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Who would have, who would have just talked it all through?

Okay, get on with me.

All this stuff where...

Great.

Keeps in touch with early.

After his.

.

I don't know what it means.

Turn to counseling if you can.

If Gene can.

And I think that we just got a loose gun that rolls back and forth on the deck there.

Well, of course, I suppose our body is pretty nice.

There's a lot of office work to do.

Greg should not be on the fence at all with regard to furnishing the land.

Well, of course he should.

He should.

He has not been.

He should be.

He should say, Senators, you kind of put it that way.

Directly, the FBI has always been our condition under the guidelines present in the White House.

Furnishing, furnishing, furnishing.

Thanks.

See, that's what's it, the upkeep, the boyars getting across.

There isn't any question about that.

And as far as the White House is concerned, of course the White House has great access to the upkeep.

We have to.

We make checks.

Dean is the guy that does all the checking on everything that comes up legally.

That's what I mean.

That's the White House.

Well, that's a position Greg has taken that he doesn't support.

and he's taken it pretty strongly and just gotten along with it.

That's what they're down on.

He takes it too strongly.

Well, I don't mean Bob is taking it too strongly and encouraging him to us, but just put it on the other side, put it on the other side.

He can only do that to a degree.

Gray will apparently won't sort of push anything or oppose anything.

He has to do it all independently.

precise, precise terms, and he has, okay, well, I suppose there's no reason to, well, I don't want to tell him.

There may be.

We had an interesting, Colson had the ability to be one of the figures, and as you were just talking, the conversation was very curious, which I want to throw in here.

When I talked to Baker, he said he did not want to talk to anybody in the White House.

He did not want to talk to me.

He said, I screwed you when I talked to him.

He said, it's not a problem of mine.

You made a call.

I told you that.

Yeah, I did.

I told him that.

Now, that vote comes in.

I don't know what it is.

But he doesn't feel that he has anybody to talk to here, so...

I said, I told him I didn't even want to talk to him about it.

I said, you should talk to him.

Well, that can't be.

What I'm getting at is that somebody has pulled somebody's leg here.

What part of that part is involved in the paper so that he doesn't have to know about the shape on the executive building and that's the approach that we did.

The whole point is this.

You have at the present time, Bob, a situation where

I don't know what, like with both.

That's why I only raised the grave question.

The question is, what in the hell is climbing these things?

With faith and with grit.

See what I mean?

If it isn't done from here, we haven't got anybody from here that can do it, then there must be somebody else that can do it.

Because otherwise, you do have a loose hand on the neck.

I don't know.

I'm curious about it.

When you met with the plaintiffs, nobody else was there.

There wasn't anyone from the plaintiffs there.

If I think there was nothing to the plaintiffs, there was no problem.

Well, no county problem.

The plaintiffs talked to you.

The problem was what happened afterwards.

Oh, it wasn't quite what it was.

No, the plaintiffs.

It was clear.

Baker came in and said he wants to talk to you.

I've already reported on this, you know that.

Yeah, he said, in mind he says that he was waiting for Baker and Irving to come down to see him.

But it's his fault.

Is he not?

Yeah, I said, no.

I said, Baker wants to talk to you.

Oh, I'm so sorry.

And I talked to Glenn Heaps then and raised some questions.

I think you should.

I mean, somebody has to do better to get...

I guess I can call that in, but goddammit, I don't know why you have to write her down.

The point is that Klein is, I mean, Baker is now, according to Colson, I'm not sure of this either, but Baker's administrative assistant says that he heard that Baker didn't want to talk to Klein, so goddammit, that's what Baker said, he wanted to talk to him.

And he didn't want to talk to anybody else.

But anyway, um...

On Bowden Gray, and Deaton, and Baker, it seems to me, Bob, that my piece is going to pick up a little bit more here.

And ask you, who else?

Because my piece is always going to pick up a little bit more here.

I was thinking about that.

In that respect,

It occurred to me that today, you'd finish your piece, and you could have a bite to lunch.

And I could meet with you at about 1.30.

I mean, with the group.

Or maybe we could catch up at 1.31.

I was still here meeting with people who planned to meet during the morning.

And why don't you have a light of lunch?

You see, I've got a, I'm supposed to be working on a crew lunch.

But I could be through by 1.30.

How does that sound to you?

Then I could have, I mean, unless John has to go back there.

Well, let me put it this way.

In conclusion, if he, before he goes back, I ought to see John.

I want to be sure that we, you know, I say, I put a knee right on him.

Okay.

Yeah.

from you as board.

The problem you've got when it comes to many of us is that the White House, Dave redid the White House well, and that, you know, we're trying to cover our own tracks and get men tracked into it and all this kind of crap.

Well, I'll get a client extorter.

If that's the thing you do, I understand.

Don't worry about it.

I'm sure I can when I've had him before.

I know he was going to work with me.

I think that we probably have to get closer to Stanford.

That's why they don't understand.

Let me tell you.

This was apparently, and Colson said that it was up there, he didn't ask me to see it, but I asked him to see it.

It seems to me very, very curious that they didn't ask him to see Colson.

I don't know what it's all about.

It may be because of Webster's influence on that.

But I don't know.

It's ridiculous.

He doesn't believe me.

But he said he didn't want to see anybody else.

He's ridiculous.

But I mean, if he wants us to have a party, then...

As a matter of fact, Dean is the one that's the least part of it.

Absolutely.

You know, he's got a damn thing to do with it.

You know what I mean?

He's sitting there advising and all that sort of thing.

The other thing I thought might work was using Walter Johnson, which would make it routine.

I mean, that's a professional relations guy.

He's fairly, clearly smart, but also probably has no involvement at all.

He doesn't tell anything about the case.

He does.

He just wasn't, wasn't in it anyway.

We've been trying that, but then, well, we got the signal that Baker didn't want to have any contact with the White House.

He was already severed.

Well, that's important, too.

If we can get some contact, we can get some contact with Baker and work with him.

We need contact.

We need contact with him.

Well, on the other side, no.

Anything else?

I don't know.

No, not really.

Except he's the closest to anything we've had at the time on the other side.

Sure.

He might play a little bit both ways.

That's what they've done this time.

And that was worth a try at least.

We've got no chance with Irving or anything like that.

Hold on.

No.

Well, we've got a market for all of a sudden.

What the hell are we doing?

He wants to make sure so that we can set it up any way he wants to do it.

We want to follow it.

We've got to keep coasting.

Keep coasting.

We've got to keep coasting.

We're going to be brave and follow it.

Thank you.

We are.

I've talked to Dan.

We've got the wrong place to go down there.

We've got to figure out.

We've got Gardner on.

Gardner's on the map.

He's on the map.

We've got him going on one side.

We've got the same guy going on the other side.

We're going in two different directions.

But it doesn't make any difference.

Irvin has already.

He hasn't made a formal announcement.

He's put the word out that he isn't going to run.

So he may not have the seat there if we haven't talked to him.

We still want to keep the heat on, not just on that, but the point is, until he's warm and he isn't going to run, if you get some guys on guard going who are a little irresponsible, you may be able to start destroying the herb and then a little bit.

But while he is still a potential runner, even if he doesn't run, we'll also have to follow his direction.

But anyway, so we've got to give her some trouble, no question about that.

But scaring them off with an election race isn't the way to do it.

Well, the theory of the urban analyst is that what he's trying to do is go out in a place where he wants to...

He knows that he'll go down and he'll have a few runs.

Or he's dead.

The acting he was after.

Your point is, once a guy hits the peak, he then...

He gets a little cross-eyed.

Yeah.

Right, right.

We're getting back to what we do here.

Responsibility.

Thank you.

He gets...

For example, it appears to me that it's, if you really want to look at the facts, it's, and he's completely honest, he says that he's, I don't know why the hell he's constantly opposite, because he was aware of and participated in the obstruction of justice by reason of the fact that he was aware of the fact that they were, they had to find and take care of these various defendants and defendants.

Right.

Well, that's the kind of thing I kind of like to get.

Okay, but we're very clear on that, except his concern is what they do on the other side.

What happened with them is they needed the money.

They were supposed to be getting it themselves from other sources, you know, the Cubans and all that kind of stuff.

So they got down to a crunch once in a while.

When a guy had to have another $3,000 or something, or he was in a full club.

Then who did it?

That's what was happening.

Then what happened was...

The only, see, they knew over there that the only money there was that was usable was this $300.

Who was that?

LaRue and Mitchell.

Okay.

And so Mitchell said, you've got to use that money.

So I said, turn the whole thing back to them.

We don't want the money anyway.

I've been looking for a way to get rid of it.

I was worried about this money.

I wanted to get it back into where it belonged.

So I said, give it back to them.

And they wouldn't take, Mitchell wouldn't want to take it back.

But he did say, you've got to use some.

So Dean told Strong, who was the guy that had the actual physical possession, to give X thousand dollars to LaRue.

So Strong would go and open his, say, take out their thousand dollars and go charging over to LaRue's.

And this is all after the election.

This is after what he'd done.

Yeah.

And he would go over and give LaRue, you know, X thousand dollars.

And we can certainly find that Sean had no knowledge of what that was for.

He was carrying out Dean's instructions.

But Dean was carrying out the instructions from me.

And he got approval from me.

At my point, there was, it's their money.

Give it back to them.

Give it all back to them.

So we were doing the way I was doing it.

The way I was doing it.

First of all, money was money.

It was collective.

Without regard, it was the end of the world.

It was in cash.

It was for the purpose of taking polls and surveys and so forth prior to that and so forth.

It was not used.

After the election, it was a surplus.

That was turned back.

That's right.

Right?

That's right.

Now what happened to it after that?

Did we have to account for what happened to that money after the election?

Well, it was the big campaign bill.

Somebody has to.

We don't have to.

The campaign has to.

The campaign has to account for it.

But it wasn't collected.

that they saw there was cash on hand at the time of the campaign.

No, it wasn't.

Not in the campaign.

My part is, I would not treat that.

That, in my view, was not campaign funds.

That was a campaign that was not given for a campaign at all.

These were funds that were, shall we say, collected after the 1968 elections.

It had nothing to do with any campaign laws.

It was not campaign funds.

You know, for any purpose they want to, you know, put their goal in order.

What happened on the war?

What happened on the meat crisis?

Is there an issue?

Issue goals?

Issue goals and arrest studies.

Geographic analysis.

And after that, they returned it over to the campaign committee.

It was a gift from the campaign committee.

Well, I don't know.

Anyway, it's a problem.

And if Dean sees that, there's a problem because of the claims.

Dean is very business-wise.

It's a potential problem, and Dean is inordinately worried about that problem because it does have all kinds of, yeah, his view, and this is what we were talking about, I mentioned to you last night, the idea that the White House alliance around the White House, and Dean's point is, when you get down to it, the White House literally doesn't have any problem prior to the Watergate break-in.

In other words, there was no White House involvement in the water.

He's satisfied.

Even Colson.

He's satisfied with that.

He thinks that's helpful.

That's the one I'm worried about.

Colson has Liz Hunt in his office who calls the river to get off your ass and do something.

But he argues that that wasn't necessarily, and maybe in reality, wasn't.

Now, my guess of that operation, I recall myself under that all the time with the IAPT, and I can imagine judging how he was, how he'd go on and on, what he was trying to think about that, but it wasn't like he was trying to get a counter-referencing.

I don't know what he was trying to do.

Yeah, that's what he was trying to do.

Well, anyway.

Because at each point, it's the only place that the White House is hopeful.

Yes.

In this thing, on any criminal basis, or it's all I mentioned, any real basis, is in the potential charge of obstruction of justice after the fact that we have no problem with the crime itself.

And on that one, he says, well, you just said the trouble with money.

I don't see why we're even a victim.

So the money is used for some support stuff or defense?

Yeah.

Why is that?

Obstruction of justice anyway.

Well, particularly when it's not an obstruction of justice.

I would say that, yes, maybe.

You may not have to get into that at all.

See, he's just worried that you might get into it.

And if you follow his containment line, the odds he feels, and I feel stronger than he does, are pretty good you won't get into it.

He's just worried that there's a little lurking.

Somebody, well, because he knows that the money was delivered here.

That's really where... Or if you put Gordon Strong up before a grand jury, if they ask the right question, Gordon will never volunteer.

He's a lawyer.

He's smart.

He might not.

But if you get Gordon to a point where they say...

Was there any money?

I don't know.

They may get into where this story went.

Well, you have a number of funds over here.

Only that Stans had this fund in his safe, which he did.

Which, of course, he would have.

He had a cash fund in his safe that would use for various things.

And that's where as far as this is concerned, this is.

I'd say constructively .

I don't know.

I didn't.

I never saw it.

I never had a thing to do with it.

I mean, there's nothing .

Well, what it was, was that money that we had .

Remember, we collected all that money.

And we told them not to spend all of it.

And when we ended up, we had it.

And it was probably $68,000 or plus that we used.

And there you go.

It got mixed, of course.

But why don't we just say, this money comes up.

This money is safe.

This is to be used for various candidates.

It was never used.

It was to be used for candidate support and research.

Candidate support and research was never used.

Turned over to the committee to have the campaign.

What they did with it is their problem.

And they collected it years prior to 1971.

That's right.

Prior to 1971.

Which is true of all signs.

At least that was my understanding.

Now, the problem is that I think those bonds got mixed together, and we never got all the money.

Because they told us we couldn't insure it, but they had to deal with it.

Pidginly, but they didn't want to do it.

Anyway, most of what they thought they needed, it was their point that under the laws, there was no way we could do it.

Which we never did.

There really wasn't.

There wasn't even a way to use what we had.

See, I had the money.

I was going to use it to pay for polls.

But they said they had the money to pay for it, and they needed places to show where they spent money.

So they paid for the bills.

I would say that looking at the reasons, for example,

I shouldn't say that because I don't know.

What's the impression that they were young then?

... ... ... ... ...

The Cubans seem to be the least concerned.

They're fanatics, and they don't seem to really be too concerned about their role in the club.

And they're being served by Carly.

And he confirms again that Liddy isn't joining.

Liddy's in jail.

He didn't stay out.

He said, I want to start serving my turn.

And he's at Danbury.

And Carly isn't joining him.

It's a little strange.

Thank you.

There's got to be funds.

I'm not mean.

I don't mean to be blasphemous.

I'm not.

That goes too far.

They're taking care of these people.

They're taking care of my God.

They did this to me.

They're sorry for me.

They do it out of compassion.

I didn't get a huge amount of money.

People have contributed to it.

You have to report on that then.

There's no report required of any kind of money.

That's why it seems to me that there's no real problem on obstruction of justice as far as we're concerned.

It doesn't seem to me we are obstructing justice for Christ's sake.

The people pled guilty.

When a guy goes to the police, who are you obstructing justice?

His argument is when you read the law, but Dean didn't do it, Dean.

I don't think.

I don't think he had anything to do with the destruction.

He didn't deliver the money.

That's the point.

I think what really set him off was when Hunt's lawyer saw him at his party and said, Hunt means 100,000 dollars.

And that was very, that was a shot across the bottom.

You understand?

That was the point.

He straightened out that black man.

He got the money and everything else.

You see what I mean?

Let's come to the other three.

When you talk about the way you're on the way out spot, what really happens here is important.

You really have to take a hard look at it.

Does anybody have a suggestion?

I don't know.

I have no knowledge.

My opinion is that he did.

And from the way he talks, I'm like, there's a deepness to that.

Deepness to it.

All the way up to the root.

If the root is word against the other, it's a good thing.

But he said he did.

Thank you.

But the other side of that coin is if you're, unless you decide to throw the booter to the wolves, you need to keep the booter on as easy as you can.

If you decide to throw it to the wolves, you break that problem.

He's not a guy.

He's not a living time.

He's exactly God.

If you decide to throw it to the wolves, what do you have to do?

... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

.

And you look at Gordon Strong, here's a little young lawyer.

He used to work for John Mitchell in his law firm and came down to Washington to work in the government.

And he's working under a campaign with Attorney General of the United States to charge him.

Now, I don't know if you expect him to decide whether something is being done right or wrong.

That's right.

I don't know.

Gordon does, I don't think does worry me much.

He doesn't worry, I don't, I would not be concerned about Gordon.

He is, he'd never know about any of us.

Now, I would have never thought that maybe he would have a nervous breakdown.

Gordon is a guy I would worry about.

But Bruder is a guy I would.

Because when Bruder is loaded with ego, personal pride, political ambition,

I'm going to make it this way.

He's had some major success as a young guy.

He's a boy wonder.

And that kind of guy is... How did he come after the old man?

John?

He says, I didn't know anything about him.

He says, he didn't talk to him about it.

What were you doing?

I'm rather curious to know myself.

You better ask him because I don't really know.

All I know is I think it was part of the whole operation, John and Jim, where we were just looking at the whole business of leaks.

Henry was in on that.

Henry must be in on some of that.

What they, the enterprise out there, which is the key thing that Hunt, see what Hunt says is that he'll uncover some of the secrets he already did for us in a particular way that might be a little bit, yeah, that's how it's perfect.

All right, and the algorithm there,

I'm not sure what happened, but it had something to do with they sent one out, and I guess a few, to break in to a doctor, to a psychiatrist's office to get a report on elderly mental analysis or something.

And they buckled the break-in, didn't get what they were supposed to get or something.

And then they came back and said, could they go back again?

And that request got their attention to absolutely not.

He said.

And they didn't.

That's why they didn't want to report it.

I don't know.

But they had, there was a lot of stuff.

They had a lot of interesting stuff.

And I was there to show that he was, you know, we've got something.

I don't know if it's the purpose of it.

It's a discredit for the doc, yes.

But I think a spy out of him and all of us, you know, to make him look at the background, the actual security was involved.

Well, anyway.

And why were we using private people?

Because the question, there was a valid, or a real question here, so where did the CIA and FBI fit in?

Also, whether they were leaking contracts.

Is that it?

Because then you were leaking from all over.

They were leaking from all over, and we simply had to find them.

But it had to be done independently.

I don't think I had a penalty because of the possibility of leaking.

Ah, I don't know what the battle is.

The battle doesn't make a whole lot of sense.

We're not working together.

.

That's what you really have to worry about.

You've got a lot of money.

And everyone thinks that's what he's been promised.

He'll shut us down.

Yes, he may shut us down.

Yeah.

But my point is, what do you do with Christenstein?

Yeah.

Sure.

And the question is, the question is that now, it seems to me, you'd better find out most of what he did for us.

Don't you think so?

I think you've got to know what that plan is before you say it.

That's not if you get the parole for it.

A pardon might be an early pardon.

An early parole might not be getting parole for it if you can't look at the point of the sentence without a proportion of the...

The point is, he says, that's why he said he's a leader.

He says that an early reason to judge as far a sentence without parole...

Thank you.

What usually happens is something beyond what you thought was the worst.

On the White House, what does that mean?

On the White House, who do you let down?

Who do you let down?

You don't intentionally.

What you do is you... See, we're doing stuff now.

We're eating quiet now.

All that.

And putting up this money and everything else to try and keep and give an identity to it.

As Dean says, the only White House guilt over Hillary is in the cover-up.

And what's the purpose of the cover-up?

To protect the White House?

No.

To protect some individuals of the committee.

And the question then is, what individuals, how far up does it go if you're protecting them?

We're not protecting Libby anymore.

We love him.

So we love himself, though.

The question is, can you separate?

You look at the committee as one thing, the White House as another.

The White House has no appeal to the Watergate.

So you draw the whiteness around the White House, and you just turn it up.

You do whatever you do, issue statements, issue a beaten statement, or whatever, to totally cut off the White House from the whole Watergate business.

Now, at the same time you do that, it might be you have a doctor in this country.

You also have to do the segreting act, and to a degree, implicate the White House, which is fine.

There must be a beaten statement.

I don't know how you feel about that.

Yeah, a more statement or a...

There has to be some.

That's right.

Or do you agree?

I don't know.

I think we need...

I mean, let me say, I was sort of bouncing that.

I was saying, indeed, a statement or a more statement is what I'm sure it is.

But it's better to have...

It's better to have something other than nothing.

But then the questions that that raises are...

I think they're going to successfully do that, but can you... Are you any better off if the White House is clean with your campaign committee stories than you are if we cut the whole thing off at some level?

In other words, if he bounces the campaign committee in a row, then he bounces the White House.

First of all, is that believable?

It has to be true, but can it be convincing, you know?

If they get us on his computer, probably it doesn't hurt him as much as they get him a visual.

He's not as close to you as our opponent.

I guess with Dean and all of them now, it's a little bit different.

But Dean's thought, I think, what tempts him on what the White House is that it forces

Mitchell to take the responsibility, rather than allowing Mitchell to hide under the blanket of the White House, which he's been doing.

And I think he feels, and in a way, that's Coulson too.

He feels that Mitchell and Coulson can take care of themselves.

But the problem is, McGruder can't take care of himself, except that his straight line is the president's position.

and see whether he may be able to get to a question.

They may be able to indict him if they get other people wrong.

But can they convict him?

The only reason is not maybe not.

He could get in these states with his arm and maybe not be convicted.

And a voter indicted and winning a quote

may be a pretty good recourse to go.

And there, what do you do if they follow us?

We can't not go there again.

And if I were the prosecutor, Justice Department of Prosecution, so maybe we can control the prosecution and not follow them.

But there again, at least if you call us, we're under rules of evidence.

And, and, both hands are made.

We've got the lawyer to object.

We can go to relevance in there, and they can only go to relevance.

There's no problem there.

So they can't go fishing.

In there, there is no problem.

Unless they get the straw and they start running that stream.

Another thought that has been raised is the idea that they have a special counselor.

I don't know if I'm being a lawyer, but he feels very strongly that we do need the advice of somebody who knows more

I guess it was Dean, could call Peterson.

And just say, we need advice.

Can I talk to you on a totally confidential basis outside of school?

And it wouldn't, it wouldn't do that to Christ, no.

I just wouldn't want to talk to him.

I'm just .

I don't know.

The way they were talking as I talked to them would be just straight .

Where Dean would just say, I'm over my head on this.

I need counsel.

I need formal and totally confidential basis.

We sit down and let me go through this with you, but it has to be understood.

I recognize that you may feel you can't do it because as the head of the criminal division puts you on the other side, but can't you separate?

Dean has a feeling that the more Peterson knows, the more helpful he can be, and that he will be.

I'm not sure that that's what you can count on.

I'm sure you can't count on it.

Because Peterson's another human being, too.

I mean, he's not.

Yeah, Peterson don't know what they want.

Because he don't know what his ambitions are.

And he's quite impressed with the polling tonight.

So I know they're all impressed as hell.

So apparently, all the way through this, it's been a very solid run.

Do you want more 7 o'clock news?

The problem, you know, with Peterson is that he wants to go out and try to practice his findings.

Well, that's what they do with him.

They did it.

They did it for the little findings, too.

If you're going to do this, you can't do a lot of findings.

I've been curious about it.

And then we've got findings there.

I'm just calling to make sure I'm clear.

It's mostly the same old stuff.

It's the initial graph.

Well, there's one thing that we could build up, that I think we could get built up, that would be pretty good, which is an extensive use of the FBI in the 1964 Democratic Convention.

And in an attempt to use them in 68, there was also some cover-up on Walter Jenkins and some instructions by the FBI as to what they were to find under Jenkins' investigation.

And I don't think we can use that.

I mean, I did it.

And there's an eight-quarters.

So I don't think we can use that.

...precise alerts, but there's a...

I think we could pull a hell of a bombshell out of the 64 Democratic Convention.

...on the Capitol, or the election, or the airplane, or the stuff on the airplane we've done.

They did monitor the, not the content, they only monitored, they did the check on where, to what numbers were false plates.

And then they checked them out and didn't get them.

Hard type, hard type.

And only ones on the ground.

You can destroy that one.

That's the thing about the follow-ups.

Do what they do to us.

That's right.

Come out with a story that all of them control the secret fund and then let us go back and say it wasn't the secret fund.

You know, there's one follow-up and there's the... You should not mention that.

There's one follow-up.

Thank you.

My problem is that I can't get a hostage to run.

What's the difference?

Well, we're up against a bunch of them coming up.

We're trying to get them out.

We're in the heart of the battle.

I'd rather

.

Yeah.

Well, with you and sure, I'm available as soon as I'm finished with meetings, actually.

I think at 1.30, I think it's going to be about that.

Okay.

Thank you.

Well, you know, and I could be something.

I'd grab something to eat.

I should be back at it.

But if, looking at it all, if you all were going to consider it, we're going to pull up this thing and we have to believe in Christ.

Yeah.

And, uh, I don't know.

I don't know.

.

We've got a problem here.

There's a problem with people who just weren't .

There was a problem .

It wasn't, you know what I mean?

It involved everything.

But I'm referring back to the one .

So that's the case.

On the other hand, for that reason I do not want

recognizing that the problem is getting farther and farther.

Talk about what we'll try to answer on it.

The question is whether we really can.

The question is whether we need to cut a lot of hard work down to the point where the patient can still do what they want to do after that action.

I just don't know.

I think I'm sick.

We've got to think of the institution, the presidency.

We've got to think of the ability of our community.

We've got to think of the policy of the sun, the confidence that happens in the office.

We cannot allow this kind of thing to leave a, shall we say, sort of far out.

I don't think it's as bad as John is concerned that it is.

The other side of the cancer analogy is that you can go in and cut out all of what you think is cancerless and discover that it wasn't malignant.

And as you cut off two legs and a breast, when you didn't need to, then you cut off the wrong leg, or the wrong leg again.

And then, well, here's what the point is, that if the answer thing was a sure thing, then we might have to consider it.

On the other hand, since it is a risky thing, and that, however, is not sure, my view is that your next best thing is to take a

Thank you.

.

There's an FBI investigation, a grand jury investigation, and then the trial.

And the descendant may well be more or less buoyant.

It would be less of a problem.

Partly it's because everything's all the way down.

It's a complete introduction.

Everything's all established.

And the characters have reversed their parts.

And it's a matter of doing the wrong way around.

Now they've done the out-of-town stuff.

that they'll hold on John's concern there, or the Senate's concern there, or the Senate's concern there, or the Senate's concern there, or the Senate's concern there, or the Senate's concern there, or the Senate's concern there, or the Senate's concern there, or the Senate's concern there, or the Senate's concern there, or the Senate's concern there,

If you pull the other way, if you do the cancer, I mean, that'll blow up.

It'll blow that up.

It'll blow the hell out of that.

Anything you've done that's as far as people, I said, well, you're fired.

Yeah.

I tried to leave, but I don't know.

When you go back, there's nobody in the White House that's vulnerable.

Well, the government can be strong, you know.

... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

Yes.

He also didn't discuss it much.

Thank you.

categories of information there's what has been printed in the press therefore is the now public facts then there is a category which is the testimony that's been given in executive session and to the grand jury and private interrogation by the FBI

that is fact as stated by the participants, but that has not yet become public.

There's still a rule of that.

And then there's the third category, which is the actual lab story, which has not been covered in testimonial, published coverage.

And you almost need to set out three columns on each question.

Thank you.

I don't think we're at...

Thank you.

Okay.

Thank you.

You know, they just get back to the leader and people understand it.

You know, I mean, that's great.

Unless you want the chance to...

... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

Thank you.

The argument against that would be that it would be to your advantage to get on the record before they do so that you're not on the defensive on essentially that thing.

But I don't think you're going to be on the defensive on hell or hot water.

I mean, for the last time, I'm on the defensive on that.

It's better than a press conference if you don't help me on the defense.

I think the press conference, though, that type of press conference still helped me.

It wasn't the defense.

We've got our points across.

I agree.

But I don't think a national press conference being on the defense does help.

That's my view.

It just bangs into the public.

I find the president being banged.

It's one of those things.

I do think there's something to be made of it.

Right, though, in our budget, there's a lot to say against it.

There's a lot to say against it.

... ... ... ... ...

Thank you.

On the 68th, basically, he said, I made it at Bama Hall.

That's right.

Boy, everybody loved those lines.

It had an enormous impact.

That's right.

Great.

So I don't think you can say, of course it's a different color.

Actually, it is.

If I get up there and talk to the television, monitor, to a live audience, then you've got the worst of both worlds, in my opinion.

I agree.

Yes, sir.

I do.

I think that's right.

But I think this is definitely a big deal here this morning.

They don't know what to do.

This is John's lecture.

You can see the value of you going in and saying you're fighting for something that's right.

Get out and fight for it like you did at the end.

That's not the facts about it.

The reason I'm considering it

I don't want you to discuss this with anybody.

No, my bad.

Just tell them I'm taking a press conference.

Press conference.

See, you've got to remember, we're going to do a joint session.

I'm going to tell them at least on Monday.

Sure.

Trust me.

Because we blew that other one.

Yeah, so I didn't want to do it anyway, but even if we had wanted to do it, the difference would have been too late.

I think I was going to say, if I could just get across to our spokesmen and administration,

They are terrific on the issues.

Terrific.

And John, particularly in technology, is an example.

He's also good on CBS.

Yes.

He's got some good language.

But on the other hand, the audience won't remember what he said.

They won't remember what he said.

They don't even know.

You take those two stags.

The main thing about those stags is they're a goddamn letter.

Don't you think so?

You stuck around after some talking.

I don't guarantee you know.

You called Tim on those two dinners and said, what do you remember from the dinner?

And they all said, a wonderful letter.

Great job.

What works for that effect?

And then they would also play back, because you said it 17 times in 17 minutes, that it is the question of this, that, or the other.

It's a question of your taxes and your prices and your cost of living.

And that's what we're fighting for.

Beyond that, what they all say, they need to match those on simple pieces of paper.

That's what I mean.

I guess you've got to do it.

They each one picks up a different thing.

And it's good to haul it together and put it on their own.

But the more I think of it, the more I think of what we do.

There's the place.

We know that one.

And nothing else.

No place else should ever be this big.

But it's no other place.

Otherwise, what I should do is to give up and give.

Because there are very few people in the next century, well, most politicians can, but very few of the audiences can do what they want to do.

And they don't see the president as a threat.

Most of them are afraid to do what they want to do.

Second, very few people can do what they want to do.

Thank you.

I should have thought that when I do these congressional groups and all, I don't give any tronc at all.

I just say what I want to get into.

But you see what I mean?

I think that, for example, it's getting up and winning every government thing.

That's what I did with the South Carolina one.

I could have made a better speech, better written and so forth.

Thank you.

Because I can read that.

And we may not get much attention to it.

The story is, remember I told you to get back and read that 1970 book.

Look at some of the paragraphs.

They weren't bad.

They didn't even read that.

They aren't at all good.

But they really have changed the format of that book.

They are going to.

They're going to do it.

They're going to do a new.

They don't do it in the same way.

I'll see you then at 1.30.