is damned good.

I think it's tough enough.

You don't think it's tough enough?

I think it's tough enough.

The only thing, it's got something.

Well, I can't, I can't weaken it any, that's for sure.

Oh, no, you cannot.

If that ain't enough, can I make a couple of suggestions before you get into it?

It's a little too long.

I think I've got a very efficient cut.

We can look at page one.

I don't ever believe in starting to speak with a conclusion.

I believe in making the case for it first.

And I think when you have to have it by the combination of the Armed Forces or Vietnam, period, I would do it down there.

Tonight, I want to outline the military situation and leave out the unity of the annual purpose for the sexual, and that's why I've asked for this and I have to report to you and want the background.

Oh, yeah.

You've heard conflicting reports.

One thing is beyond any doubt, this desperate spoodle after military conquest must not be permitted to succeed.

I say that later.

I make the case, but I don't believe that I should get him over the head with that runaway

What I meant is, I think I should cut that out and then reach that point at a later point.

I would say this.

During the last three years, you've been reading and hearing about the massive invasion of South Vietnam and the Communist Army of the North.

Tonight, I want to outlaw the military situation.

Good.

Just go right into it.

Good, good, good.

And it also sounds a little defensive if you say that.

Yeah, and it also, I think it's more positive.

I agree with you.

Page two.

I think I'll take out, they reached 500 a week or something.

It's true, but I think it weighs more than maybe 300 or 500.

Page three, a victory they cannot win.

I would there say a victory they cannot be allowed to win.

Page three, you can see.

Because let's put it this way.

And then also on that page,

Although I, in proving the invasion point, although it's quite accurate to say that 20,000 came over from South Vietnam into Cambodia, that raises the specter of Cambodia.

Why would I take that out?

You see my point?

It's just enough to say they came across the Indian city, you see, where it says shortly after the...

I wouldn't, frankly, I would not say over 25,000, because that doesn't sound like much.

I would say... Thousands.

I would say over the divisions that got... Thousands.

What's wrong with that?

What's the trouble?

This is an interruption, but I thought you might want to talk to John Hampton.

He is here.

I don't need that.

There's something else you want?

No, I don't.

If you want to see him, he's here.

Oh, no, I'll call him.

I'll call him when I need him.

No, no, no.

We're working now.

Thanks.

Maybe he's right.

I don't mind changing it.

But, uh, you sometimes know that putting it in person is hard.

He's a good boy, but, uh, we traveled with these gang on this for a change.

I believe a little of what you have, because that's a point that I don't know.

This is too goddamn weak.

I would just wait and wait and wait.

You see, my point is that all of our lawyers here are so goddamn weak.

Well, they don't understand.

I wouldn't give credit to the young demonstrators, Mr. President.

Well, I would say it's one young demonstrator.

That's what they always put in.

Where did you get that?

Well, he said, it doesn't go to the hearts of many millions of Americans from the young demonstrators who march in the streets.

Oh, shit.

To the proud veterans of another generation.

That's bullshit.

That's pure bullshit.

I think the average American doesn't like the demonstrators.

Oh, that's true.

Give peace a chance.

I don't like that give peace a chance crap, do you?

What do you?

I don't have to.

I don't like it.

Now, that's bullshit.

That's appealing to the audience.

We're not going to do it.

Unbelievably bad.

Well, let's go on.

Do some more editing.

I'll just drop that.

Get it down to something.

andrews is a good man but just like sapphire and all the rest of the whole damn research except you can't go too far together but they're all soft all soft because they're great for fucking washing your clothes the young demonstrator who marches the same as all we are committing is to give peace a chance those people aren't worthy of shining sun coaching men's shoes don't you agree i completely agree

Anyway, let's do this again.

I'll come back to this.

But his point, his point about the fact that it's too personal.

I couldn't have done it.

You certainly didn't do it personally.

Because I think what you're doing, and you said what I was doing, I mean, you're making

That's exactly the point that you're not talking about yourself.

There was a Martian soldier in the whole country, deep yearning for peace.

Deep yearning?

Oh, Christ.

Do you think the people that want to bomb Hanoi are deep yearning for peace?

The truth is, they like to bash them.

The average person is not peaceful.

Anyway, he's got a pomp in the chapel.

The best idol.

Much, much better than San Diego.

It's closer to our style.

It's not cute.

But nonetheless, let me tell you, if we go on, let's finish this.

You have to go to the rest of your tent.

Why don't you send Haig today?

Well, you'll be there at 10.

Let's see what I work on the sun.

Uh, is Haig there?

I'll be with the president for another half hour on the street.

Would you do the rest for me?

Try to hold them so that I can come in for five or ten minutes at the end and tell them that I'm with the president on the street.

For me to do this and for me to keep the chairman or whoever is acting chairman

You see, Henry, the same kind of thinking that Andrews has here, and I think it's well encountered, would have killed the November 3rd speech and would have killed

what little we had in Cambodia.

You see my point?

Well, you know what goes over is dusty stuff.

And God will personalize it.

And the very thing that your critics squeal about.

You don't do justice to your champion.

In many ways, your champion is when he gives speech.

I think you sent Muskie on the skids because you gave a major speech.

What was he doing?

Fiddling around.

That speech really turns things.

They've never got a Vietnamese on the tax credit.

No, it says here where I would say three North Vietnamese divisions.

That's three North Vietnamese divisions.

Strike out the last sentence shortly after the end.

You get the point?

Strike out shortly after.

I marked it on here.

The facts are clear.

Then strike out the next sentence.

That's three North Vietnamese regular divisions.

I was trying to get the word regular.

Green, North, East, and East.

That's only supposed to be the stuff.

Then in the last seconds, after the word BMC comes out, see?

Shortly after the invasion across the BMC, take that off.

Coming over from Cambodia, it's... We don't have to say from Cambodia across over into the South Sea, not further south.

We don't have to say where the GM comes from.

Well, I know, but it's the crossing of the DMZ that's the critical part.

It makes the point, it doesn't really add to any...

It doesn't add to any... Well, unless, you know, it shows that it was mounted.

Well, I'm sorry.

But that's truly after the invasion.

Another three divisions crossed over into South Beach, not further south.

Yeah.

No one knows where that is.

Well, all right, fine.

I mean, that really makes it sound right.

That's another thing that's a lot more important than the distribution.

Yeah, further so.

Fine.

All right.

Then strike the facts that are clear.

Then strike the next sentence, $45,000.

They have to write that.

Then you start the next sentence with more.

Then on the next page, page four, strike the words, none whatsoever.

Anything.

and search for the word Indochina in that paragraph, South Vietnam.

And the next paragraph, strike the word, my fellow Americans.

And I don't think that it's worth making a debating point here.

The only word for it is invading, which, despite some sophisticated service money, didn't help to find that word there.

Well, it's true, but let Agnew say that.

So strike that, Senator.

Now, I'm not going to make the point about the South Vietnamese air.

Don't call it the air.

You see what I mean?

None will be involved.

You see the words, none will be involved?

Strike the next sentence.

And then to support this defensive effort by the South Vietnamese, I have ordered attacks on their air.

On their air.

See?

He cuts it.

Yeah, he cuts it back.

Next page.

We often call him this morning again.

He thinks the news plays, which is tremendous.

He says, you are.

He says, don't worry about the niggling.

He said, you are the only national leader right now.

All the other class chiefs and regulators.

He said, he just saw the morning show.

And when you see McGovern and Humphrey and

all these guys nagging away at each other, and then the president is talking about Macau and negotiations.

He said, every day that passes, he said, don't let this little niggling bother you.

And he said, you are the unchallenged national leader, and you are in the strongest position in the county of New York City.

And he was just bubbling away at them.

Then I would have on page 5, Henry, which has not, instead of made the quick and easy game, which has not gained the easy victory, I put it that way, rather than, or insert for the words made the quick and easy game, which has not gained the easy victory.

Why don't you say some American newsman predictable.

I could do that there.

I would say some movement, some cry of doom.

I don't know.

That's what I'm saying.

Incidentally, Mr. President, the other interesting thing, if we had found Paris and said it is a clumsy American lie to say that they have tried to capture any political capital, that was never their intention.

And they are achieving what they want to achieve.

They have never had any intention of capturing it.

That's a very defensive approach.

That's what all the American press were saying they were trying to do.

Mr. President, they have lost tens of thousands of men on an ant lock at Guantanamo Tree.

Why the hell are they attacking an ant lock if they don't want the provincial capital?

They're in trouble.

They're in deep trouble.

They may be in more than we are.

That's the whole point that I constantly said.

It seems he's tough.

You have within your grasp that what you can achieve there isn't just Vietnam anymore.

It is our domestic audience.

All the doctors, all the people.

When you have pulled off something, you, the anti-communist, the man who wasn't supposed to do anything, you openly came.

You're going to have a spectacular summit in Moscow, and you've done it by being tough.

You've not done it by slaughtering.

You've never come to see us.

And you'll settle it now, I think, don't you?

These goddamn presidents are wild about that Moscow thing.

They just hate it.

They know something's up.

And they're dying.

That's their trouble.

And I don't worry about how they carry it at the moment.

The president, the less attention they pay to me, the better it is.

It's a trick.

I think you will find when you come to Moscow that it has helped you with the summit, and the less attention they give to this particular event, the better it is.

It makes you look better when you come to Moscow, which is the big game.

So I, from the short-run point of view, it would have been more satisfying to get more publicity.

By the end of May, it will be better.

The attention this year has to be on you.

And please, please,

I can't get a cigarette to go out.

Well, he won't check them, but he knows damn well they are, you know.

The President, you have to distinguish what's got to get put out of them.

Maybe not as many as we should, but do we save a lot of bad articles after the day?

Well, I think I was going to say this week, they would have written all week, you're jeopardizing this Sunday.

Yeah, and that we're getting hell beat out of us in Vietnam.

Now, next Monday we could step out with Smith about so.

Or we can do it Monday.

I think Monday is better because we've got to sell the Navy on this Sunday.

Good, good.

All right.

Fine, then we won't have you come see me in Florida.

I think it's going to be a natural thing.

We can do it any time.

We should do it in the morning if you don't mind.

I'm sorry, I can't.

Well, then we'll do it any time.

I'll tell you why I can't, because I'll be in Texas.

And I don't come back from Texas, and I won't be back until we have to do it.

We have to do it.

After 3 o'clock would be fine.

We should get it back.

We could say 3 o'clock in the afternoon.

It sets down a time and do it.

And then, Monday night, I go to the pattern.

I don't think I can afford to be down today, but I will.

I'll sleep on the plane, go to the meeting, come right back.

One day I can be down.

And I think I'll work out with Rita and told her from now on we're not in the meeting.

Because otherwise, if she doesn't lie, she'll be asked once she appears every day as she met.

But you'll just say it?

I just can't.

I've been meeting with Rita and told her if you don't come.

Right.

Will you work it out this time?

I'll work it out this time.

Just say, we can't keep you covered any longer.

And I'm glad to speak.

Keep it safe and full of it.

And I'll sit it out for you tonight.

I'm glad to sit it out for you tonight.

Now down to the final direction.

You can't mollify the doves, the hawks, the male supporters.

And if it's due to be a problem, the real problem is the Russians.

So they'll just have to take it.

It's always true.

I think it's good, Mr. President.

These guys would not have to talk to you.

Johnson had 530,000 troops and he was constantly occupying them.

And they wouldn't talk to him while he was bombing them.

You are pulling your troops out.

You have no combat troops left.

And they're talking to you by your apartment, and that's not a silence, John.

Johnson was on his knees to the Russians, and they never lifted a finger for him.

We know that they did a visit to the May 2nd meeting.

We know they have a mission there now.

We know that it was sent in a hurry.

And we know that they're slaughtering to get you the mask down.

That is an unbelievable achievement.

You said...

Oh, it's February 1969.

You said everything is lit.

Everything is lit in May 1972.

You've done that.

And it might be to the great effect.

Exactly.

And if Ron falls tomorrow, they're going to be on their knees.

Yeah.

Two FTPs.

People defected them.

If it were a secret ballot, they'd surely vote.

But what the government has not told us, it's supposed to be a secret ballot.

But they have insisted that their supporters must stay in their seats so you will know who will vote.

Actors have to do it in public view.

The way it's done is they go into a special room to vote.

in a secret ballot, but the government has decreed that the government supporters can't go to the room for a secret ballot, they fall in their seat.

So, if a secret ballot, he'd be dead.

But, even if he doesn't fall, Mr. President, which in a way, the balance of power, that doesn't get the treaties ratified here, no, no.

The treaties now cannot be finally ratified until after the treaties are passed.

But if he did fall, actually, I would...

Frankly, I would prefer it if he didn't fall.

Because if he did fall, we might not be able to get the treaties ratified.

We wouldn't want to have that.

Well, no.

Bregman will be finished if the treaties don't get ratified.

And therefore, we will be in trouble, too.

If Brandt maintains himself tomorrow, he will still be so weakly...

This is the first time in the whole post-war history that anyone has attempted a vote of no confidence, which shows how weak the government is.

Because to overthrow the government, it isn't enough to get a majority against it.

You have to get a majority for somebody else.

And that's how he's been attempted.

Then he has to pass the treaty by a relative majority.

Then they go to the upper house,

We know we're turning it down, and there is always no direction.

Then it comes back to the Noah of, after this good trip to Moscow, where he's got to get an absolute majority, which is almost, which he cannot get without a, so we have a hell of a lot of people that should be with him.

Let's go on here.

Then in certain, on what it says here, he says there will be a federal return, but some battles will be lost and others will be won for some people.

I have nothing on page six.

The pair decided with America.

And the bottom of the last sentence is rather than with their own.

With America.

It was a good letter.

Page six.

Page 7, bottom of the day book, the writer decides in a class sentence, with America, rather than, insert the word America for their own country, with America, rather than with the comments.

Speak right in front of me, America, because it's very much their own country and comments.

On page 9, what the president is doing to set the deadline.

I would say, even if the Communists take over, that's a little more than the last paragraph, last sentence, rather than let the Communists take over.

Well, I don't know, because that leads to the doubt.

What they really ask of us is... Is to impose communism.

We have ordered the evacuation of America, imposed a military and economic...

I don't want to get into it anymore.

All right.

Cut.

Let the communist take over the Catholic and the American.

We should just put it to the... Yeah, all right.

Cut American, all right.

Add whatever is right there.

And let the communist take over it, will you?

All right, fine.

One thing we can do, rather than to go into the terms of peace, but we can cover a whole bunch of... Oh, wow.

Let me suggest on page ten.

Let me say, and I don't want to be unfair, I want you to take a minute to read what Andrews has written, and just read quickly in your own mind, and then tell me if you think, what do you think?

Now give me your feeling, and if you feel it's all right, I don't mind saying it, but if you don't believe me, it doesn't fit me.

I mean, it doesn't fit my actions, but my feelings, but hell, I won't say anything.

It's all good.

I don't like it, Mr. President, because you shouldn't slaughter over the feed mix.

Well, we'd take that out.

Take that out.

That'd be delightful.

But I'd go back to the point you had, that the President has to... Now, if I may make a suggestion, Mr. President, on page 10.

Yeah.

What?

I would not say we will not be humiliated.

You don't like it?

No, it makes it look good.

All right, we will not be defeated.

But we will not be defeated.

But I've got to put in, we will never surrender.

What I would say is we will never surrender our friends to the communists.

And nobody has asked us to do it, very weakly.

Well, okay, we can't do it.

We're waking, at least I thought the peace was on.

But we will not be defeated.

And we will never surrender our friends.

We will never surrender our friends.

How do we surrender our friends?

I wonder that.

Oh, that's a nonsense.

That's what they're asking us to do.

That's what they're doing.

We will never surrender our friends.

We shouldn't even raise the idea that the United States might have to surrender to North Korea now.

Yeah, and we will never surrender our friends.

Now, let's go on, see if we can get some of it to come to something that some people may agree with.

And that next paragraph, all right.

Oh, yes, I'm going to take out American Baltan in China, where it's neither open nor unlimited.

That'll close it.

That's Roger's line.

I don't think we've come a long way.

Just the next two seconds are all right, I think.

Okay, now.

That's good.

You're out of the line.

You can go left now.

And the next second is the next part of the plan.

Okay.

Why don't we just leave out this old crap about the city and America?

Let's just take out the next two.

You see, it's pretty strong.

We'll have to fight again with some other Vietnam in the future.

That's all.

Go ahead, what do you want, Vietnam?

I don't like to gobble into a paper, but I'm willing to take this out if there's a strong feeling about it.

It doesn't really add all that much.

I think it is important, Mr. President.

And the people like to support their president.

And you're doing it in a very objective way.

You're not talking about yourself.

That's right.

And I don't say that other presidents don't.

The only thing you might consider doing is to draft a praise for which will weaken the power of the president to the candidate position.

Because you're making...

Great tradition of worldly leadership.

Because you're making it in the next generation.

All right.

Bye.

The States.

Leave the United States.

You've got to say, strike a word to Malia there, too, then, don't you?

Don't want Malia.

Don't say it out loud.

Don't say it.

It bothers you.

All right.

I'll leave it there.

Presley, wherever you are.

I admit that's the wrong one.

I would believe it because you're not talking about yourself.

God damn it, yes.

You're not talking about President Nixon, you're talking about President McClellan for all you care.

Yeah, that's right, that's right.

Well, I think he's got, he's just a hell of a good guy, so he's no softie, but he is, he really is, he's got that paper.

Let me just give you a feeling, though, as to how the name would read either way.

Earlier, the way he would have done it, earlier this year, we traveled with Pete King on a historic journey for peace.

That's bullshit.

We didn't, you know what I mean?

We, next month, we shall travel to Moscow, what I hope will also be done.

Why?

With us on these journeys go the hearts of many millions of Americans on all battlegrounds and all political blitz from the young demonstrator who marches and sings.

Oh, Christ.

All we are saying is give peace a chance to the proud veterans of another generation

in the direction of the city of Vietnam that we have looked at before.

Somehow these patients seem to create a rare impression of the importance of this great sprawling country of ours.

Building for us, though, is the hard work of fashioning that hope and momentum.

Now, the one thought which I will leave with you tonight, we can give peace a chance, all of us working together.

We can do it partly with some of the departments, partly with groups, and partly with national organizations.

None of it can exist without one fundamental precondition, which is all right.

That precondition is that you use your climate with the crest of honor and with the respect of the world.

The crest above all, and the responsible exercise of power in that world, is about the United States.

The United States, not only is it not, would be an irresponsible exercise of power, but about the renunciation of our morality and education, or a reform of nation and education, for the mighty to prey upon the weak all far and the world.

It would be to deny the peace of the champion.

I don't like the peace of the champion.

I don't mind it.

What about that?

Do you like that?

It's this.

Do you like this better than what we have?

I don't like that.

I don't like this.

As I understand, I...

I put a circle around.

I don't mind.

The only part that I think has any merit is... this one sentence.

would not deserve the respect which is essentially the United States.

You could put in at this point, it would amount to a renunciation of our morality, an application of our leadership.

That sentence I would put in as a good sentence.

I will put it this way, Mr. Cook.

I'll tell you, last night when I spoke to the 120 Congressmen...

I understand you, Mr. Cook.

I just used a little of this line about I have the responsibility for the presidency.

I put the political line a little, too, about election, not the money.

But I said, I do not want my responsibility not to leave this office weaker

When I came in, and I woke you to anything that was necessary to see that case, you sat down and they went up the wall.

But you see, they didn't want to hear that.

Mr. President, the United States is an abstraction.

The President is a reality.

If you had said, I'm going to risk my re-election, this I recommended to you yesterday to take out, because that sounds life-exhausting.

But here you're saying, somebody else is going to be in this office.

It could be President McGovern.

You're not saying that.

And you want to strengthen it.

This sounds, well, at this point, let me say, can I give you back, here's my copy.

So if you agree, I will just put it in.

Why don't you take it?

And there's no hurry, Henry.

You go to your Western meeting, have another copy run off, and put in that sentence that you like.

Then I think you ought to sit down.

I think you owe it.

You see, Lohr and Andrews worked together on this, and Lohr agrees with Andrews on this.

I know.

He's so true.

I know.

Well, because I see the study right.

But they are part of the generation.

See, I have that in mind.

And they're not disloyal.

They're all parts.

And they can be dead.

Lohr wanted to quit and go and get together to play.

Yeah.

I got him an attitude of that.

You'll see.

Someday you'll thank me for keeping him.

Yeah.

There he is.

He is now all out, and every month of the month, he's in a ditch.

Well, I think this is the problem.

Why don't you, do you want to talk?

I don't want to talk through speech records about a thing like this.

But how will you talk to him?

You'll just say that the president has to make this decision.

He doesn't want to put it in personal terms, and he doesn't.

I'm saying, if they've misunderstood it, isn't it personal to them?

Yeah.

And that it's essential, and that it's got to be said in a more, it's too abstract a way to end.

And also, I am not going to give the goddamn demonstrators that much, because Henry, people don't like these demonstrators.

My people don't like them.

None of them for us.

They're Muskie's crowd.

I mean, or McInerney's, I should say.

Poor son of a bitch, Muskie.

He has really had it now.

Oh, I didn't know that.

He had it before.

I didn't tell you at this dinner that I attended just before I left for Moscow.

Oh, yeah.

Who?

Harrigan was on the old part.

And he skipped out on Moscow and he now has... Who's he for now?

No, he thinks you're going to win.

He was babbling all over the drawing room that you would win and that he thinks you're going to hold your part.

than the other Democrats.

But it was very bad that he was talking to me in the hearing of everyone else about what you should do with the new administration and what kind of things.

And so he was sort of acting again for a mission for himself.

That's obviously what he's done.

It's interesting, though.

I wonder what Klipper's doing these days.

He's a musky man.

Klipper is an insane father.

Harriman, at least.

Oh, Harriman's just old.

Just old.

But that's interesting, though.

But two months ago...

But how about your Harriman?

When he reads about your mission to Moscow, he'll know damn well that you just go there and try to save the son of a bitch.

I think the idea, they're going to be pushing that today, but I don't think we were.

They really just don't worry about what they say.

It's a long term.

What they say about my vision doesn't make a goddamn bit of difference.

Yeah, I know.

Because as LIDACO comes back, as you announced, it's all breakthrough next week.

It's going to become perfectly obvious what's happening.

Then, the less they say about my vision, the better it will look.

Yeah.

You are in Moscow.

Yeah.

We've always said it's in our interest that they don't build up expectations too high.

That's right.

If you can...

I got a...

I got a picture with you.

I have it locked in here.

I agree.

Anyway, it's back, back, back.

Every day you announce something in Moscow.

Can I ask you... Let's see what I have.

What about putting out the bombing call?

You know...

You don't want to put it out there.

We might have to play it hard.

I think you should tell Laird about the private meeting with you.

He's gotten to know one time before.

Probably.

incidentally sent out this speech to you.

I'll do that for you now.

One second.

Mr. Bob mentioned to me this morning, which I'd like to raise for your consideration.

He told me that you're considering going to church on Sunday in Moscow.

Yeah.

Now, if I may suggest, let me try this out on a personal basis, because

These Soviet leaders, now they're committed.

I really do believe they want you re-elected.

Let me say this.

If it's going to be this on the summit in any way, I will not.

My own inclination is to feel that probably not.

I'll tell you why.

If you've been to Moscow, you've seen that place.

They maintain that church.

That's a symbol to prove that they have a lot of goddamn good.

Mr. President, they may welcome it.

It may go like both.

You could put it this way.

Look at a number of his friends

I've asked that he go to church, and then this will give him, and the president says, why don't you say to the president, he says, I still want you to go to church.

It's not embarrassed, Mr. Bresnik and I will do it, but if you prefer not, and we'll keep it absolutely quiet, and I'll take responsibility myself.

But if that would make any of us, if he couldn't tell you to stop, go to church.

You know, you'll wind up being able to go to a given chief judge and just say, we're not putting you on the spot.

And I always tell them that this conversation is one that will not respond.

But I don't want to do anything at all embarrassing if they think that I, but a number of our friends, you know, the people say like Dr. Billy Graham, they had urged him to go.

And the president just said, well, I don't know whether I may have an excuse to go.

And I say it will help you, too, because it will...

I think that would be the right way of doing it.

Because now that we've played it so hard with them, and if they do squeak, the more we can give them the feeling that the alternative to squeezing them is a really gentlemanly relationship with you.

This president has a sort of nouveau riche attitude towards you.

He has the same attitude towards you that Napoleon had for the crown heads of Europe, no matter how many victories Napoleon celebrated.

But he always felt inferior to the people he had beaten, defeated, and battled.

And you represent continuity.

No one can threaten you who put it well enough if you have the legitimacy.

And the way he was public about what he wanted to do for you, it wasn't like show and lie, who acted like an aristocrat.

and that he feels subsequently inferior to you.

And I really think my character is sensitive.

He's not very sure of his office life.

He's not sure of his office.

He never handled foreign policy before.

He is impressed by the matches in your office.

He's got to go running.

12 associates, 14 associates.

And he knows the life of someone who came over.

And he knows the life of somebody who came over.

And he knows the life of somebody who came

They're polishing it like maniacs, and then they're putting a shroud around it so that the polish doesn't wear off.

And they just kept one unshrouded to show to me.

And said, look how we've polished it, and as soon as you see it, we'll put a shroud around that one, too.

Now that, you know, is a nice point to put down.

But isn't that a sign of such insecurity?

And they showed me how they're painting the outside of the Kremlin, and to underpin it like a ten-hundred-mile-a-year window.

Of course it works.

And there's a courtyard there.

And they said, now, don't look at this.

We're going to plant this there.

All that commotion you see is just so that we can make it look nice for the president.

So you're dealing here with a real noble reach.

So the more noblesse of least you can show here, that's the future.

See, we do it for different reasons than Harriman.

We used to do Harriman and then old Joe Davies and the rest.

We treated these people that way because they thought they would change them on substance.

We don't treat people on substance.

But we can treat them with great dignity and respect, and then come to hell on substance.

That's their custom.

Joe Davis and Hanneman are sucking it out of the gate, their good will, and never squeezed it.

What we are doing to them and Vietnam is not to be believed.

Incidentally, today, the North Vietnamese newspaper has an article saying

The capitalists are trying to separate us from our socialist brothers.

This will never succeed.

If they weren't worried, they wouldn't bother you.

Imagine if they were bombing Iran, and you received Gromyko over here, and then showed Gromyko a list of aid you give to Iran to prove that you're not doing anything.

the Shah would go up a wall.

So you've really put it to them.

You've bombed, I've bombed with a summit three weeks away.

So this is not the Harriman line.

Harriman wouldn't have let you bomb the North.

Harriman was against any bombing at any time with nothing coming out.

Why not?

I mean, you are acting

like a man who is very strong and can afford to be personally policed.

Mr. Levely, is there any thought in having that stupid asshole Lodge talk to the Pope or talk to the papal nuncio about your visit to Moscow?

I want to keep that damn fellow, the Pope, saying the right thing.

Which one do you think would rob him?

Well, if Lodge is over there, we can just... Why don't you get Lodge on the phone and tell him to go?

And it'll bring him into the act.

You'll love it.

Go over and tell him a little.

In the meantime, could I suggest a time out?

It's now 10.30.

You go on to your meeting.

Get your people started on this next draft.

But I think you owe it.

We owe it to those young fellows that work on it.

We want to leave with them at noon.

And you, you always have been to it.

Take them off.

It's 10.30 now.

You have to spend it.

I'll meet with them at 11.

What I'm getting at is that I need you to get this out of the way and get it back to me so that I can vote.

Well, I meant I'll have a little drive for you by 12.30.

Well, how long for 12?

You see, it's 10.30 now.

I'll have it for you at 12 o'clock.

Fine.

Then will you take first one, and you say, fellas, it's a close call on the rest.

I'd say that the president just isn't going to give that much of a demonstration.

Yes, he can.

our actions are going to convince them, not any words, and we've got not to disappoint our friends.

After all, as I say, those guys last night were a pretty good test.

They were at about a third Democrats and two-thirds Republicans, but the whole damn bunch, you know, they had to be shook a little.

And you're true.

You asked Colson.

I even had Truman Kubler at work.

I heard that.

Colson told me about that.

So we've got the country.

Well, I don't know if we have that.

No, I do.

That's increasing.

Okay, you're free now.