Conversation 500-026

TapeTape 500StartTuesday, May 18, 1971 at 3:42 PMEndTuesday, May 18, 1971 at 4:05 PMTape start time03:48:49Tape end time04:15:14ParticipantsNixon, Richard M. (President);  Haldeman, H. R. ("Bob");  Colson, Charles W.;  Bull, Stephen B.;  Kissinger, Henry A.Recording deviceOval Office

On May 18, 1971, President Richard M. Nixon, H. R. ("Bob") Haldeman, Charles W. Colson, Stephen B. Bull, and Henry A. Kissinger met in the Oval Office of the White House from 3:42 pm to 4:05 pm. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 500-026 of the White House Tapes.

Conversation No. 500-26

Date: May 18, 1971
Time: 3:42 pm - 4:05 pm
Location: Oval Office

The President met with H.R. (“Bob”) Haldeman and Charles W. Colson.

     [Unintelligible]

     Supersonic Transport [SST]
          -Status of legislation
                -Vote
          -Boeing Corporation
                -Future government contracts
                      -John D. Ehrlichman
                -Handling
                -Termination costs
                -President's future dealings
          -Daniel J. Evans

     Colson
          -Henry A. Kissinger's view

Stephen B. Bull entered at an unknown time after 3:42 pm.

     President's schedule
           -Rose Mary Woods

          -Ambassadors

Bull left at an unknown time before 3:55 pm.

**********************************************************************

[Previous PRMPA Personal Returnable (G) withdrawal reviewed under Conv.
                                                                  deed ofNo.
                                                                          gift500-34 (cont.)
                                                                               06/11/2019.
Segment cleared for release.]
[Personal Returnable]
[500-026-w001]
[Duration: 6m 34s]

     The President’s schedule
          -Mailings
                -Conservative Democrats
                -Edward M. (“Ted”) Kennedy
                -Edmund S. Muskie
          -Edward M. (“Ted”) Kennedy
                -Chappaquiddick
                      -Remind people of incident
                -Decision to go for left
          -Hubert H. Humphrey and Edmund S. Muskie
                -Centrists
          - Edmund S. Muskie
                -Losing center moving left
          -Youth vote
                -Disliked
                      -Edmund S. Muskie
                      -Hubert H. Humphrey
                -Preferred
                      -Edward M. (“Ted”) Kennedy
                -The President campaign push for their vote
          -Registration of voters
                -David S. Broder's column, May 18, 1971
                      -Voters
                            -Primarily young, black, and poor
                -John N. Mitchell
                      -State project to reach newly registered voters
                -Mobile groups
                      -Higher income
          -Left-wing interests

              -Black, young, and poor
                    -The President’s opinion
              -Polish
                    -Some agreement with the President
              -Paul N. (“Pete”) McCloskey, Jr.
                    -Vietnam War issue
                    -Racism
                    -Blacks in country clubs
                    -Eugene J. McCarthy staffers
                    -Lack of appeal to Republicans
              -Donald W. Riegle, Jr.
              -Charles McC. Mathias, Jr.
                    -The President’s opinion
                    -Financing of campaign
                         -President's 1966 role
                    -Voting record
                    -Constituency

**********************************************************************

    1972 election
         -Issues
               -Vietnam war
               -Effect of President's foreign policy accomplishments
               -Isolationism
               -The economy
                     -Jobs
               -Racism
               -Welfare reform
                     -White House staff suggestions regarding Family Assistance Plan
                     -Social Security
                     -Reform
                     -Public opinion
                           -1970 Vermont gubernatorial election
                                 -Deane C. Davis
                           -President's statement
                           -Popularity

    Senate
         -President’s view

                -Kissinger, Bryce N. Harlow
                -President's May 18, 1971 meeting with Congressional leadership
           -Union of Soviet Socialist Republics [USSR] negotiations
                -Leonid I. Brezhnev
           -Michael J. (“Mike”) Mansfield and Charles McC. Mathias Amendments

     Democrats
     Approval ratings
         -Lyndon B. Johnson
         -Louis P. Harris poll
         -President's position on police
               -Mail
                      -Raymond K. Price, Jr.
               -Effect of ratings
                      -Ronald W. Reagan's action at University of California at Berkeley

Henry A. Kissinger entered at 3:55 pm.

     Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] negotiations
           -USSR reply
           -Announcement
                 -Text
                 -Timing
           -Wording
           -President's schedule
                 -Announcements
                 -Meetings with Gerard C. Smith, William P. Rogers
                       -Times

Colson left at 3:58 pm.

                     -Kissinger's schedule
               -President’s upcoming address to the American National Red Cross, May 19,
               -Smith
                     -Kissinger's schedule
                     -Time
           -Announcement
               -Smith's possible response
               -Senate
               -Congressional leaders

                      -John A. Scali
                 -Anatoliy F. Dobrynin
                 -Congressional leaders
                      -Time
                      -Possible response
                      -Rogers and Melvin R. Laird
                      -President's Laos statement, November 3, 1969, speech
                      -Anti-ballistic missile [ABM] announcement
                      -President's schedule
                 -Dobrynin
                 -Congressional leaders
                      -President's role
                      -Possible response
                      -President's possible actions
                            -Mansfield
                            -Possible leak

The President, Haldeman, and Kissinger left at 4:05 pm.

This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.

Sir, you know, apparently we, uh, had to, had to drop the SST down the street.
And we gave it up, nothing happened.
We, I assume we gave it up.
Well, we didn't know if we'd steal it out, it would come true.
We haven't been able to get anything out of going.
Well, screw it, let it go, that's it.
And, and that's, that's why the votes are dead on.
and they are not going to get us into any more terrible countries.
My code is, at least they'll cut that one move that I'm giving them.
Well, these things and the number, I don't know.
I'm feeling rid of it.
I mean, frankly, I think it's a part of us to just go to hell.
Well, they're clearly not interested in the national interest.
How does that point the national interest being interested in that?
That's right.
We're going to have to get something else.
As far as I'm concerned, voting is happening.
It is happening.
The sure hand was dead, but every cent was.
God damn it.
Boy, when it worked.
We worked our butts off or something.
At least they didn't shut up or said something or come to us and make a defense.
But I think, you know, I think they were probably glad to get on the whole deal and take their cheap little termination costs.
And it was a risky business that any of them had.
Now they're doing well.
They did, as far as I can see.
I don't want to see the backage around here.
I don't want to see that.
So the governor there is coming in here whining around about what we've done.
And he hasn't struck down Christ's people.
He said, well, he didn't do anything to either of them, at least.
The old man said, what else?
You got any better news than that today?
Everybody was gazing, was staring, was crying.
We got a meeting.
Henry said, you know, it's the only hard man in the town.
He said, come in, come in, come in, Henry, let's go.
Oh, no, you won't.
We didn't solve the party, we didn't solve the meeting.
Did I buzz?
You buzzed when Rosa Woods said she wanted to see him.
No, I didn't.
I'll see her.
I haven't seen her in a while.
I haven't seen her in a while.
I haven't seen her in a while.
I haven't seen her in a while.
I haven't seen her in a while.
I haven't seen her in a while.
I haven't seen her in a while.
I haven't seen her in a while.
Teddy, can I meet Teddy, and we'll sit on the musty.
We've got a couple more columns coming.
I'll be sure to get Teddy Kennedy with us.
Thanks, sir.
People forget Chuckie.
Even if we get a woman under six feet of water, even I know I'm just going to leave her there.
It's the road.
It's a secret road.
I don't think they'll forget that.
We will keep it going.
It's amazing.
It slips into the back there somewhere.
It's a terrible tragedy.
And this poor boy wasn't too bad that he had to go through all that.
He learned a lot from it.
I'm surprised he gained as fast as he did as McGowan told the Democrats.
I think it's not only the weakness of the others, it's the weakness of the others.
And also he has other things, I think, of Kennedy that maybe is granted all of the left.
You see, he probably made a command decision to go for the left.
And Humphrey and Muskie are trying to be responsible and stay in the center, looking at the problem they have of not only winning the nomination, but winning the election.
So that's why Muskie's trying to drag the left, too, which is why Muskie's starting to lose.
Well, but he's losing by it.
He's losing some of his center stuff and not getting the left.
He's trying to do both.
He's not believable.
He's not believable yet on the left.
I mean, look, the kids are not going to believe that you have Muskie in the back.
And the kids aren't going to believe you or talk to you.
They'll believe Teddy Kennedy.
So Kennedy is the obvious candidate of the radicals.
Don't you agree?
Absolutely.
Four o'clock in the morning.
Let's be, let's, when we say kid, let's remember we've got to go after our kids.
There are plenty of good ones.
Right.
Yes, sir.
You know, you know, Broderick had quite an interesting point in his talk today that the whole mathematics of the elections may be changed because of the, uh,
the greater ease of registration for federal elections, and the fact that there are 72 million potential voters who now are qualified, can qualify to vote, if they can get them registered.
It's a hell of a lot easier to get them registered.
And they are primarily young, black, and poor.
So I don't agree with all of it.
You mean because they move?
Partly the movie, partly the simplified registration.
I think Zane Broder is doing the wishful thinking.
I think he is.
Let us remember, for Christ's sakes, that one thing we have to think about, you've got to get our political people, whatever they are,
They're the nationals.
They simply got to get it done.
And see that all the people who are tranchants, illiterate deacons, and a hell of a lot of other people who do the polls, there are two or three million people like that.
We get about 80%.
That's the category.
That's those big projects.
And also good for all those.
The noble group that she's talking about is generally the higher income professional.
There are times where people move around.
Yeah.
Well, there are those that move around, too, like the, uh, like the tranchant workers and so on and so on.
But, look, the whole left-wing establishment, liberal establishment, is on the track.
going to be their big stand.
We've got to get them back.
We've got to report them.
They are not a majority of this country.
They are not.
We know them well.
We know them in polls, and we know them whenever we get up there.
We will go along on some issues, and we will.
When you stop the thing, we'll do it again.
You take the one issue now.
Take, for example, on our side of McCloskey.
Now, what the hell is he going to talk about when there's no war?
He's trying to go through what happened here.
What's he going to talk about?
The only reason he's in is because of the war.
That's why he's trying to tackle himself as something other than war.
Racism or... Racism, let's avoid it.
You don't mind racism?
No, we mean racism and the lack of credibility of the present lives of the people.
That's right.
What he's trying to avoid is... What's racism, by the way?
Well, we haven't done enough to provide racial clarity in all the country, but...
What's that?
Like you've got the blacks in all the country across Japan.
That's just the whole picture.
I'm telling you, he must have some very, very left-wing advisers involved.
He does.
He has some of McCarthy's old crowd racing of what's the other person.
Of course, that isn't particularly appealing to Republican constituents.
That's his problem, is that everything he's doing is inclined to win in the left, but it ain't going to win if any of you vote in the vote.
He isn't in the right primary.
Well, his support is all coming from me, from the other side.
They really, he and Regal, have made surprisingly few inroads, I think, in the Republican Party.
I thought by now you would have picked up a few from the disengaged politicians.
Good job.
That's it.
We've got to go.
That's it.
What happens to an asshole like Matthias?
Did you get him elected before you came here?
I can't tell you any credit or blame.
Well, I worked for the son of a bitch, and I will never forgive myself for it.
In 1966, I mean, so he could have moved it, raised the money.
I don't know.
He was going to win.
I mean, we didn't have anybody else to beat the other guy.
His voting record as a congressman was awful.
It was a mess.
Yeah, it was a middle of the middle road.
But a fellow like that will not get off the bed with peace.
He will at the right time.
He will.
If, for example, you move on to war, that helps a hell of a lot.
And if you have any type of initiatives in other foreign policy areas, or peace, which we would hope you would have, we might.
We might.
Who knows?
What the hell then?
What do they do on that issue?
except just to say we're in total isolation.
So that's the position they can take.
That's the position they're working themselves into.
That is not the long-handled pillow, long-handled on the economic side.
The jobs thing overrides what we do in the economy department.
It overrides, listen, people talk about, people talk about the race issue.
People aren't bored doing more with race people on the race issue.
They are not bored today.
We all are.
It's constant.
I have a beat that's got that staff down on them.
They want me to put in something on family assistance.
We'll come out on family assistance.
Now, you know, isn't it great that we were able to get family assistance by paying 5% more on Social Security?
Jesus Christ, isn't it great at all?
It's good to get welfare reform, but not family assistance.
I mean, people are fed up with this goddamn welfare.
Right.
Huh?
You agree?
I don't think it matters where you're going.
I think the red hot issue just depends on the degree.
In some areas, it's the issue.
It is hot everywhere.
We saw it last fall.
The current election is actually one issue.
The governor shouldn't do that.
Well, good night.
Good night.
Well, the governor was...
The polls showed that there was no way he could win.
Absolutely could not win that election.
Yes, yes.
Couldn't be real.
I studied it.
What happened?
He had an unfavorable rating of 47%.
No way.
Yeah, but the hobby went...
off the military rolls, like we said, the loggers, and 12 people.
And within one week, this boat just completely reversed, and he won by two dozen.
That's a hell of a lot.
That's a big amount of money.
$250,000.
That happened the week he went up there, and he made that great remark about the hangar up there, which just caught my interest.
That's a very, very hot issue.
People should always pay taxes to support other people who didn't work.
But what else have other states you got, any other thing you would be doing?
Well, you know, we certainly have.
I've never seen such a bunch of them.
We need low-delivery people as there are in the United States Senate today.
Henry, Harlow, and Clutch.
There's no leadership in that place, John.
That is for sure.
It is unbelievable.
God, we sit through there this morning, and I can hardly believe what you're talking about.
Very simple thing.
If you want to deal with the Russians, you're not.
So you're not going to get a deal if you throw it away.
You're not going to get a deal if you do this.
You have to know.
God, then back to that statement by Brescia.
Any on the lines on that should have been dealt with, too.
We've got these bastards.
Well, we're not from Mansfield, but from Pines.
Same thing.
It's only a matter of degree.
It is unbelievable.
It is unbelievable.
Well, my view is this.
I do not feel that we ought to get all concerned about our present political situation.
I want to remind the person, our Democratic friends are in grave trouble because they know where the hell to go.
Second, I think we know it rather well considering what you're doing.
I think you are very strong.
Johnson for this time was top of the whole 40%.
We still had Aaron on 30%, which is bad.
Lou Harris, whoever we were, even Harris, we were in 4.7%.
That's a surprise.
It tells me that I was a wonderful person.
It tells me that things are as good as being on the field again now, and things look very good for us.
Well, I have a feeling myself, and I have a feeling myself, that the one thing that you've made a drop, and it's all thanks to you and I have been really sensitive on this issue, is that I'm getting across the fact that I have a strong and supportive belief in Scotland and Brian here.
I read through Price's collection of mail, and two of the letters that he sent in, and one of them was, it was a match, you know, and one of them was a day in, you know, over the week, with Grayson Held in the dress, and one of them was, I don't know, Billy Withered in the evening.
So, I think part of it was...
It reflects itself in the poles.
It's kind of a negative issue.
You can get hurt on it if it goes bad.
But if you do well,
It's expected of you.
It doesn't translate itself into a positive.
Unless you go out, unless you were a Democrat.
If you had, if you had done a vote, if you had, for instance, you had, as Reagan did, for instance, when Reagan flew the helicopters over Berkeley and air off tear gas, and we do something like that, where it was clearly, it was his order, and everybody else blamed about it, and he gained about 20 points in the polls as a result, just all of a sudden.
Did you get a call?
Yeah.
All set for the release.
Not very.
All set for the time that you speak to us.
The only thing that has to be checked, they'll let us know tomorrow.
No, no.
The deal is on the original text with the additional note.
And the only change is, which is a term about whether we can cooperate at all with that one thing.
Oh, yeah.
It's just that one word that we were talking about, but he says it's already occurred.
Well, the deal is set on the text that you see.
As far, let me put it this way, the deal is set on the public announcement.
The deal is set on the public announcement.
There we go, Thursday at noon.
And on the letter, he'll let me know by noon tomorrow whether they can change it.
They cannot change that word.
They cannot change that word.
He's prepared to accept the supplementary now.
It wasn't the last year, Father.
So either way, it's all the same.
We will shift it to the same scale tomorrow as we're going to have today.
Let's take a look at our schedule section.
What kind of, what kind do you want to see stuff like that come up with, right?
You're smart, let's see.
And you're, I agree, thank God.
I can see it all of a sudden.
Yeah, I'm gonna get it done.
So you wanna move it up a little bit?
Yeah, that'd be awesome.
Over.
We should have Smith as three, we should have, because he's already said what three is.
Yeah, what do you, uh, if I, do you have any suggestions that maybe I do Rogers at first?
And then I'll have Smith.
The only thing is I will preserve the rest of the process and get to Smith before I do.
Okay, you have Smith at nine.
But the advantage is that Smith, when Rodgers goes back to the stage, he's going to have to put that in.
But when would you like to have Smith off that Rodgers' team?
I'll do it when you do that, Rodgers, whenever it's best for you.
Whenever your instinct tells you it's easy.
And I'll let Smith build it around that.
and I made it easier for you.
But really what's easier for you would be trying to setting this.
And I'll have a few other programs and be able to save my time with people and friends.
Yeah, I'm over here at CNN and I'm blocking it.
And I do the Red Cross 1130 District, 1150.
And it gives me time to do those preparations.
You get Smith out of the way, and then I see Smith at three.
Yes.
No.
If you want to move that up to the beat, I can give you another day.
I can do it right across the hall.
I think you will be three.
I know that this is probably best.
if Smith doesn't go through the same, you know, it's going to be a traumatic experience for him.
Well, if he doesn't, I don't, if he's going to take it.
Now, where is he?
Where is he?
Where is he?
The only reason he could object to it is traffic.
But you see, he said that three, and when do we go to find the leaders of the leaders team?
Oh, after the vote.
We want to go after the vote?
Yeah.
Yeah.
Are you very angry?
I think so.
Okay.
Now, we have one problem before we sit.
Scali appeals very strongly that we shouldn't do it at 830.
The leaders?
Yes.
Why are you doing this?
I mean, because he's the great, the lead.
Arda.
Who's Arda?
Nine.
Right.
But if I could make this a question, Mr. President,
I'm afraid to put that.
Well, I think we ought to.
I'll tell you, I think I would agree with that question.
I'm very, uh, uh...
Maybe we get better.
Maybe we get better around the leaders.
Okay.
What do you want?
I'm just bored, Mr. President.
At 11, they may want to step out.
Step out?
Who?
Oh, the leaders.
I will never allow it.
So, that's...
I'm just going to walk.
No, no.
I'm gonna walk right, I'm gonna walk right out of the room.
But you aren't gonna be there for that long anyway.
No.
You won't be with us.
You're gonna have Rob to say it to.
At the leadership and Laird, sure.
I'll stay here as long as Bob's with you.
I think it's less painful.
He's got a point.
But you may have to shoot them between the eyes to keep them from stepping out.
And that's probably what Rogers may rage.
You don't think they should do an announcement to you?
No.
They could admit you in the last speech on the November 30th speech.
Or 8 p.m. You take the heat.
You nurse this thing down.
I think we can have the leaders at 10.
Well, 11 will too.
Well, 830 doesn't.
No, 830 does.
But can we get further?
You won't invite them anyway until I've seen the three.
Well, we'll wait.
You want to wait until after the road is gone.
After that, we'll wait.
I just, I'm going to lock the door.
I'm going to let them, let them, let them pull us down.
I'm going to pull us down.
They'll make it easy to defeat us and commit it.
Just let it go.
And now what do I need you to do?
You know, I did tell them to sit in the mass.
I said, there's going to be a stand-in announcement.
I want you to do that.
I have a meeting tomorrow.
I want you to go.
And I'm trying to tell the other leaders to go after this, because I do not want to interfere with this vote.
But I think that this is going to have an enormous effect on our community relations.
An enormous effect.
I won't tell them who it is.
That's the way it is.
That's the way it really is.
But you'd have to pledge him to absolute safety.
I don't know what it is.
I'm not going to tell you.
I'm going to say, Mike, I'm going to have to invite the leaders down tomorrow for a meeting.
And as a matter of support policy matter, I will not invite the back of the vote because I think it might interfere with the vote.
I don't even know that.
I don't even want to do it.
If you don't, and Bruce gets around to the significant announcement, you're going to have a reduced man.