On May 8, 1972, President Richard M. Nixon, H. R. ("Bob") Haldeman, Henry A. Kissinger, White House operator, [David] Kenneth Rush, White House operator, and unknown person(s) met in the President's office in the Old Executive Office Building from 1:15 pm to 2:30 pm. The Old Executive Office Building taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 336-008 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
So they say that really it all sorts out.
The guys that are against you are going to be against you.
The guys that are for you are going to be for you.
Maybe a few would be mad about not notification.
So all we do then is we get on the farm.
But we just see that it's so that I go to the farm and I'll see if it's healthy.
Yeah, I think the others would be, the others probably won't.
I'm sure they won't, because the security cannot go through this.
The president must be sure he won't.
Yeah.
I appreciate your support.
And what he has to say requires no explanation.
It's absolutely clear.
Which is true.
It's not like some of the others, there's nothing to do with one.
I don't think a lot of people probably don't see her.
Oh, I don't know.
Oh, I don't know.
He realizes to himself what his own actions are.
Oh, gritty.
He's really not very far away.
Yeah.
Yeah.
The only nagging doubt anybody could possibly have was the one about the acceptability of the song.
We couldn't have weeded out a good song.
But the rest of it is
The boy fell while you were there.
The boy fell while you were there.
The boy fell while you were there.
The boy fell while you were there.
The boy fell while you were there.
Gary's gonna need that, don't you?
I wonder what day it is.
Did that report that you... walked into a tough negotiating meeting with Fred and Ed?
Well, uh... Father should be back before he forgot what argument he had to take over here.
You see, it's not a matter of how or what credit it's owed.
One of events was Henry Street, the barracks.
He's coming back.
Well, you have suffered the problem, I guess.
But she also, I mean, she was going to the summit without having done anything.
What posture you're in at the summit.
And others, you didn't do anything.
Yeah.
But you're coming out with an agreement of principles while they're still fighting in Vietnam.
It has to sit.
It's working.
Fifteen minutes.
Good.
Half hour.
Three points.
Good.
They haven't.
That isn't their decision at this point.
That was what they were talking about the other day.
St. Fulbright and Stennis say the consensus still seems to be that the vote should be deferred by the end of the summer.
You've got to see where the medium is.
So, in this way, it's falling down here.
If you're at the summit working, alternatively, it solves the problem.
If you're working forward, alternatively, it solves another problem.
So you get a couple days right on that, there would be no reason why you couldn't come back and try to follow on that.
So a way of all, some Vietnam, well, yes, some Vietnam couldn't come.
The whole thing probably would have a real problem.
And the fact that you're being there, they argue, is a bad morale factor for some Vietnam.
And that their morale was one of the
Yeah.
But if you follow the other way, so you leave the summit off, you don't do this.
If Vietnam falls between now and the time of the summit, you can always do this at some other point.
This is something you can set up on a fairly short notice.
The reason for doing it now is that they closed the negotiating contract.
In terms of time, the other reason for doing it would be that they had won a military victory.
you wouldn't have as good a reason for doing it.
You might want to.
Yeah, they want a military victory, so then you're just doing it out of wealth, you know, troops' problems.
Say, if you get out, it's the age of your exam.
But it is, it's no longer a vital act, really, because it doesn't, you know, put notes in his mind.
Well, a lot of times, you know, I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I've gone early on this.
What happened on that other carton, of course, was a really elegant carton.
Yeah.
I'll just get off and I'll come and write it down.
Yes.
He wrote it down in steps.
He wrote it down in steps.
He wrote it down in Mitchell's steps.
Captain Cannon jibbed it up.
It was a reply to a letter from the carton.
Cannon wanted to do, you know, recommended he do this.
In this case, as I said, not unless Mitchell and Earl, Mitchell...
Well, you shouldn't do it.
The campaign people wanted you to do it on purpose and said you should do it, but we should not release the letter, which we did.
And Flanagan said that you should, that the letter was okay if you were going to send one to the depot.
There was no need to send one.
We were already on record.
You can't, sorry, because we're on record, so if not, we'd have to travel forward to Carleton.
so the right of the letter was sent.
Then, Carlin has to follow up.
He's done.
Unbeknownst to anybody, the Cardinal called Buchanan after he got the letter and said, thanks for the letter, and I put it out to Buchanan and said yes, so he did.
That's when it hit the man.
The Cardinal thought that the view is that, as a result, the legislation to repeal will not pass.
In other words, the Cardinal's defeated his own.
because there's a great high-judging in the New York legislature about the president interfering with their responsibilities.
And I hope it's good for Rockefeller.
It's good for Rockefeller because then he won't have to veto it.
If it does pass, he'll veto it.
If it doesn't, he'll just do it anyway.
But his position was different from mine.
That's right.
But John said he was, John explained it as being a staff error.
We made a mistake.
There's nothing we can do to rectify it.
We're sorry.
We talked about that.
So I thought that's the only thing we could do.
At this point, we can't go in and say it didn't happen because it did.
And you can't say that the presidency made a point that it didn't happen.
It was assumed, of course, that either of us did the wrong thing.
We don't do anything that we ought to do about it.
That is our policy, and we'll continue to do it.
He's a doctor who's fine, you see.
I do not believe he makes speeches for the burden and all for it.
It doesn't change that in any way.
It creates that little problem in the Navy who is actually the opposite of what the burden wants to do.
I don't want to be in the position of the people who are on the burden.
They're behind you.
They're on the world.
They're behind you.
You've got to watch that for the push.
We usually do.
We usually fight those down.
We sure make a little clear to the doctor about hardly anything that he ever does takes on, whether any political thing that he takes on or not takes on.
They forgot about everybody except some of the anti-abortion people
That's one of the rules.
The rock floor said this is a very tough situation.
We've got American clothes at the state capitol today.
Visitors, because of the demonstrations.
Activists, they're all gathered on both sides.
They've got a lot of things.
I'm sure there's different types of strings.
It's a terrible thing for you to do before you can tell everyone what you said to their bodies.
Take care of yourself.
I'm sorry I couldn't get you a phone call at one o'clock.
Father, he wants a message from you from the trees.
And I said, well, he's not this morning.
He's very tired.
He should call me again tomorrow morning.
I've got to tell him to bring it tonight.
Good.
I didn't tell him you decided this.
He said...
should I support the president or should I raise the question?
And I said, I think you better support the president.
Which is our main one, Secretary of State.
Well, I've got a rather undead to ask.
I don't know if you know what he said.
Yeah, he told me that the problem was, he said, I don't agree with it.
It'll work, but I don't trust him.
Well, that's what he told me.
He said it would be against it.
I'd like it.
He will.
Well, if he will, then we can use him to do the gap.
We want to talk to him.
We've got to get through with Washington all the way here.
Bob, Rachel and Henry at last.
You know, of course, it's a time.
No, no, no, no.
the original assumption that we cannot go to the summit with the condition of Vietnam the way it is.
So we're taking this action instead, which will probably save the summit, right?
Hello?
Yes, how are you?
Well, uh, you'll see they're going through the... You know, a bit of a...
Uh, I'm the president of the Council of Maine, Captain.
Right.
Uh, Ken, what I called you about is to see whether we could get that German boat to land for me.
The German boat, which is now set for Wednesday.
Do you think we can do something without getting caught at it?
Thank you.
Pressage from our president, but I don't want to waste the presidential message on this guy.
Good advice.
Good advice, my friend.
Good advice.
I think it's... Mm-hmm.
He's probably the one who would say, there's a constant thing that helps.
I've got to see the president.
I'll call you in about half an hour.
We can get some more talk to him.
I've got to see him.
I've got to see him.
I've got to see him.
I've got to see him.
I've got to see him.
I've got to see him.
I felt pleasure about the point.
So one of the premises we had is we couldn't go ahead with the summit.
We had to take this action.
But what if you went ahead with the summit?
And then take this action when you come back.
recognizing that some of the arguments against the summit don't hold totally.
In other words, if Coy fell while we were there, that would be a problem.
But would it be a survivable problem?
If all of the summit did not crumble while we were there, even that could be a survivable problem.
If we pretend that what we're doing at the summit not is pointing glasses at the jury but
are working on the whole structure of World Peace, of which Vietnam is one small factor.
There's still only one factor.
I played with that myself on Saturday.
I played with that on Saturday.
I was playing on Saturday.
And again, if you do this bucket after this, the gun's reaction is going to be more than just a gun.
Quite sure.
But if you do the blockade after the wave and there it goes.
I think that we're going to do the blockade.
I don't say that.
We've got to do it now.
We've got to do it now.
No, Bernie.
I don't know what you're going to do with it.
It's all right.
I don't see any good time to do it, because I agree with you, after they've got the German treaty,
I just think what I mean is that failing to act now means that we would then act only if the situation in South Vietnam deteriorated.
Then the reason for our acting is not as good as it is now.
Now the reason for our acting is not the failure of the situation in Vietnam only.
It's the fact that they've kicked us in the teeth diplomatically.
Later on, you would have only the fact that, well, we've now lost in South Vietnam.
And so we're acting in violence and so forth against this loss.
Is that the point?
Isn't that really the argument?
It is.
It is.
Because there's always a chance.
That's it.
That's Larry's argument.
Larry thinks maybe if we're going to win, we might hold for a moment.
All right.
I'll carry you home for a month, all right?
My son has to eat for a month.
He needs to eat before he goes.
He needs to eat before he's gone.
Don't you want to go home with me?
I'll take it.
Dave, I'll drive you past the maximum number of events you've had.
to the center of the government.
And I think it started to turn not quite off.
Because they made clear the pressure to the center.
Right.
So the psychology for the chances of bad news, the probability of bad news, is bad today in the sense that it comes through.
Particularly the way the goddamn thing was being reported to.
See, it isn't just the bathroom he bought, it's the way that it was reported.
So we fly out to Moscow, even con tone falls, I think, to go eat here.
Now, I'm the one who made it, and he knows I made it terribly strong in the day with these characters.
I didn't want anybody to think we could have the son of him.
And, uh, and I didn't want to.
Well, Connery saw us going behind him, and Connery said after the meeting, he said, well, you have Riser solidly on your side, and he's so delighted to lose the son of him that he preferred me to make that one.
As far as our bargaining position at the summit is concerned, Henry, I'm not concerned about that because we've already made all the deals.
It isn't that.
It's the impression at home.
And it's the bargaining position after the summit.
Maybe we've made some pretty blood-curdling threats.
Maybe it's through that thing.
You mean about Vietnam?
We would have to bargain with Jesus on it.
You know, I thought...
Well, I don't agree with that, although I think that, well, you know, no, no, they aren't going to cancel the summit for bombing Hanoi.
I won't agree with any of it.
But the Northern Chinese will know that all they'll have to do is three or four days, and that is bowing.
No, you can't bow.
I mean, if you play for the summer, you'd have to knock off the bowing in the morning, not on Sunday or Monday.
You just introduce it all because you bowed one extra day.
You couldn't bow one extra day.
The point is that
But I think what bothers him is the fact that he made his own mistake.
The impossibility of having a son with Vietnam down the street.
That had fun every year.
He could make a case that way.
You could all, you could actually argue, go further than that.
You could argue that it's more, it would be, and I'm down to two seats, more important than Edison.
Not from a foreign policy basis.
You've got to, you're saying you look like you can't believe this.
No, I'm not saying this.
I couldn't agree with you more.
I have to believe, but you've got to be neglecting.
That's what he can count on.
It's a...
I mean, it's really a nationalist message that we need to have.
Well, I mean, you know we're putting all on the line.
I know.
I mean, that, that I must say is an overwhelming...
It's probably great for the summer thing because it makes the summer helps with the nationals.
Yeah.
Or going the other way, that the loss of the summer hurts the...
Because he built a good argument that we risked everything for me.
I'm so excited about playing the board games that he did with the son of me.
All right, go ahead.
On the other hand,
They put it to us in India.
They put it to us on the southern stage.
We've been effectual in both places.
I mean, I'm putting it to you cold.
It's up to you.
You know, I really nailed Laird Harville, didn't I, on those tanks.
Son of a bitch.
He did oppose signing the big tanks.
And they had 300 big tanks, and we had 60.
What the hell do you expect?
We sent 60 tanks.
We ordered the last 7% over the director.
And he was screaming like crazy, saying that they wouldn't know how to use them.
Those figures they had were so funny.
Everything was funny.
It was, it was really one of the, when I'm talking to this man, one wonders how he would do it for a year.
Well, let alone three hours.
Well, you, you hear him.
So, from a foreign policy point of view, he just shouldn't do it.
That's the point.
See, Bob, the convention to me is that it was so dynamic for us to go to the summit at this time.
So that's that.
But I can see, I mean, we can make a cold blooded change.
In one sense, the whole thought is that if you bomb, if you cheat this out of the business, you've got to do that money, because you cannot do less than that.
You just order a tax on annoying our boss every now and then.
There's too many of those.
But then you blockade, and you pull the place away from the South, and you lose the South in the process.
That was another argument we used last week with the blockade.
We said it's safe.
It doesn't require money like this.
But the basic argument, though, for the blockers is that if they've ever got a chance to get strategy through, here they are in the ninth year of the war, which they've had.
They've had losses, and now they're saddled with something which is pretty irrevocable for a while.
Because those mines are set for six months, four months, and they don't know that, but they know it's going to take a hell of a long time.
I tried.
We kept them real confused.
Yeah.
They don't cancel the sun.
They don't cancel the sun.
They don't cancel the sun.
I think we'll use the base policy on that.
We don't base policy on the sun.
I think there is a 20% chance that they will not cancel the sun.
It's almost inconceivable.
Good God, I mean, Bredman might be in the same position as LBJ.
He might be candid now.
Even LBJ had a chance with her.
I would think so.
Well, William is a fine thing, though.
Let's, let's re, re-look that.
Oh, that... That, to an extent, would satisfy Collins, if he would have done it.
Yeah.
He just wanted to do something.
On the other hand... Yeah.
Nor is it probable that you'll be able to do it one day.
Nor is it probable.
If they've held, then the argument, why do they, would be stronger.
What's that?
If they have held.
What I had is this.
Looking at cold turkey in terms of the South Vietnamese
ability to survive, and Henry all rides on that.
The blockade has a better chance to affect that than does the bombing.
Do you agree with that or not?
That's for me the big thing.
And then it gets back to communism.
If we can avoid it, we must not lose Vietnam, right?
Of course, not even the demon has to find John or Bob.
If we do this,
And the South is, and it still is, we just don't survive.
Because if Robertson totally disagrees with that, Robertson is in a better position to deny it.
Well, I think my view on that argument is that Robertson is totally wrong.
I mean, totally right.
Right.
Because I think that if he left Vietnam, I don't think you're going to lose as much by doing this in this country as you think, just as everybody else used to think.
And I think that
losing South Vietnam without having done everything.
And I see there's been a lot of public discussion about .
If you haven't done all the things that you should do, in the first place, in your own mind, you're in a bad position.
And a candidate for president to try and run a campaign knowing you've done the wrong thing, which you would think you would have done, I think would be a very tough thing to do.
And I think you've got it.
You got a better case, you did everything you could, right up to the mic.
And I still get it back, Henry, to my point.
You don't.
I know Larry doesn't care about the field ovens at all.
He simply should have it carried.
But by God, I think, as I say in this speech, that it was only for the purpose of having a bargaining leverage to get those fuel ovens back.
I would blockade them back.
See my point, Henry?
How else are you going to get it back?
That I don't agree with.
I don't know.
I would just say hundreds.
But don't you think it does give us leverage there that we would otherwise have?
It gives us leverage to get up.
It isn't just who I am, B.O.W.
or whatever it is.
to 60,000 or 50,000 children.
How does it get to that point?
Well, because as to where we can at least trade that for gold, we're supposing to something that we would for that.
Now, I have, I have become very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very,
2 o'clock, time's up.
We go over.
Now, second point is...
No, no, no, I want to get the word in the speech and get in the mind of other things.
But I must say, Bob's argument is one I was very few to get to decide myself, but on Saturday, I know.
It's all a close decision.
Now, the other thing, though, is that this thing of Manfield's, and I mentioned that to Henry again,
Maybe Henry can brief the leaders tonight or we can do it at the California House.
I don't know if that's a good idea.
The leaders have a formal email.
The Democratic office has formally instructed Nancy to ask for a session with the president and co-leaders and chairman of the reigning members of the Armed Services Corporation.
They're holding off on it.
on their head in the war resolution.
And then the consensus is that they should do virtual after the President's summit meeting in Los Angeles.
And so Nancy looks out, has probably called by now, seeking this meeting with the President.
We've got to either come back and say the President will meet with the five leaders at eight o'clock tonight, then hear out with a blast from Mo Bryce
Maybe even sentence that the president took this action without any consultation.
So the question is, should we not invite them all?
Or if you don't know what they're going to do, why not?
Because they're going to say, so, bullshit, he called us up at 8.
He asked them to confirm that he called us up at 8 o'clock and runs out of a TV account.
The answer to that is, of course, you have to go through the operation.
The answer to that is, why not wait until they go out?
You can't wait 24 hours.
I suppose that the real question is whether or not we can go forward with the, whether we should invite all of them here.
This could go to your place.
What this means is you will have one habit of appearing in the locker room and then do this.
Why don't you?
The other hand, if you don't do it, then you'll be going again.
I'll walk out.
I don't think so.
Thank you.
That's actually cool.
It hasn't cost us that much.
I just think I want to go for the census.
I think for briefing, concrete, God would have led us better than I. I'll be decided to do it.
I'm not too depressed in anything else.
Only reason I say not I is because of this executive.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
I know, but I mean tonight.
Tonight, then.
How about inviting more than Mansfield and then a big five?
I don't understand.
I have a question for you, sir.
Why should I call you?
I'm just going to talk to him and get out.
I think if you do the whole group, you've got to be very man-firm on doing that.
You should say what you've got to say.
You should say, I would like the secretaries of the men's estate to answer any of your questions.
I don't want to hear from the operation anymore.
Excuse me, and just walk the hell out before anybody.
Don't let go.
What did I say?
Just a minute, Mr. President.
One thought here.
You ought to be gone by the time you get sent.
That's what I had in mind, out of his mind.
Because I do think it would be bad if you're going to get tempted to stay there.
I think it would be bad for you to go in the air after going and getting into a hassle with Fulbright.
Well, that's the way I did it.
I did it left.
And I think I've got to do this and leave.
And you
Should Alex or somebody be there because one, they don't get into it so that it's a legal case for another.
And other writers can't handle that.
They're going to be killed.
Oh, they're going to be killed.
Well, writers can handle it.
They're not going to get into it.
Well, they wrote me that.
Well, I really think...
I'll do, I think it should just be armed services.
I wouldn't have appropriations if we can, can we get, I'd rather not have the author and his appropriations.
See, that's the way we get the hell out of it.
We don't have appropriations, see?
Okay.
I tell them, the news, the report we got was that they were asking for a million appropriations in their request.
report just says, just invite our services and the rest.
We don't have to have all of them.
But George Mahon should be called.
I went and I dropped in on a dinner last night just to show I'm concerned at Brayton's house in Fulcrum.
And they were making very consensual remarks about David Kruski and that.
That's nice of them.
Yeah, I mean, they were telling me they'd been trying to get the report.
Well, you know what we have in this?
We have a peace offer in this.
We will lift the blockade, and we will withdraw all Americans in four months.
That was in a gun spot.
Okay, we go.
Let's get Bill back.
All the other questions is cabinet, whether you... Yeah, I want to pull our people together.
I think it is important.
Patrick wouldn't mind doing the cabinet.
Well, the only problem is I didn't do the cabinet.
No, I didn't do a lot of the...
The question is whether you want to do anything with them after the broadcast.
What I would do is assemble the cabinet to watch the broadcast together.
I don't want those guys watching at home and deciding, oh, Jesus, look what he's done now.
All right.
I want to tell them what you've done now.
All right.
Get the cabinet in the cabinet room, and I will come in afterwards and meet with the cabinet and say, here we go, boys.
Now, if you don't mind doing that, that's the best thing.
No, it's fine.
It's better if you do it.
You've got to have it, Mr. President.
Anyone steps out of line, he's got to get by.
Because we were.
And I think that's what you've got to say today, Captain.
Because we're not on an optional course now, and I'm not interested in duties.
I'm only interested in 101% support.
And it's my balls that are on the block, not yours.
Shakespeare.
Yes, sir.
Captain Shakespeare.
You can make it a fair way.
A fair way.
I'm committed to it.
Now, you can go ahead with the notification now and let all of them know the minute the notifications are out.
And you give Laird a message saying that now the president expects us not 100% to vote.
And then get the bus up together for 3.30.
Let me say something.
We just have to go forward.
I'll do the best I can.
Uh, next to you, I've got more to lose than this, than anyone, because this is my home.
It's a river from heaven to heaven.
Plus we win.
We win.
Well, the win will be bad.
Because then we have to, we have to do the other thing.
That's right.
So we are.
Uh, what do you have on page one?
I will put it again, since you forgot about it.
All right.
I thought it was more conciliatory when you walked out.
Well, it's the ultimate effort, isn't it?
It is.
Well, no, it's over here.
We say, where I talk about the Soviet Union, those that are allies are Vietnam.
I'm directing it right there.
Yeah, but...
Okay.
Okay, put it in.
Fair enough.
Well.
We wanted a different, we wanted to start better, but I understood that you'd gone over this a whole year earlier, but you wanted an open sentence that just wasn't like the one we had before.
I was going to start five weeks ago.
I would prefer to start today.
I'm going to start that way.
That's what I would do.
All right, let's take it up.
I don't know if that is appropriate.
That first paragraph that came out.
All right.
Let's just start out cold, OK?
But we had an invasion that would make it possible for a tank to do another attack .
I'm telling you to get this over the roads.
All right.
Uh, there's more gravity with it.
They have to be over 20,000 civilians.
Fine.
Will that close in?
Yes, sir.
Thank you.
Uh-huh.
Uh-huh.
Uh-huh.
Uh-huh.
Do you think we should go any earlier than 8 o'clock tonight?
No.
An hour is enough.
That's all Kennedy gave us.
I don't know.
Maybe two hours.
An hour or an hour and a half.
You'll get it in 12.
It doesn't take that.
No use without it.
I, I think it, I think it, I think it, if it reads faster, it's definitely going to be a little quicker.
The only thing, there was one pattern that, that you forgot.
You said that it would not be nice then if I saw it in the air, it would be very escalating.
It's just a little indignation.
It's just a one.
It's one.
That is nothing, I said, so I've been having this all day, investigating for it.
That would go into the bottom page, page three.
Yeah.
Or it would go into the top of page four before they open it.
Well, they're asking for every piece of it.
They may escalate the war.
I don't know how they're going to do that.
But the only, it's really, your people will be saying it's better for me, it's better than mine.
I think there's a little rhetoric that says... Well, then, why don't you put it in?
They're asking for every piece of it.
Well, then, put it in.
They have flatly and arrogantly...
refused to negotiate an end to the war to bring peace, volunteers, you know.
Did I put him, I think.
Yes.
And your sentence is what?
Well, he wouldn't have done it.
It's not the United States.
Don't put the word nothing.
It's not the United States.
It's not the United States.
It's not the United States.
It's not the United States.
It's not the United States.
It's not the United States.
It's not the United States.
Go ahead.
59,000, actually.
60,000, if you're hiding under, less than that.
There are only 55,000 there now.
Well, more than 50,000.
The lawyers as well will say 55,000.
I've never had any money.
Is that what it is?
Yeah.
But just say 60,000.
Let's say 60,000.
But that number, we have an actual number.
Okay.
Okay.
Do you want to leave that?
I did not send a woman.
I have brought, I can't say I've brought over, but I have brought 500,000 homes.
All of those families.
I wish I could take it out.
I will say I have brought $500,000.
I have brought $500,000.
Good.
I will drop the first step of $50,000.
Where is it?
I will take out the first step of $50,000.
It's all right to refer to an American compete, but not say it would be an American compete.
It's very good to sell the country.
Go on.
Incidentally, on the case that we overstayed, you don't mind keeping the weapons of war out of the hands of the others?
I think you're right.
That's a good question.
Well, I would say that .
Keep the war out of the hands of the .
OK.
Now, the term of the hour which I have chosen absolutely must be in what age?
Seven.
You'd have to say, in that case, you'd have to sing in conjunction with the Republic of Vietnam, in other words,
What we need is to go in there.
I don't know.
Do you mind if I check that sentence?
Yeah, now, ladies.
All right.
The way this sort of pleases the person, all entrances to those meetings towards will be mine.
All right.
All right.
All right.
All right.
An anti-rail and other, all other communications will be cut off at the maximum extent possible.
We don't have anything in and out of the agreement because the problem is... All right.
What is the problem?
The problem is in and out of the agreement.
Because the fear... Yeah, I get it.
People think that you're saying you're going to bomb outside.
Okay, I got it.
I got it.
I personally think this is so tough that you don't need to search for it.
And I think that goes without saying, all right?
And then on the point, countries with ships.
Not ships, you can't know the others.
Countries with ships, it doesn't matter.
It doesn't make a lot of sense.
It just doesn't matter.
They would not require surrender, humiliation, or dispassion of any kind.
And instead, they would be made for hate, protecting all those wives which have suffered in this lawful.
Those are the only comments I have.
Okay?
You want to take a quick look at that letter to President?
You will, huh?
I'll get it, Sabrina.
You'll get me, you'll get your changes made.
Get them to write it so she can type up a copy of the name.
I'll do it by about three days.
Well, well.
as I understand it, in the event of the NNA, which is about to cease fire, first of all, is to rot in North China.
And so all other military actions like the United States won't go to China.
I must say, though, that that meeting went about as we expected it to.
Except I didn't think, I thought Larry McKedge a little more.
But he is obviously hard, he doesn't give a damn.
But, he'll support it.
Don't let him get in the way.
Sir, yeah, I just want to check this word.
I'm going to, you know, the question's coming up.