On October 19, 1971, President Richard M. Nixon, H. R. ("Bob") Haldeman, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Neville Kankaratne, Robert Strausz-Hupe, Emil ("Bus") Mosbacher, Jr., Alexander M. Haig, Jr., White House photographer, and unknown person(s) met in the Oval Office of the White House from 10:55 am to 12:14 pm. The Oval Office taping system captured this recording, which is known as Conversation 596-004 of the White House Tapes.
Transcript (AI-Generated)This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.
I'm sure it has.
I'm sure, yeah.
Trust their views.
You told them, no, there's going to be no more discussion about what happened.
Yep.
And I'll get it, you know, whenever we get one.
That one today, we ought to be able to find somehow.
If you saw it, yeah.
And that's, you know, some of them, there ought to be.
Or just send somebody to the press office.
Send a White House spokesman.
I think that was the word.
I'm sure it's not worth the least.
But I had a recommendation.
Now I had a call for him.
It's a call.
I wanted to express the disappointment of many Californians that Theodorus Lilley was, he called it Theodorus Lilley, must be even considered for the Supreme Court.
He was on the other side of the park where he was born.
He used very strong language to denounce Judge Lilley and her husband.
So we've got Ace Call opposed to Mr. Lilley.
Call us B-1-A.
Yeah, I was in the A-6 pre-episodes again.
Look, if the American fire crews are doing quite what we're doing right now, apparently Walter Johnson, well, you don't know.
Well, it might help.
They ought to be really taking responsibility for it.
You see the point?
Sure.
Right over there?
Sure.
Well, I've got to work on it.
Don't tell anybody.
That's... God damn it.
Don't worry about it.
That's yesterday.
I had a... We had a point.
I hate to do it, but I don't mind talking to John about the Hoover thing.
I have.
But we just must...
It's best that nobody's staff knows a thing about this.
Sure.
Of course, they're interested.
They're afraid I'll make a mistake.
You know, they look back at how you were in the car.
Well, they don't trust Mitchell.
Don't worry.
We are looking down every avenue this time.
Mitchell knows.
He's going to get bit twice.
Not on this one.
What are you stressing?
I have no opportunity to stress this.
You know, his concerns and his recommendations and his propositions.
He's got his names in it.
Charles has got his.
He's got his.
I think I like what everybody wants.
Some don't want to look at what some do.
I mean, some just want to look at them.
It's a funny thing, he got a very mixed thing up with the Orioles.
I don't know what called the answer.
He had a husband, too, who said he made up something.
Well, that's what I've been told.
I don't know that he is.
Personally, I'm not sure.
It really just depends on whether they do a reasonably good job.
It's very distressed.
That's it.
The plaque they've been trying to present to you for two years, you've turned them off three times.
Now it's not going to work.
I saw this one, I'm just not going to go just by name.
You don't get 15 of all of them.
All of these should be done by Pat, and I, and try to build them up.
I don't think there's anything for us.
It's a Paul Revere tradition.
It's a Paul Revere quote on it.
Expressing your support as volunteers.
That's appreciated to your support as volunteers.
We do need, they're really pumping on the people thing on here, on your boards still.
They're set now on the pay board, they're set with this Judge Bolger from Tacoma as the chairman.
And they have now the problem of one remaining public member and everybody on here approved this as defined.
They feel that this is a spot that should be, if possible, filled with an identifiable Democrat.
All right.
The present members are Weber, Jacoby, and Capels, plus Mr.
Folk.
All right.
They have come up with the strong recommendation for active alien reasons, including Kermit Gordon, on it, who's President Brookings' candidate.
and the idea being that it traps them.
Their second choice would be Robert Solow, Professor of Economics at MIT, who is head of Kennedy's CDA staff.
Their third and our second is Robert Turner, who is Professor of Economics in Indiana, who is a member of the CDA of the University of Michigan.
I would take the county's fat man if he would do too much after Saturday night.
The floor to Sarah Loveson, professor of economics at Michigan University.
For the two remaining business members, they're all right.
Mike Bennett is accepted at McCollum.
They think he'll serve the people of Patagonia.
Now the price commission, Jackson Grayson of SNU has agreed to serve as chairman.
Alan Spivey has declined.
And they're now going to either Fred Weston or Robert Manzali.
I don't know if they're going to have Scranton.
They have Scranton.
Scranton is accepted.
Scranton, Queen and Coleman.
Serena Whitman, the woman.
Wilson Newman.
We're now in fairly good shape on the regional.
spread all the way down to the Midwest, South, Southwest.
One man who could be the rightful intelligent man to have the time, and I don't think it serves his interests, as I mentioned, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don't think it serves his interests, I don
I don't think sometimes it's hard to run through things.
The possibilities of the first thing, where it goes, follow them in, right?
If you want to try as much.
Paul Powell, for the moment.
We'll ask him for a reason.
We'll hold him today on campus.
On NATO, did you get into that?
That was looked at on people.
Because our list now is text on number one, if you want to try.
And Henry Dillman, number two.
I am planning to be a more sophisticated person.
That's right.
Rather than a more of a business side.
Yeah.
Okay.
I think we'll do something.
Maybe we have to leave it now for the moment.
I just didn't know whether it was possible, but he ought to go.
He ought to go.
This is a good time to have him go.
He's got a candidate.
Well, the possibility of Rudy Peterson.
I don't think we're going to get him.
Yeah, but he could be.
He could be shifted.
That is important.
That's where we're going to get going, I think.
I think we're kidding ourselves and trying to get into government because there's money problems.
But he'd be ambassador to Japan.
He'd be ambassador to Japan.
It is their understanding, it's CAP, I checked with CAP again, to be sure, it's their understanding, but your, your Google on CAP's mental, you said I agree with CAP.
The interpretation of that, where he, because he said announcement now, canceling Apollo 16 and 17 would have a very bad effect.
I agree.
I agree.
They said that you were approving Apollo 16 and 17.
I want to cancel now.
Okay.
You do want to cancel 16 and 17.
Yes.
I do want to cancel that.
And then do other phases.
Did you want to follow his point of coupling the announcement with the thing we're going to fund space shuttles and air builders and traffic like that?
Sure.
But the other two, though, the other two jobs, you see, Bob, your analysis there is so correct.
I just don't think we should take the risk of a possible goof-off in that thing.
Well, and especially, you've got one scheduled for right when you're going to be bouncing around the world.
And to be out in China and have a space problem would be a real disaster.
The other thing is just postpone.
And that's it.
and then cancel the bargain.
Well, see if we're willing to do that.
Postpone and then cancel.
If you can get away with it.
But it may be that it involves too much of a money problem.
And if not, we'll just let you get yourself shooting before the election.
That's right.
That's right.
No shots in 72.
Correct.
Thank you.
You had shot a little while back on Italians, and we've got some more pretty good things.
Well, we've got several.
We have to put a Democrat on the NICC, and we'll use an Italian there.
We can put one on the Service Academy Board of Visitors, which is a good one.
Would you please call on me about turning off the M1?
Oh, yeah.
Remember, that's what the purpose is.
And the head sounds a bit like it.
So, yeah.
All right.
All right.
Covered all that.
Public broadcasting, they have not been just sitting...
It's getting worse.
It is getting worse.
And they're making a monumental effort to try and figure out a way to get legislation to change it, which is the only way they can change it.
They feel that they can't do it.
And what they've come up with now is to, well, we can't.
We can squeeze it.
It's just what we're going to do.
Plus squeezing Macy, who runs it, the head of the staff man,
Plus, mobilizing the only two guys with any steam on the board that we have are Jack Rather and Tom Moore, the DC campaign.
He talked to Rather last night.
He was at the David thing.
And Rather agreed to go to work.
What we're going to do is try to create a scandal
in public broadcasting on the basis of their subsidizing of these, uh, leveling commentators and the, the, you know, to make some horror stories out of some of the things they're doing and say that this is inappropriate use of public funds and, you know, make a stir it up in the, within the board.
Then, we knew there was a charge to this.
Flanagan, Maynard, and Colston.
Flanagan and Colston are working as a team on it.
So much they have to do to get somebody to give it to that sort of, uh,
I don't know, man, it's...
It's entirely going to get old.
I don't know if the streets are going to re-create anymore.
That's what they're going to do is an idle environment is going to cut them down.
Try and pull them out of the network business too so that all our money is here to our relief from this very central thing that they think makes the midway line.
Good.
Good.
That's good.
On California unemployment, you can't ask me anymore.
Well, we can.
It's a matter of just keeping pressure out of my head.
I know that's hard.
The California jobs program is, we've got an interim report here, and they now project 74,000 direct jobs in California by fall of 72.
And with the conservative multiplier, this is 111,000 jobs, which is 11,000 more than our goal was 100,000.
And we've got to break down this into DOD and other funds and water resource.
John Rose has been monitoring it and says that he, that's his official report to you through Planet Ben Weinberg and he's sent a sub-rosary to the audience and he says that it's a question
that this has accomplished a fair amount, but he says that spending is going to reduce the $2 billion that's lost by reduced DOD contract awards.
And therefore, as a political matter, he says he thinks we ought to spend more money.
Any additional spending will run into resistance from OMB.
The question is whether you want to screw up, you know, go ahead and do it.
That was a kind of thing.
And, uh...
What he's suggesting, he says, you have two options.
You can take this memo and write, well done, and send it back.
They're waiting for your reaction.
I can send a memo to Schultz or Weinberger for both saying that you're pleased with the results to date, that you think they're insufficient to accomplish the objective you want.
A supplemental or something like that.
They won't do it.
They won't do a supplemental and you don't want one.
But it'll stir them up to do other things and find alternatives to get more stuff in as Rose is starting to...
The Robert Allen interview, the one that you have on Thursday afternoon, is the guy that is doing the article on Nixon's military career for Reader's Digest.
He's the one that's been working with the SCAF people.
He was the Marine Captain with SCAF.
And he has a lot of reminiscence tapes from Chick Dyer and Flux.
Some of the others.
Why don't we still have to do it without you?
Do you spree guys in prison?
Yeah.
Spree them?
Yeah.
I have Dan too.
But I need to talk to Rose, or somebody around here who knows what the hell I was in the service of.
I just can't do it anymore.
I'm not gonna do it anymore.
And that other guy I remember is in the service, on self-serving and so forth.
It's not that, it's not him.
That other one, Ruth Boss, is a...
It's not an interview, it's a quick in and out.
She is the editor of a tabloid on promoting voluntary action by you.
And Frank Dale, it's the biggest teenage publication for under time.
And it's a supplement, a syndicated supplement out of Cincinnati Inquiry.
And it was a matter of just letting her come in to meet you, really.
Tell her she's doing a great job, and that this was
Not for the... What you're gonna do on that damn scat thing is to tell everybody, uh, who the hell do we have around here that could do this?
We got anybody to do this?
Well, you know, we... Alex pulled together all that stuff on, uh, to have those people and all with the thought that you might have to know if you were actually gonna have that in sometime.
And they knew if you had this guy then, just, just cover it up, soak it all up that night.
There's obviously no ruts on this article.
It's not something that... Just as I can't get into this article this morning.
We've got so many people who want to do articles with this man the other day, and they've got to go without my distribution.
Okay?
On that kind of one, I don't think it does.
Well, sure.
It's better for other people to say to each other, say, I don't remember this at all.
And then you do some research, you've got some stuff already known.
I think so.
Do you have to see her that you know?
Oh, hell no.
I don't really think so.
What they're suggesting is an option if you don't see her.
She's here to try to assess the extent of U.S. government support for her and her husband's fight against communism in the Philippines, is the way she puts it.
He intends to retain control until communism is defeated, either by extending his term of office or having her reposted as president.
Yes, sir.
I think I should stay out of it.
I'd have to revise the Constitution to do that.
What do they suggest?
They say that we should treat her with reserve, but at the same time, we don't want to give her costs that would be a rebuttal.
And I think it's got to be seen in some way, but I can't get her here.
What they suggest is that either you have her into the office,
for, you know, a brief visit, and then let her go and have tea with Mrs. Vinson, or that you have Mrs. Vinson invite her to tea, and then you drop in on the tea for a few minutes, and then leave for work, because we're having a talk forever.
I think it's, uh, the final thing is just to have her see Mrs. Vinson.
Craig came around last time.
Uh...
You don't have to see her every time.
Well, she'll be here, uh, maybe at the end of the week.
I think it's extremely brave of her to be in the office.
Yep.
And get her the hell out of here.
Whatever, I have to give her this next time afterwards.
She's here, though.
She's been in Iran with that celebration.
She's going to see her son, and then she's coming out to stay with the boards in Detroit for a while, and then go back to the Philippines.
And once you're here and see her, you're going to see her.
You're going to see her, isn't it?
It's raised hell, you know.
But many just say that I'm Senator Chan.
And that it's, you know, just a great call, courtesy call, you know.
You're a courtesy call, not a conversation.
You know what I mean?
I'll just sit down with you for 10 or 15 minutes.
I don't know where I'm flying in the middle of that.
And that's that.
Fair enough.
I guess the tea thing, no.
I'm not going to go over there.
I know I'll get suckered there.
I ain't be willing to do that.
She will be willing to do it, so... We're gonna get a job this morning, for me.
Good.
Very, very close.
If I lose her, then it's good.
You know, I'm trying to give her an edge before I apologize.
Good idea.
Also, will it go up?
Sure.
I just called in right off the bat and said, you should be here by the end of the day.
You should be pretty sure of that.
He's fine.
He's lobbying me and Ari on his trip to Moscow and to Manchuria.
Listen, I'm just out of the question.
Just listen and watch.
He said, let me tell you what I think.
I said it in notes, but really, I know you can't hide it.
He said, well, first of all, I don't want anything to take place until after we run the China trip.
Before we go to Moscow, we've got to hold on to that.
That's number one.
The second part is that...
It is not needed.
I mean, we have diplomatic relations with the Russians.
It is not the same thing at all.
And for us to just send a mechanical advance.
That's exactly right.
And we can go over all things.
And for us to send a party over there in advance.
You see, I didn't want to talk right now, but that would set up a bad thing, because then in Egypt you'd have to send a high-level party.
Well, it wouldn't matter to do that, except that he says he's done the same to the Chinese, and the answer is it's the same situation.
We've got to keep Henry's issues when he gets back.
Henry will want to go older.
And he's not going to come.
I mean, I've already said he's not going to come to Vietnam Day.
But you see Bob for him, he'll go over there and talk to the branch and go see him and all the rest.
That would be the last straws for those.
And it's wrong.
Absolutely wrong.
He says, well, I've got to work everything out to be sure that we're talking about it.
It's different.
It is not.
I've got to work it out.
Is he racist, Henry, with the fact that he just wants to go to Moscow?
No.
Henry is not racist with me at all.
Tell him how this is.
I will tell him.
I want you to tell him.
I don't...
For Christ's sakes, have Al wire Henry and tell him to do it.
That is the problem.
You need to tell Al to get sent.
But don't tell him about Bill.
No.
I want you to tell Al that Henry's, that if the subject ever comes up, that I am absolutely opposed to his going to Moscow to defend Moscow.
The other side of that crime is, in Moscow, we're going to play our game on the public relations side.
And Henry will get a disaster.
I mean, yeah.
So I think to do that, just sort of set that up.
But on Bill's point, it doesn't make any sense.
He's, I know what he's doing.
He wants to reveal that he's the same.
And put the same argument in something.
But there is nothing.
We said, I always say, Bill doesn't know how much we've got going on with the Russians.
Yeah.
And he would, frankly, might say the wrong thing.
Yeah.
Bill may be able to take some other view in some way.
Well, he's really good at curing.
He's definitely out to do it when you do that.
There's no other way to change.
Does Marriott really get Bill Minder off the Kennedy Center?
No, Chris.
John, I think she's right.
Oh, I think she's right.
I mean, my point is, you know, my point is, you are doing everything you can to get Bill the hell out of there, isn't it?
He's got to go.
The son of a bitch is going to get the staff.
There's no question.
See the way he operates.
No question, I mean, so, John.
Is this correct?
Yes.
Well, have you got the votes or what is it?
No, we don't have the votes.
I'm not going to use it on votes.
I'm going to just do it on pure, cool-blooded pressure.
How can you pressure him?
They've got us a capitalist government.
And that woman, what's her name?
Nancy Hansen.
Yeah, or I think it's more this way.
No, sir.
Good.
Let's get him out of there.
Alice Marion doesn't like government, so she's going to see it.
But he's not.
He's the one that told me, give me the whole case again.
Yeah.
Now the way we've got to get him out is I'm going to have to sit down with Roger Stevens and just smile and say, if you want your million and a half in operating funds, you're going to have to get a new operator.
That's right.
All right.
Otherwise, Congress won't vote for it.
Congress won't vote for it if we don't prove it.
And that's been made clear now.
And Roger Stevens knows that.
He has made the point to me of the fact that if you think we can block you, we'll never ask you to partake.
If they find out I did this, they will, but I don't think Stevens will play that.
And if they do, then they do.
We'll still, we won't put it in the, it has to go in as a supplemental.
They're afraid to go in for legislation on it.
We just won't put it in.
That's right.
Well, it's not a big deal, but she's right.
No, it's terrible.
So it's something we've got to try to get the idea together.
He is.
He is.
He's a distraught to begin with.
He does that.
We have one good man there in the artistic side of this, Julius Riddell, who's the music director of it.
And he's in point Roger Stevens.
He's got a clip.
He has a car clip.
So I should be back to him.
He's asking for the Senator to go.
But I guess he's the only guy about when he grows up.
So, we've got him on our side now, but he's trying to get somebody in.
Doesn't make any worse, you know.
Who is it?
The player?
No, Roudel.
Oh, this is not weird.
We won't get good.
You've got the man.
You've got the prime minister here, Mr. Preston.
Investors without his pay.
He has to come in here and meet some of these investors here.
You know, he recommends that he sit in here with Mr. Preston.
If you're ready for it.
They must stay after us.
They both get out.
What is it, 30 minutes?
It's a 30 minute meeting, Mr. President.
You'll leave 12 o'clock away from me.
Well, it's 005.
005, what is it?
I won't find out.
Okay, well, just be sure that it's moved, Mr. President.
Well, Mrs. Marcus would handle it.
On top of that, Mary is surprising.
She's a stronger woman than I realize she is.
She has winter.
She's bitter and tough.
I love it.
You know, they pull all this stuff, but they do.
They were trying to stop it.
We had asked for a bus, and it was a bus.
And it was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
It was hard.
She said, oh, right.
Well, we will sit over here.
Our custom here is to sit here because they've got pictures.
And you'll get back in there.
That's what we call the front end.
And let's see.
You know that?
You sit there because that's what we're trying to do.
That's what we're trying to do here.
And this is a bunch of times.
Stay with us.
It's nice to hang there with us.
I think that's a good idea.
Now we have a pouch for the head.
Okay.
Thank you very much.
that there are all problems in your country, like all the countries that you've been in, over a period of two or three years ago.
Yes, yes.
Thanks, Mr. Chancellor.
I'm so glad you're here.
Does it help?
We try to, but we think, you know, sometimes we don't know whether it helps or hurts.
Well, there were times, and I think that the other minister was very responsible about getting the data out of the country.
And it was very unprepared to face the situation.
Yeah.
Yeah.
You were so sadly in the hospital that you died.
And, uh, took us all by surprise.
And the first week later, we were all dead, sir.
Yeah.
But you were in a very difficult situation, right?
But you moved.
You moved very fast.
It was very good.
There's no way to handle these things.
And, uh, I didn't receive any help, indeed.
Many, many who received love received assistance.
It's a real question.
You can't stop the usage.
We have two helicopters.
Only two helicopters are in service at one time.
And 72 police stations were attacked in one night.
72 police stations were attacked.
And the roads were blocked.
You couldn't get in there.
It was an invisible police station.
It was defended.
Because they were going on for three days.
Helicopters are very useful.
Yes.
So you move right in and then off to places where the operations occur?
Yeah, pretty much.
How do you evaluate the situation?
Salvation at the present time.
And we are right there in the eye of the hurricane, which is terrible.
The worst thing that could happen to either is to fight.
The worst thing, I mean, to either, I mean, even the Indians, of course, they have far more weapons
Nobody's in such a war.
There's so much to be done in other areas, and all of the lead would be a terrible legacy, and refugees, and killings, and so forth and so on.
So our position is one of, which is I even attend to yours, but we're going all out to help refugees, all out.
We are trying to rebuild the field on both sides, and I look here, and I look at these people
Anybody who promotes it in a very bad position, our Congress will just throw up its hands.
And that's what the war occurred there in terms of our aid programs.
Or would you prefer tea?
Coffee's pretty good here.
Do you take tea?
Oh, of course.
Of course, it's the most famous.
But of course, there's some on the trademark, too.
That is true.
In other words, why don't they take your, why don't they take your drink and put it back on the floor?
What's the right thing to do that's sort of the next thing to do?
You asked us the next thing to do.
We served a lot of tea in the White House.
You know, she does in Paris.
You got coffee too?
Yeah.
Yeah.
So I recall your country.
Of course, I was only there a couple of days.
It seems to me I attended to it.
It's a very rich country in terms of the agriculture.
It's a very rich country in terms of the agriculture.
It's a very rich country in terms of the agriculture.
It's a very rich country in terms of the agriculture.
It's a very rich country in terms of the agriculture.
It's a very rich country in terms of the agriculture.
It's a very rich country in terms of the agriculture.
Yes, I remember it very well.
And they insisted that we see that.
It goes with the fact that I can travel a little more than I do now.
Now I live in that country and I'm just going through the day.
The tea is now being exported.
Is that your picture?
And they've been increasing our production.
What is the reaction of your country to the two trips that I have announced, the one to the UK and the other to Moscow?
What is the reaction first from your country
and you and also your colleagues that you've seen in that part of Europe.
Are they worried about it or are they very candid about it?
I can't tell you.
Well, you talked to the Soviet Union a day or two after ISIS is gone.
Yes.
The reaction has moved.
That's right.
I spoke to the Soviet Union last week.
The Soviet Union took two people.
Two people.
Two people.
Two people.
This has happened years ago.
Well, that's what our diplomatic wires became.
We all feel that.
The best thing that can happen in the interest of the world is to create tension.
We hope that by this dialogue, some positive results will be seen.
We are very thankful for what it's done.
But the point that I should emphasize with regard to both, and I do this because I think it's important that you preside as you do over a country that has to be having this country, various views about many of these things, is that both of these trips are first and foremost
Second, that they have a very thoroughly planned advance, to me, means that that level, involving as they do so-called superpowers in one instance and one of these superpowers in another instance, can be a very big disaster if
if they are held and nothing comes out, because it creates a euphoria and a great build-up and a let-down.
That's why we've announced them so far in advance.
The plan is going forward and so forth.
So in the case of the Soviet Union, we'll cover everything from arms control to East-West relations to trade to possibly if the issue is still there, the peace, which it probably will be and so on.
In the case of the drink we came, one thing I should emphasize is that we're not taking one at the expense of the other.
And each understands that.
We're seeking basically a bilateral relationship with one, a bilateral relationship with another, to which we'll
for the purpose of discussing and negotiating matters of mutual concern.
But in the case of the King, there is, of course, a very different order of magnitude, even though we have no relations with the King.
This will be the beginning of a long process to discuss what our relationship should be, and recognizing that down the road,
The government resides over three quarters of a billion people.
And it's better to have them basically in a dialogue rather than to have them in isolation.
Our friends in Asia, many probably are concerned about it.
They don't sit on it because they consider that to be dangerous.
But some of our friends with a real land of mainland China
I believe that while this move to be king may jeopardize their situations, that they will, that they have, frankly, subversion and a lot of other things.
But he just has experience, as you know.
To just say Singapore and Malaysia has problems in that respect, clear up the chicken and run around through Thailand,
and so forth, and then keep it reaching the South.
And Turkey, of course, has a special problem because of their history.
However, the thing that we feel is that the United States, having some kind of relationship with the dialogue with BK, cannot be harmful to our friends and to be helpful.
Because if we are not in a position
discuss such matters with them, then we are only in a position to support our friends and no position to exercise some, shall we say, medicated influence with those who might be their opponents.
So that you see it.
But I said, we have no illusions.
And I'm sure you, of course, would know this because you live, as I say, in Columbus, and I have heard it down there.
Nobody should have any illusions that these trips mean that we, that the historical and ideological differences between the United States and our friends
They still have different interests than we have.
And they will continue to.
We expect this.
And we respect it.
On the other hand, since we're both going out of these talks with this mind, there's not going to be any problems.
I've seen some speculation of the fact, some in Asia and some in Europe, that the United States runs over Moscow, runs over Peking, and as a result of all that, that it's kind of, that what they say, one of the statutes, and some believe that it means that
Now we have a period of peace and no tension.
That hasn't happened.
That hasn't even happened among friends, let alone among those who have been appointed.
The second point is that there is a feeling that the United States doesn't understand that as a result of what we do, that we will do things there at the expense of our friends.
That hasn't happened here.
That hasn't happened on their side.
What is really involved here is the question
negotiation at the highest level on issues in which we have big differences.
We don't expect to solve them all, but we hope to start the process in the case of Big King for discussions in the future rather than confrontation.
Of course, in the case of Moscow, we already have made considerable progress on Berlin, and
Well, of course, you see, we have a wall.
While our allies in Moscow are enormously competitive and have, in many areas, very effective and very better, and they will continue to be, because of historical reasons.
Let's face it.
The Soviet attitude toward Mediterranean is different from ours, and the Soviet attitude toward the Philippines is different from ours.
I mean,
They're half the oil, and maybe the Europeans are half the oil.
So you have to determine what the face of Europe is going to turn out.
This we understand.
This they understand.
But the overwhelming and overriding fact in both cases is that now both the Soviet Union and the United States recognize that if there is a war, there'll be no winners, only losers.
That's true of the superpowers.
And second, both recognize that there is no chance at this point that either will allow the other to get an advantage.
One of those circumstances, if you can't get an advantage, and if you have to rule out the possibility of frankly initiating a war, what do you do?
You talk.
And then you find areas where you decide whether we will compete.
We still recognize that we're going to have to, as we believe, different systems of government.
so forth, but we're going to use our influence to avoid those attacks that might bring us a confrontation.
Now, looking at McCain, in the long haul, that's the same thing.
It is not at the present time a major, but we are power.
It will be.
It's inevitable.
To have 750 million people is industrial potential for the last 20 years from now.
It's almost how many years?
It's going to be a very significant power.
So, uh,
Looking forward to that time, it's very important, we believe now, to start the dialogue here after we have already spoken.
What I emphasize to you is that Richard Gershwin, as a successful politician, I would say that no one goes into meetings with frankly less
But the most important thing about the talk was that neither he nor I had solutions about our differences.
We said, oh, you want this, you want this, and so forth.
I think there's no service when you have a certain thing to serve.
Now that we've had this nice talk, a cup of coffee or a cup of tea, that this way of work is.
So this is our attitude on this.
But the main thing we want to be sure that all of our friends know that we feel that we're close to your country.
I mean, we're not speaking in terms of alliances now, but in terms of our systems of government and the rest of it, is that we have very much in mind our role as a world power.
We have very much in mind our role as a Pacific power.
We're not getting out of the Pacific.
I don't mean that we're staying in the Pacific, but we believe that as a Pacific power, we have certain responsibilities we look to be.
What we're doing here is simply beginning dialogue in the East that we already have with the Russians.
And that's how you get my evaluation, because naturally you're getting many questions on the message.
You know, one of the reasons I know this is a very hard issue, too, for the Americans here, we've been on the issue of the Taiwan.
It is incessant to take the position we do as you know.
We support the ambition of the UK.
We oppose the expulsion of China from Taiwan.
We believe the expulsion of the nation is such a serious matter that it would be a very important question.
I'm looking down the road, looking far beyond Taiwan.
It seems to me that if the United Nations starts on the road, whereby you throw an agent out,
where I thought it was the case when I came to assistance, I realized that they had talked in terms of trying to deal with the nation, which was ruled out by a simple majority.
That could unravel.
That's, I've indicated to you now, just so that you will see what our thinking is, because many of our friends in my Ohio community were talking about how we would take a trip to Beijing and still oppose the expulsion of China and Taiwan.
Our view is that, looking at the Soviet Union, they have three governments, the U.S. and the U.S.
Here, we believe in that, too, and we think that the important question issue has transcends far more than the immediate issue of Taiwan that goes to the future of the UN and all of its nations.
Let us suppose that some nation adopts an internal policy that some other nations don't.
Why?
That in a burst of anger and emotion and so forth, the symbol of control over the United Nations
And that's what concerns us.
That's why I think, that's why I think, that's why I think two-thirds are expulsion.
And I want to explain to as many of our friends, the vast majority, that is our position.
Tell me, what is the, what is the, what do you see as the future of your country?
How do your townspeople feel?
You've got them under control pretty good.
Well, it's only a very small percentage of the youth that are involved in this.
A very small percentage of the youth of our country are involved in this incisive movement.
I think about 50% or 60% of them are in the 35th Amendment.
A very small percentage of them are involved.
But this is, I think, a small percentage of the country.
I mean, in practice, it's a small percentage of the country.
I mean, in practice, it's a small percentage of the country.
And at the same time,
It is indicated to us what the people are expecting from us.
It is a fact that we were able to control this.
We were able to control it because we had the masses behind us.
That's what we believe.
The workers, the workers were with us.
They were with us and they organized themselves to protect the agricultural city of Kuala Lumpur, which people loved.
And they organized themselves and they progressed through the night.
It's very unfortunate that it has to be done.
Why, your security is so important.
You're doing it all for your purpose, isn't it?
Your security, not the threat.
It could be from the border.
It is, of course, increasing.
But, you know, I was just going to tell you, I was reporting for an investor, which I've been giving some assistance, which is going to come in very helpful.
Good.
It's definite.
I was just going to get, you know, a promotion.
And I believe it's going to be higher than the result of wanting it.
But if I must say that the masses were behind us.
That is the main reason we were able to prepare this in such a short time.
Our countries have been in this movement for 10 years, but we were able to control it within a few weeks.
Which we were able to do because we had the resources.
But we won't have that support if we don't do something.
He doesn't want us to expect us to food for our homes.
Sure.
They want it like yesterday.
That's right.
They're very patient.
How many years have you been with this company?
Five years.
The problem is that we have to start economic activity.
We have to satisfy the masses.
Otherwise, people will start again.
It will be much more difficult.
Therefore we want to be as optimistic as possible.
Our idea of land is ready to be announced as soon as I get back directly from Iraq.
And to implement that plan, we need the army.
Difficulty.
And we have to make a deal.
We've got to ask people to sacrifice.
In our situation, where we are safe is our fate.
In the midst of it, we are safe.
Yes.
That's a big word.
Do we not have both of those searches?
It's a big part of your budget.
You can't take it away from them.
And the previous government made a big mistake in giving them the money.
You don't need to give them the money.
You can give them the rights on gas.
This was in the war.
You can give them the money.
You can give them four pounds of gas.
The government issues it.
Oh, I see.
Outside over and above that, they're trying to make a price to buy a new market for firefighters.
This is a control price.
Oh, but the people that buy it make a control price.
It's a subsidy, I see.
Oh, it's a subsidy.
It's a subsidy.
It's a subsidy for your family.
They get the subsidies.
The government, they have one listener, gave them one listener.
And that listener, they gave three in order to, to protect the government.
Now, you see, there's a terrible trade on our department.
And it's very difficult for a political party to control this condition.
So what we did is we restored the second institution, which was a great demand, which we promised them, but we put it up at 75 cents a mission.
To try to counteract the effect of the free mission, it was a mission.
But still, the subsidies are high.
But they're not drawing on the second.
They're not drawing on the second.
Yes, they're still reporting about what that is, the commons.
They have agreement with China.
We are not going to have the U.S. right, because our right is back.
So it's just a straight barter?
It's a two-way, it's a two-way.
You sell rubber to them?
Yes, when you give them the U.S. right, and the right is from the country.
They are not pledges from these two countries.
They're still reporting back about that.
What do you trade with Vermont?
Hardly.
You're just about alive, that's what it is.
It might even have been from his people, but it doesn't.
It might have been from his people.
Burma said it to you the whole time.
It's very, very different.
I've been there since 1953.
China likes it.
They like it.
They like it so much.
Well, they're trying to buy it from Burma.
They're trying to buy it from Burma.
They're trying to buy it from Burma.
They're trying to buy it from Burma.
We hope to be self-sufficient, right?
That means a great sale amount of foreign exchange, which is probably a billion.
We hope to be.
Your relations with China are very good.
They're very good.
You don't have any problems like the Indonesians have in that sort of your country?
We hope to be very good.
Give us assistance.
Your relationship is so different than this, and you have a different position.
Does either bother you or does the other bother you?
No.
Maybe it bothers me, but yeah, it bothers me.
All right.
That's very important that it's here.
In relation to the boat, the Chinese, you know, they used to trust us.
They took advice, just to be frank.
Yes, I have.
Pastor tells me.
So, you know,
Well, that's a very exciting time for, and a difficult, but exciting time.
When you start to think of the, you talk about these expectations, 20 years ago, they wouldn't expect anything.
Right.
So at least now, the very fact that they're looking way out there in the case that something's happening, it must be pretty good.
I don't think you say something peculiar to our country.
It's very nice.
Oh, you too.
Everybody that we talk to and I talk to, of course, Latin America, Africa, Asia, you know, it's all the same.
Here we can go.
Europe.
We have Europe.
Yes, the Europeans are no exception.
The fact that people feel about it, but after you get a certain amount, no, the more they get, the more they want.
And they choose to do it.
They choose the only quality of life.
The type of jobs they want.
Oh, yes.
They don't want to do this or that or the other.
They still think they want to work in a car or... And, you know, of course, there are...
There's a certain disadvantage and a disadvantage case.
And, you know, there are... You do everything you can.
And they want jobs, and if you couldn't get a type of job, you cannot get the one.
If you want to take a pharmacy, then you will have to come.
Is that right?
Yes.
It's so essential to be a farmer, so it's just...
I was made in a factory in Washington, D.C.
So they tell people, go on, go back to the farm.
Basically.
I don't know if it makes me very active.
That's one of the reasons why I get to see one of these sounds like this.
The question, that's a ritual.
And at least to take me to a sound that I want to see.
Did you do that?
Yes, and it took me years to find that sound.
The cataract is over here.
That'll work, right?
The last day I found six of them in Vegas.
Was it here?
Yeah.
You can't sit in a machine like that.
I think that would be very religious.
Let's, why don't we arrange that.
We do have a little time on your schedule.
The Secretary of Agriculture is a very, he's traveled all over the world.
He's the former president of the University of Nebraska and is enormously interested in seeing our, some of our architect techniques and sheds and so forth and so on.
I think he's worked on miracle rice and all of that sort of thing.
And I think that we can arrange this.
Well, Hannah, of course, is the former president of Michigan State.
Elizabeth Hardin, all the same.
It would be very, very interesting to have a part of that.
Hannah would be good, too, because he's traveled as well.
He's a great expert in agriculture.
He knows this backwards and forwards.
This is an area where we want to be very cooperative.
We want to be as helpful as we can.
And I mean, the problem is that if you start there, it's not a big way to get good, good packing.
Sure, too, the transport is going to cost us more than the value of the animal.
In this case, we go from a place like Australia, from the coasts, or India.
India, of course, is much more expensive than that.
In India, packing sometimes is more expensive than, you know, diseases and things like that.
In this case, we're going to import them from this Australia.
But the transport is going to cost us more than the value of the animal.
It's a long way.
It's a long way.
To us, it's a long way from you.
I know that long flight.
We've got him to stand there.
We found him to be doing the whole thing.
Tax evasion and stuff.
The problem is that he's got to be paid.
Because they made it.
They didn't make it.
Because we fought it there.
We can't have our systems shutting down.
Well, it's an area that seems to me very important that you're emphasizing agriculture, because so many countries that I have visited, particularly this is the story of Latin America, where I've seen them all, is that they, as they raise their educational level, they ask everybody if they want to work in a farm.
So they all say, that's industrialized.
So they industrialize.
And take a country like Brazil.
Brazil is a big country.
rich, and they have 45% of everything grown.
And Brazil spoils the way to farm the market.
Take a country like Peru, Brazil and so forth.
They import foodstuffs.
All they do, they just have their agricultural techniques.
This isn't just farming, it's learning to grow, it's learning to, it's storage, transport,
It's a huge business center.
And those countries that will concentrate on their strengths doesn't mean that a country can't have, shouldn't have a mix.
But this country, our country, as you know, is an industrial country.
But it has a very solid agricultural base.
Our few farmers, few as they are, produce enough for huge surpluses.
And this is no accident.
And I think it's very important that you're giving that kind of leadership.
Your young people should know that going into agriculture not only is a necessary part for the country, but it can be a very rewarding business.
The moving and industrializing and letting the land go is a great mistake.
And also the connection is, due to work within the missionary practice, then that means the other part is that it's all about the influx of the family connection.
And the important part is that the missionary trust is a component of that.
And then the next one is the anesthesia.
Exactly.
What is that?
I don't know what the meaning is.
Oh, very little report there is that it has not been public for us.
You know, there is a truce, a second to it.
There's an uneasy balance being maintained between the Israeli on one side and their neighbors on the other.
We are continuing to work for a
Negotiating with a very temporary solution, which would be the opening of Suez, and I'm going to go back to be perfectly candid that you have not had great success yet, but we're continuing to work on both sides, because that is our policy.
The truth is it's not a policy.
for a period of time, just maintaining the troops.
Everybody were sitting there with arms, and arms beforehand, whenever they came in the fire, at times in time in the future.
So, I have to summarize by saying that we, we're going to, we already became one of the key troops, in fact, second to, to see if the balance system fits, so you saw it, I believe that you'd start something.
We're still in the negotiating track, hoping for a breakthrough that could occur, and certainly would be, it seems advantageous to both sides, that since they can't take the whole step, they take half a step, and half a step.
Oh, very little report there is that it has not been public press.
And you know, there is a truce, a second to it.
There's an uneasy balance being maintained between the Israelis on one side and their neighbors on the other.
We are continuing to work for a negotiation with a temporary solution, which would be the opening of Suez and a mutual blowback.
And we, to be perfectly candid with you, have not had great success yet, but we are continuing to work on both sides.
because that is our policy.
A truce is not a policy.
I mean, it's better than a war, but over a period of time, just maintaining the truce of everybody bristling there with arms, and arms before our head, will inevitably be in the flare from time to time in the future.
So, I'd like to summarize by saying that we,
We're going to do everything we can to keep the troops in the back second to see that the balance system shifts so either side believes it should start something.
Third, to pursue the negotiating track, hoping that a breakthrough could occur and certainly would be, it seems advantageous to both sides that since they can't take the whole step, they take half a step.
that should be done first, and then go on after that to the next step.