Conversation 526-003

TapeTape 526StartFriday, June 18, 1971 at 9:40 AMEndFriday, June 18, 1971 at 10:34 AMTape start time00:53:29Tape end time01:53:21ParticipantsNixon, Richard M. (President);  Senghor, Leopold Sedar;  De Seabra, Jose;  Wright, W. Marshall;  Bull, Stephen B.Recording deviceOval Office

On June 18, 1971, President Richard M. Nixon, Leopold Sedar Senghor, Jose De Seabra, W. Marshall Wright, and Stephen B. Bull met in the Oval Office of the White House from 9:40 am to 10:34 am. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 526-003 of the White House Tapes.

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This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.

I'm sorry to have to have you here.
I am so very happy to meet you.
I saw you in Paris in the channel... That's right, yes, yes, Father.
Glad to see you under more amputation, sir.
Yes?
Say all the translated words, please.
What would you like to do with it?
Oh, I see.
It's fine.
You know, the President likes it this way.
Do you want to see it?
Yes, I do.
Yes, I do.
Yeah, this is kind of an apartment in Vermont class.
Yeah, it's very nice.
It's very nice.
It's very nice.
Thank you very much.
Thank you very much.
Thank you.
I think that I have an occasion to use it.
When you speak slowly, I... Sure.
I hope to understand it.
And when I...
I'm actually reading this text, and I care about what you're saying.
Yeah, yeah.
It was years since the...
The first time I came it was in 61-3 that President Kennedy came second time.
That's right after you became president of your country.
Yes.
But before that I came in the framework of the French delegations because I was
French is the same as yes.
Right there, that position.
Would you like tea or coffee, Mr. President, or cold drink?
We have iced tea.
Iced tea.
Coffee.
Coffee.
Coffee.
Coffee.
Your country, of course, is known mainly to most Americans because of that cock, World War II.
It's the part closest to the Americans, in a sense.
But that is true geographically.
Well, Tommy, you have to give me your analysis of the problems of your country and the relations we have.
Anything you...
Yes.
Because it's very valuable for me when I have to get your first-hand impression.
Yes.
And you feel we should know.
Yes.
We do not have a problem in the South.
We have, first of all, the problem of not having a problem.
of our cultural independence and our political independence.
And often there is a problem of our cultural development and our economic development.
I will talk to you about one and the other problem.
Well, independence, more cultural and political independence.
And that was the problem of our development also in the cultural field and in the economic areas and all that other stuff.
It's simple.
Naturally, I was raised in France as a Catholic.
I started to do my studies in a Catholic school.
After that, I was a student in Sorbonne.
I was a professor.
I was raised in France.
I attended Catholic schools.
Later, I was a student at the Sorbonne, and I became a professor of French and Latin.
and that the second world war is still going on in Paris.
It's been recognized.
So, of course, the French line is very, very close to my heart, but it's a wonderful working tool.
Mr. President, for me, as a capitalist, the French culture, the French language, cannot be completely
in the values of African Negro civilization.
And that's why, since high school, I have claimed the right to be an African Negro and to cultivate the values of African-American civilization.
And that's why, when we were students, with a number of students,
For myself, as for the others standing at least, it is obvious that the French language and the French culture can only be a complement to our own culture and our own values, and because our roots are in this black African civilization, and this would mean
dates all the way back to the days when I was the 3C, where I claimed that, in those days, the right to be a black African and to cultivate, to enforce the values of this black African civilization.
So in those days, as a young student, I had already started to tell some of the students the movement for the neighborhood awareness.
That's why we asked for independence.
Since 1946, I may have been the first deputy to ask for independence for Africa, but within the framework of a Francophone world, a Francophone community.
And that is why we ask, and I ask for our independence as far back as 1946, when I was the first representative from Africa to ask for independence in Africa within the framework of this French-speaking community.
And that is why in 1958, when General de Gaulle created a commission to revise the Constitution,
In 1958, when General De Gaulle created this commission to review the French Constitution, the delegations of both Senegal
And Madagascar, Madagascar, we both agreed that we wanted to have independence in a confederate system together with France.
I was beaten.
The Commission refused.
And it was thanks to my friend Pompidou, who was the director of the cabinet of General Togol, that General Togol refused to follow the Commission and gave us the opportunity to be deported.
Of the Commission, this Commission turned down our request.
However,
Mr. Pompidou, who at that time was the chef in the cabinet of General De Gaulle, suggested that General did not follow, should not follow this verdict on the part of the Commission, and this granted us the possibility of achieving independence.
We do not follow France at all, and we have two main disciplines in Senegal.
First, there is mathematics and technology.
In Senegal, we already have half of the professors at the university who are mathematicians, who are Senegalese.
In Senegal, everyone is a mathematician.
So, for us, mathematics and technology.
And secondly, because we have to train ourselves in abstraction.
This is a goldmine.
On the other hand, the second wheel is the training in expression, and these are the languages.
This is why we have, obligatorily, the mother tongue,
Le français qui est notre langue d'usage et nous avons rendu l'anglais obligatoire dans le secondaire et le technique.
Et dès 1964, j'ai rendu l'anglais obligatoire.
Now, we are carrying out an extensive reform in our educational system, and we do not follow completely the French pattern.
For instance, we lay a great stress on mathematics and technical studies.
At the present time, half of the professors of mathematics at the university are already saying at least within five years, all of them will be saying at least both teaching math and teaching.
engineering and related subjects.
And that is the training in abstract subjects that we need to carry out and is something we have derived from Europe.
The second important point in our educational reform is that of verbal expression and the language stress on the languages, what we would call our native languages and French, which is our working language.
I have given the greatest importance to the teaching of English, which is now a compulsory subject, a required subject, both in secondary schools and in technical schools, and this one relates back to 1964.
Yes, for me, this is really very important.
We are in Western Africa.
We are an Atlantic country.
You understand?
And we have secular relations with Europe.
I think
is the civilization of the future.
In the civilization of the future, there is not a continent, there is not a race, there is not a nation that has the truth in itself.
I think that the most humane civilization will be a civilization where each continent, each race, each civilization will bring something of us.
And this is the reason why I went for the entry of England into the European Economic Community and so that the other anglophone states of Africa and the Antilles are at the same time associated with the European Economic Community.
Because I think that in the world, there must be an ensemble of different nations, of different civilizations,
and that we cannot go against history.
We are a nation located in West Africa, therefore it makes us an Atlantic nation and it is a common fact that we have had relations with you, close relations with you over the centuries.
Now it seems to me that the civilization of the future is a civilization
where no single continent, no single race, no single nation holds what we might call the monopoly of the truth.
The ideal civilization is one where everyone contributes something that is new.
And therefore, that is why I have always favored the mission of the United Kingdom to the European Economic Community.
And I have also favored the
admission of the British-speaking nations of Africa and of the West Indies into this European community.
The important thing in this world is to have groups of different civilizations, and that's something that is the stream of history that cannot swim against it.
So what is my relationship with the United States of America?
I am speaking to the member of the Euro-American Civilization.
of Latin America are the girls of Europe.
And for us, also for us blacks, there are blacks in America.
So that on both sides of the Atlantic,
I think that we are necessarily linked to America, and we are much more linked to America than we are linked to Asia or the world.
And that is also a reality.
And that's why when we talked about a meeting of the Afro-Asian group, we Senegalese, we demanded that America be linked to Asia.
Because I said, I am much closer to a real Indian than to a Chinese.
And this is one of the reasons why we created the Group of 77, by including Latin America as well.
The Group of 77, which is now in the 80s.
I speak now of our relations to the United States in a broader context of relations with the
Euro-American civilization, because after all, both North America and Latin America are the daughters of Europe.
That framework of relations is very important for us also from the standpoint that we, as blacks, feel this kinship with the blacks that exist in all the Americas.
Therefore, we do have these close ties to America.
and those are much closer than the ties with Asia, for instance.
As a matter of fact, when a meeting was called of the so-called Afro-Asian group, we demanded that Latin America be included, because I, for myself, have been much closer to a Brazilian than to a Chinese.
And this group of 77, which has now expanded to more than 80, also
My name is the Portuguese name.
My forefathers came from Portuguese Guinea and I do have some drops of Portuguese blood.
As a matter of fact, there are about 100,000 Senegalese of the population of 4 million who have Portuguese blood.
I think that from a cultural point of view, we have reached a certain balance because we have a really mixed culture.
For example, a cultural Senegalese
From a cultural standpoint, we feel in the present we have achieved a state of balance, of equilibrium.
I write as a culture which is a bland way, which is a mix.
For instance, I talk about the culture of St. Elisabeth, a man who will know his own native language, who will know French, possibly some English, and even another language.
Therefore, we feel that we do participate in this universal civilization.
In fact, you're more like the Brazilians, or somewhat that way, too, their combination.
Yes, yes.
I think that the United States of America, and I say this in the universities where I have been, and I have posed with students in Paris, I think that in the elaboration of the civilization of the 21st century, the role of America is preponderant.
First of all, from a material point of view, America is the greatest power.
But I think that the role of America also comes from what I call American creativity.
What really strikes me in America is the sense of community, enthusiasm, youth in the dynamic sense of the word, the creative imagination that Europe has.
that the responsibilities of the United States are great because it is precisely because there have been the main ethnic groups and civilizations of Europe, Anglo-Saxon, Latin, Slavic, Germanic, are in the United States.
And that's why, for example, I was asked, what do you think of the return to Africa?
I would say no.
If it's young people,
Je viendrai comme professeur en Amérique, car c'est en Amérique que la civilisation du XXIe siècle est en train de s'élaborer et il est essentiel que les valeurs de la négritude, les valeurs de l'image symbolique, du rythme de la chaleur émotionnelle,
It is more essential that you participate in American civilization.
And for me, it is essential.
And I have always been, by the way, for the integration of blacks in America.
There is no other solution.
But I say, these blacks have the impression that they bring something in the American civilization and that they are not simply consumers of culture, but also the donors of culture.
I think that the black people will participate enthusiastically in the development of these civilizations.
And that's why I'm in correspondence with many professors, many universities, and that we are promoting the Articles of the Seventh, where we begin to teach freedom.
And that's why I say that economic problems are important,
The United States, as I had the opportunity to mention in talks I had with the different universities, both for black and white students, the role of the United States in framing
in elaborating this civilization of the 21st century is a very important role, and not just because of the fact that the United States is the biggest power from the standpoint of the production of material goods.
The important thing is also the creativity that exists in the United States, the spirit of community, the enthusiasm, the dynamic qualities of the young people, this creative imagination, which in the United States
exists in a greater degree than it does in Europe.
And therefore, the United States carries a very great responsibility because it has brought together in this nation different ethnic groups, the Anglosaxons, the Latvians, the Slavs, and the Germans.
Now, some black students have asked me, should we go back to Africa?
What about this non-black African movement?
And I told them, no.
My feeling is if I were here, I would come here to this country to be a professor, because this is where the civilization of the 21st century is being shaped.
And the essential thing is to enhance the values of blackness, of this making do with all its warmth and enthusiasm, and to participate fully
in building this new American civilization.
And it's along those lines that I've always been in favor of the fullest integration of the blacks in the United States, because I don't see any other solution.
The important thing for a squadron of black people in the United States to feel that they are contributing something, that when it comes to culture, they are not just consuming what there is, but they are also producing and giving out.
That is why those who believe in that, the black people who believe in that, they can participate with enthusiasm in this new civilization.
I am almost always in contact with professors and students, and I give all my support to African studies students who belong to the country.
Because I feel that economic problems are very important, of course, but maybe the essential for a civilization is to relieve the proper stress on cultural values.
Therefore, for culture, as far as politics is concerned, our problem is one of course, we are not always in agreement with the Westerners, with the French, with the English, with the Americans, but these are the minimal differences.
Currently, for us, there are two dangers.
There is the problem, essentially, there is the political danger.
by the left wing of the students, there are about 10%.
In terms of independence, there was the Russian influence, but now the students of the left wing say that the Russians are bourgeois, etc.
And these are the Maoists who are really the great danger for us.
Because, as in France, 300 years ago, the French cultural influence is very large.
And our communists are not communists directly from Moscow or from Pekin.
They are communists in Paris.
When we send students to Russia, they are not communists.
When we send them to Paris, a good part of them come back communists.
We are monitoring the Russians, but they are not very dangerous.
By the way, my name is Rochelle, I am on a official trip to Russia, but the Finns are really very dangerous, because we have discovered that they are not only attacking Paris, but they are also attacking the embassy of the French.
It is especially this time that I want to talk to you about.
Currently, the Senegal, which is obviously a strategic point,
not from a geographical point of view, or from a political point of view, or from an economic point of view, because we are in these industrial areas, we are surrounded by the Chinese with the PKK.
There is an embassy in Mauritania, an embassy in Mali, an embassy in Guinea.
And we know that not only do they give money,
But still, for a few months, they have given the advice to resort to violence.
There are some French women who have tried to burn the French cultural center, because for them it is a symbol.
When the president completes his official visit,
They had prepared more or less courtyards to throw them on the court.
Fortunately, the Senegalese are not there and we have been in front of all this.
I know, I know that the Americans have inaugurated a new policy with the Chinese.
I know that they have their reason.
It is not that I myself am
for the entry of China to the United Nations, but with the maintenance of Taiwan's China.
I agree with you that the Chinese, who are 700 million, who take the seats at the Security Council, who propose the United States, but for us, from a political point of view, the Chinese, the Pekin, are the enemies.
When I put
that I have forbidden the transit of the Chinois and the North Koreans, they threatened me that I know that tomorrow they can go away.
That's nothing.
But for me, it's really the defense of my independence as a Senegalese, as an African,
And I wanted to let you know that this is a fight that we continue.
We understand very well the policy of the United States, which is the United States who has the global responsibilities, even though we are a small country.
We must first defend our independence against the rich, in a simple way, but above all against the Chinese.
And really, this is the great danger in Africa.
You see, in West Africa, since Somalia,
You go to Zambia, you go to China.
They entered the Congo-Brazil.
My friend Aizu, unfortunately I could not see him before, will have a Chinese ambassador from Beijing.
I refuse.
And all this, I said to France, I said to the US ambassador, we are in a situation
Now, regarding the political situation in Africa, of course, we should not always agree with the West, the French, or the Americans, or the Canadians, etc.
And one thing I want to point out now is the two dangers that we are facing.
First of all, there is this danger of communism in general.
As President Reagan has presented, the point he's making was that the differences between the British and the French and ourselves are totally phenomenal and not important to stand out.
They have differences, but they don't matter.
Their real dangers are...
The real danger, then, is that of communism.
As we can find among the students last morning, which represents about 10%, at the beginning of our independence,
there was a certain amount of Russian influence.
Over the years, the student left had been saying that the Russians had done nothing
group of bourgeois.
So the danger lies in the Maoists.
And they are Maoists, not directly in contact with Peking, but more through Paris.
Everything comes through Paris.
We have had those 300 years of friendship, cultural ties, and the French cultural influence, of course, is very strong.
So our communists are not exactly Moscow communists.
They're rather Peking communists, but the Liga Paris.
And don't think of this kind of time again.
in my country and in other countries, is that if our students go to Moscow, they may or may not come back as communists.
But if they go to Paris, very likely they will come back as communists.
So we have to go up the United States.
No, no, no, because we send technicians to business schools.
No, no, they come, they are good, there is no problem with them.
On the contrary, they are very useful and we will increase the number of students sent to the United States.
It's very possible that they come back very useful.
Very useful.
It's funny because Susanne didn't look like that.
A pair of people who are parrots are more in the philosophical areas.
Did you just pick him up at the police station?
Now, we'll keep an eye on the Russians, but we didn't see too much of a danger there, as a matter of fact, I intended.
to go to the Soviet Union next year.
But no, when it comes to the Chinese, there is the better intention.
Because they are active not only through this Paris channel, but also through the embassy at North Shut.
And the Senegal is an occupied strategic position.
It's a country that has political and economic importance.
And the fact now is that we are surrounded by these Chinese that are very active at these embassies that they have in Mauritania, in Mali, and in Guinea.
And not only do they provide them money, but they also advocate and advise the use of violence.
In our country, we have certain blacks and certain French who try to burn down the French cultural center they have also.
Molotov cocktails right before the visit with President Putin.
Because in the same way, they're rather talkative people and weren't got around.
They were able to do something about it.
Now, we know that the United States is starting a new policy toward mainland China, and the United States has its reasons.
And as a matter of fact, they've been in favor of the admission of mainland China to the United Nations, provided that Taiwan keeps its seat after all the Chinese
should have a seat in the Security Council.
There are 700 million that we should be able to talk directly to them.
But from the political standpoint, in our own countries, the Peking Chinese are an enemy.
And I had to take some action in the past.
I had to throw out all this stuff from the country, strengthen the Chinese newspaper and the North Koreans, and maybe they even made some threats.
Maybe they'll try to kill you one day.
the way it is, and we have to carry on this struggle.
We understand that the United States has, and the policy of the United States has global responsibilities, but we are a small country that needs to defend its independence, and we have to be on the lookout for the Russians, and particularly for the Chinese, because there is a very definite danger in Vostok, with all this string of embassies, for instance,
We're actually now speaking of the other part of the country, from San Diego to San Diego, in East Africa.
They also managed to penetrate the Congo-Brazzaville.
And I did not have the opportunity to listen to the talk of my friend Aditya, the president of Congo, and he is going to have a big embassy in this country.
I continue to refuse them.
In other words, Mr. President, the great danger of cognitive influences from P.K.
Moscow and P.K.
Africa.
We, as you have well recognized, have begun on a very strained basis in the field of trade and the field of exchange a new relationship with
mainland China.
That does not mean that I, for example, have any illusions about their designs.
Basically, whether it's the mainland Chinese or, for that matter, the Soviet communist, each in his way, has designs to expand.
If I were a communist, that philosophy, I would debate it.
But on our side, and on your side, we must have no illusions about the danger.
On the other hand, the question is to develop some kind of modus vivendi of how to live and let live.
Death in 25 years, mainland China with a billion people, is outside the family of nations, completely outside, with an enormous nuclear power.
It becomes an unacceptable danger to all of us.
For example, the Soviet and the United States that they are making, I can pay you credit in the press and I can tell you privately.
Even more, we are making considerable progress in the nuclear arms program.
and religion.
So I'm quite proud to be able to succeed in a historical perspective.
Back in my friendship, or in college as well, they were able to, in that friendship, relate them to their country, or their country, or their country, or their country, or their country.
I want to hug, as a pragmatist, the non-report strategy that we have, the non-report strategy of the United States.
What will happen later?
That our position of leadership requires that we begin the process which eventually may ameliorate the
that became this antagonism, isolation from the rest of the world.
Now, all over the world, in Africa, for example, or even in the United States, this new violence out of Moscow,
which is more philosophical, really, than Marcel Polzak, or Martin, who said that there are two direct ways that the mosque values operate through the doctrine.
There's a new type of religion, which destroys for the sake of destroying.
Because that bill is not in afterwards.
We have it in this country.
We have it in Africa.
And it is a very great danger.
So even though, I want you to know, even though we make, on a very deliberate basis, some moves with the government, I think we need to be sure that we shall also have in mind with Africa that
He gains interference in the affairs of other countries, particularly America, decarcerating themselves from the small communities.
And that will be a great incentive.
I think, too, that it's very important to mention that there
that we, that the U.S. has worked hard to help you as the leader in Africa, in all of the U.S. countries, to understand what's going on.
So many leaders in the U.S. companies, just to allow Americans and the U.S. leaders to be as strong as they can be in Africa.
are naive with regard to this country.
They look upon the Western nations, including the United States, as being very realistic.
Which, of course, they used to be.
They all had a hand in that.
They included the United States, for example.
They stuck to it.
And we would die if that happened.
But today, it's changed.
It doesn't mean that France
But at least the days of the old colonialism are gone, and the best hope for the new countries is to develop the closest ties in trade, in investment, etc., with the new and long-term
uh capitalists meaning that each country i know that each has a decade of your colleagues from america and i've slept with several each has a different view someone have more state control someone more free enterprise that's their choice on the other hand
Georgia and Moscow are peaking for its future.
Should look north and west.
Not because there is something to gain.
I don't mean to make enemies out of the east.
You gotta get along with the Chinese, you must get along with the others in Asia.
But basically, there is more hope here.
More hope that you can develop.
At first you're, as you well know, you have enormous natural resources, enormous human resources
And there's a need to develop those resources.
And those resources will far better be developed through private investment and the rest of it in common, unlimited amounts, than it will be through setting up some impossible communist state that will simply run the other way.
The other thing I would say is that I think we are quite aware of the fact that how we handle our problem
In this country, our relations with our black population is critical.
If we fail, if black Americans feel they do not have opportunity for jobs or housing or all these other things, then that will have an enormous effect on the people of your country and all of black America.
They'll say, we better look someplace else.
But I assure you that we are trying to do everything we can.
We don't do everything that sometimes that minority groups want.
We don't have that much resource.
But we make a lot of progress.
School desegregation in the South has been a quiet revolution of great importance.
We're making progress, better job opportunities, housing, all these things.
a new welfare program may be passed for the Congress, which will help the poor people, because many blacks are poor young blacks.
But what I agree to say is that I think every one of the new countries of Africa must make its own, choose its own way.
And we will respect that choice.
But you, I think, having cast your
having spoken that you have so often of your respect for the former colonel and for the U.S.
I think that's best.
I really feel that in the long run, historians will say the leaders of Africa that took your position of leadership led the people in the right way, and the people that took the others led them the wrong way.
That's my feeling.
Yes, I understood.
I mean, regarding the political question, there are also economic questions.
And I want to talk to you about this, there is a question with the United States.
Because we are a country, suddenly, Sahelian.
That is to say, where it does not rain a lot.
And for the future, we absolutely need to make a barrage policy.
And on the other hand, to make a fishing policy.
For example, we have very fishy waters.
For less than 4 million hectares, we are fishing 170,000 tons of fish.
This is a third of the French fishing.
And on the other hand, we need barriers, and for that, I must say that the cinema finds itself with specialized organizations of the United Nations, and in particular with the World Bank, with Mr. Macron, who is really very dynamic, we find a lot of help.
Earlier, I signed three agreements with Mr. Martin Amaral, and I must say that, in general, the Americans who are at the head of international organizations, such as David Morse, who has become a friend, Martin Amaral has become a friend, the Americans are many.
But as for the others, we denounced, we Senegalese, two 1958 agreements
on territorial waters and on land waters.
Mr. Ted, who is the Secretary of State of the United States of America, wants to intervene with us by saying that we understand your position, but it is better to have multilateral agreements and not to have legislative and legislative agreements.
So we have to distinguish between the territorial waters and the fresh waters.
We do not have the intention to cross our territorial waters, for example, in the first Latin Americans who carried it to 200 miles.
because the Americans have their obligations, they have their atomic weapons, which are often used against us.
And I remember when the French government had drawn our attention to this issue by saying, you have to tell the Americans about the obligations.
I think, Mr. Stevenson, we have no intention.
but for our fish, it's something else, because for us, it's a question of life or death.
How to develop and how to build barrages?
with professional organizations, we have found a star of the earth, especially American companies that invest in us.
Because we are not asking so much from the public, but we are asking from the American people.
And there is at least one movement for social justice.
But it is in the hands of the West.
It is clear.
The Japanese and the Russians want to pacify us.
There is absolutely no country that is completely against us.
We are the West.
We are prisoners.
We are gathering Soviet ships with certain marines.
So today, it is difficult for us to wait until 1973.
That's why I wanted to talk to the producers of this problem, such as those who disinterest us.
And here is our position, that is to say that we do not have the intention of extending our territorial zone, but we are obliged to do so.
By the way, we have to receive a territorial delegation with a well-organized organization to discuss this issue.
In some extent, the treaty will come out of the ground, but we'd like to touch on some aspects of our relationship with the United States and the area.
We have two main problems.
One of them is, especially in Ukraine, we have a political-doctor policy, of course, that has certain demands, of course, in Switzerland and in the United States.
We need to understand how you support them, especially in these conditions,
And then another important thing is another, what I would call, fishing workers.
Suppose that we have a fisherman who has 100% or less of fish.
The population is growing, which is one hundred fish a patch.
And here I would like to describe what we have been asked to sign agreements completely and completely without both territory of orders and conditions.
The entry of the contract is the way that it was in the history of the United States and the history of the United States.
The entry of the contract is the way that it was in the history of the United States.
Now, we are not content to extend our very, very, very, very, very, very, very, very,
But when it comes to what I would call the Christian world, that's something very different than the light of death that falls for us.
It so happens that the Russians and the Gentiles are taking away from the Pacific and sending the fish right there in the middle of the Pacific because they have a recumbent stomach.
They seized some Soviet ships for the bruising of the settlers.
The U.S. Embassy in the United States.
Well, we, the W6, we have not the greatest desire to work closely together.
You're very responsible, sir.
I appreciate the fact that you have died.
I'm sure you're very honored to try to cooperate with you and work with you.
to be the culmination of all the researches that have been carried out.
Thank you.
Sorry, I think we had to rush.
I had to catch a plane to Rochester.
That is, uh... To your home?
Right.
It ends for you.
Well, I studied French in college 40 years, so I can read.
Yeah.
You speak it so well, but I can't be so precise.
Thank you very much.
This is your train, sir.
Oh, yes, sir.
Well, I appreciate it very much.
I appreciate it.
Yeah, I'll search it.