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Well, all the soldiers...

Uh...

So I'm going to see four in here, seven, four, four, three, two, one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten.

It was such a surprise to all of us.

It was a surprise to you, it was a surprise to everyone.

We won all the votes all week.

We won that 47-4 agreement.

I got a call from Mr. Kistler at 7.30.

He said, hey, House, the Senate is just trying to see what the hell you're talking about.

Where the hell are our people?

When I heard the vote 41, I said, where the hell are your bodies?

He said, Scott, where's Scott?

He said, oh, I'm not in here.

But for Christ's sake, I'm going to say it again.

What happened to this person, to Mansfield, it was a very

pleasant fall, but he just could not cut it.

He just waited and ran that boat in.

Nobody expected it that night.

They thought they were going to go the next morning.

It's hard to realize that our Republicans are so little, so poorly organized that one of them would have stood up and telecasted.

He could have talked a bit.

But Christ takes what the Christ really did.

We have such a

such a miserable bunch of people down here because none of them will leave.

Scott's been good lately.

He's been, I must say, making excellent switchbillies.

Excellent switchbillies.

But goddammit, what the hell is the matter with the Republicans?

I mean, you'd think that they got to be lit at the trough every time.

So then they vote for April 26.

Now, what would they do?

Bill, if we'd known it, I'd have switched.

I'd have been hard to switchbillies and never would have voted for him.

But it was a combination of those Republicans that had always voted against Warren in 1815.

All liberal immigrants.

All of them.

Well, I can go, yeah, the presidential candidates weren't there.

He wasn't there.

Must be.

He wasn't there.

Who else?

Yeah.

Teddy Kennedy wasn't there.

All three of the presidential candidates were not there.

So what the hell?

There was no leadership on our side at all.

And those guys were there.

And they didn't have to apply to the president to be there.

Oh, I don't understand why they didn't delay it, though.

They said it was a hell of a question.

They said we'd win all the votes on it.

I thought it was in the bag.

I didn't see any problem.

Yeah, we don't know the audience.

Well, they don't, uh... What did they say when we were in the meeting yesterday?

That Matt's still stuck at home.

That's right.

Matt's still got his people there.

And now they say that a number of our senators, Charles and Hanson, and so forth, said they just wanted to register a protest, that it would take no vote to go against us.

It would prove they voted with us.

Of course, we're both ways.

When the left-wing liberal senators wants the vote, the 47 to 43 vote,

And then they decided to open it up.

And ours are conserving centers in like Mansfield.

And, of course, we have a great deal of connections to the humanitarian side.

But we've got a switch.

We've got a switch.

We've got a status switch.

But Magnus knew the switch, that's it.

He was in here the day before.

And he didn't talk to us anywhere against it.

I think the real question is where we go from here now.

Well, they've got a point of action here.

This is the tennis court.

Of course, where we go from here is kind of a great example of what to do.

not just the House and the Senate, but the House will, because they're acting somehow, they definitely will not have to let the Senate, one thing they will not lie down for is to let the Senate split those two and send one over and then the other day have to go out.

And another thing they will not do, I hope that they would, is to have a continuing resolution for three months.

At this time, they may later prepare.

The argument there is it may not.

And the House leaders agree that they want to keep the heat on the Senate.

So first they are suggesting that support for the continuing resolution until a term, not a restitution, until a term, through a term, it says, I don't know.

Now, then in the House, the way they're going to operate, and they're going to do this in any event, so I'm going to bless them,

Defense appropriation bill, the House court actually can include military assistance in that.

Security assistance, as they call it, will be included in that.

They will make some cuts, but they will be minor.

There won't be amends to them after anything like that.

So they will have that.

That's appropriations, not authorization.

So it means that that can go to the Senate.

And then the foreign operations appropriation will also come in, and that's gonna have,

in the appropriation area, not in foreign relations.

And they will have all the non-defense, non-security in that.

So in effect, the House is splitting it that way along the appropriation side as the wooden arm can be split.

And then they'll be prepared to pass a particular resolution just before adjournment in the event that the Senate is not active on something else.

Now, the...

And the other one is they will not go along on getting a new bill out of the House for a chair seat.

This is the report.

In other words, a new authorization bill, which the Senate approved.

The Senate had to go to the Senate and say, all right, we're not going to make a chair seat.

And that's the House's decision.

That's for, it's out of order, and more important to me.

I'm not sure about Morgan on that.

I think Morgan's not talking.

I thought he was asking the same conversation, though.

Well, it says here that the House leaders and ranking members of the Board Affairs Committee have no desire to pass a new authorization.

They deal with it as a Senate and meet at the House basketball league.

They should not be required to create a new program patterned after Fulbright's dictated dates.

Also, time works against any new teacher.

Query both houses before adjournment.

That's what they said this morning.

So they would think that nothing was bad in this session, and we'd get to the next session with a continuing march.

Yeah.

Maybe, maybe, that might be accepted defense law appropriations for foreign operations.

In fact, two appropriations bills would go to the Senate.

Those would seem to contest.

I mean, it would be a hell of a fight, but it could have passed, you see, because many appropriations, well, defense appropriations, for example, they've got to pass defense appropriations.

It would be a hell of a fight with the Senate.

But that's the main strategy, not bad.

Now, on the Senate side, this is a game that, of course, our people are doing.

And since it has to originate,

that most senators now recognize the need to have a temporary, continual resolution.

And the, as far as the appropriations is concerned, the Senate Parliamentarian, having come that way, says that they're going to want some order to be raised again against Fulbright and others who are complaining around some use of racial and queer jurisdiction, particularly after the Senate had defeated the foreign aid authorization.

All these measures will be difficult to pass.

The military bill would have strong support from the Serbians.

The foreign operation would be a strong tactic from the liberals.

It would be a tough fight in the Senate.

In some sense, the military analysis.

Now, coming to the board assistance authorization, here's in the Senate, here's the analysis of the, that's a late last night, everybody's fine.

Senator Byrne actually came to conduct a meeting to get the census first approved and packaged.

They are delighted that the Fulbright and McCall Rogers were handed the testimony.

You, Desperate, and myself, too, were.

This is a committee for the bill.

It probably will strip away vital parts of security assistance and also maintain the magnitude of the Cooper Church amendments, even though Cooper Church has been working on them for months.

Since the bill was set up to pass the House, there is little possibility of an act acceptable for any authorization this year.

And the House has to act on it, too.

Well, they probably, well, or they could act temporarily.

You wouldn't have to wait for the Senate bill.

Well, what they recommend is that, uh, is that, uh, you know, just tactically, we ought to try to avoid any law authorization.

Now, uh, that will require a delay in the Foreign Relations Committee's, uh, consideration of a new bill.

that we urge the House private to pass the military foreign operations program.

We don't need to.

They're going to do that.

I said that to myself last night.

And try to get sufficient votes in the Senate.

And they're going to work with the House leaders to find those.

That's what Eric is for coming down and telling me today that they are going to go on that track.

The House is determined to go on that track with continuing resolution.

It's fine to have a Senate and two appropriations bills.

Now they've got another one, which is very well taken, but I'm quite aware of it.

Foreign aid is basically unpopular with the American people.

The White House should have got the low-profile efforts to restore the program.

Loyal Senators, Tom, the South Secretary, should have been there to do their best to provide, to obtain this responsibility of the Senate.

That is true of the point that the low profile, we are in a high profile, whether we like it or not, we've got to, and I think the idea of the irresponsibility line,

It's really a question of not making a foreign aid issue, but making the Senate a responsibility of the line.

And our whole question for today, as you know, the argument here is not about the aid issue, but it isn't about the aid to Pakistan or refugees.

And except for amounts, it isn't about all the humanitarian thing.

But the argument here really is about the defense.

Now, if you come down to it, as we talked about there yesterday, we would not have been able to reduce our forces in Korea if we had not been able to continue the name program.

As a matter of fact, absolutely imperative in terms of continuation and success of our organization program is a continuation of the foreign name program.

Either that or we lose the whole thing.

And with regard to a country like Thailand, where we have a treaty, the question is, what do we do?

Provide foreign assistance, or so that they can help themselves, or do we assume they're responsible for themselves?

The whole, the whole line, and on this top of the military,

assistance that it's facing to our foreign policy, facing to our, particularly our foreign policy, the so-called Dixie Doctrine and so forth.

And the, I think that the case that needs to be made here is, primarily has to be made in that area, the case on the humanitarian side.

all our allies

So you don't have, you don't have anything.

We have it all along with this, with Southeast Asia, but we, I mean, with the, you know, China and other countries.

But we have it with Thailand, and we have it with Korea.

How many of you probably can beat that together?

You're either going to break it or help them to help themselves.

Now that's a cold turkey proposition.

Of course, Greece is in this too, you know, that hangs over.

Greece is in this too.

Greece is a turkey, and that's fatal.

And so you may not like the government, so what the hell are you going to do?

You're going to have to put down the turkey and run.

Greasy turkey and the joint.

Yes, sir.

The day that I had all worked out, the fire master just got a cold, Israel hollowed the thing.

And, uh, didn't take any of that.

Hurry up.

Well, actually, they've already moved out there.

Jackson had a two-year-old last year, so they've got an arm of this for another year.

All they have to do is appropriate something.

Man, you see that?

That's their smart thing.

They're looking at that in a different way.

But then we've got three different types of love in Cambodia.

Love isn't much because that's financed out of big.

I don't think about Cambodia.

Cambodia is 6,340,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,

We are providing no military assistance, whatever.

I mean, there are no men.

There are a hundred people.

All they're doing are clerks.

You know what I mean?

They're not doing a goddamn thing.

They're not training people right.

It's like, you know what I'm saying?

So that's a very good example.

First of all, a lot of people say, well, look, we care about the employee.

But then I read columns saying if we're going down the same road, we have employees.

And I think it's not as ridiculous if we're not reporting that.

If I do it as else, I have totally a different approach.

so i i thought he said last night um i think he's low a little bit stuff about what he should do now i'm not sure about this training before the senate one relationship committee i think we ought to decide exactly what we want to do yeah um

Yeah.

Yeah, he said, Dundee coming in, the entity in Pakistan, it's going to be...

This is John Gallagher.

He said, oh, maybe we ought to make some reference to the, you know, the Moose Gulls.

Uh, I have some reservations about that.

Oh, he's absolutely wrong.

I take that.

Oh, we should do that.

Oh, but now we...

He also said that we ought to say that by the way, Chet and I did trips, and I don't think we should do that.

What do you think?

Oh, that's...

It's the whole point is that it would put, it has nothing to do with TRIPS, it has to do with the American position of where we're going.

And that, of course, indirectly jeopardizes our foreign policy in general.

I think that can be said.

If the United States is educated by its action, then we are withdrawing our responsibility to the world, and we will not meet our future commitments.

But hey, of course there's going to be a defense.

I think that's fair.

And we're going to go through that.

But I don't think you should say it.

And also, as a result of this, we're going to have to enhance the water in Moscow.

But you can't bullshit it.

Oh, you can.

And then you can just do it.

Exactly, yeah.

Let me get it out a little bit.

I mean, the Vietnam control thing, because there has to be an ultimate solution.

This is extremely important.

It's extremely important.

And that's one of the reasons why this president is so good.

I'm not pushing it.

Before Larry's left,

Last night, I had to take him on board, and he stopped to say anything about controls, and he backed up on me, and he didn't have any control.

I told him, I said, you can keep everything quiet.

I said, of course, you can't.

I said, well, I'll have control.

I said, well, I

He said, I understand.

I said, oh, I want to.

He said, you've got to do that.

You've got to keep this, you've got to keep this option open at this point until somebody thinks you're having it.

He has not told no person.

As a matter of fact, not the only person.

You, you and only three of us have told, oh, hey, the first person.

about this, uh, these talks in Paris that have been going on.

And I did not tell him that, uh, that, uh, that, uh, he just got to work and he got told he's coming back to Paris on the 20th to meet with, uh, on Sunday.

That's, that's, that's, uh, now,

In my view, this is either a vision that I've made, or is it more a reason to be dead?

On the other hand, you know the pattern of the previous games, and how much of you have authored.

You've answered some points, and they agree with some things.

and so forth and so on.

Yeah.

What is the situation at the present time?

At least I'm told.

More important due to the fact, remember I said no more meetings unless they have a direct expectation to discuss something new.

But they sent us a message that said,

that we left it the last time, as you remember, Bill, that if I decide there's nothing to say with me again, that David wouldn't scare me with me in.

But we got a message, actually, we got it while I was in China, but in Paris we didn't get it in China, which said that Peter was coming back to Paris

and Swan Tweed and Lita Toe would like to meet me around the 20th.

We got it four weeks ahead of time.

In other words, the guys last week in October, they added to it that the reason they're suggesting around the 20th is because Swan Tweed is ill and her cooter heading, if you remember, they've kidnapped that message also in the official.

And although they don't give any explanation for their movement,

Yeah, that's public knowledge.

It's one clean part of it.

Yeah, but normally that's one piece of the country meeting.

I know it's not public knowledge.

That's right.

Well, yeah, then it's coming back.

It will be coming back.

So now, 15, 16, 17, if it's coming for the 20th, you'll be in debt.

But the most important point is that this, and if you have, we don't need any of it right now, but the most important point is that then,

We know we've always said that there will come a time when the negotiating track is either closed or it could mean something.

It could mean something this time.

It could.

I don't know about that, but it's their name this time.

They want to meet.

Now, this occurred to us before this day.

I hold out on it.

In fact, they said they were holding out on it.

But if we could get a continuing resolution through before that meeting, it would be very helpful.

You see, well, as a matter of fact, any resolutions have to go through with it.

Sure.

Fifteen.

It's got to go through with it.

It has to go through with it, yeah.

Well, we really need the heat on that.

That's where we're at.

Now, this comes back to the point about the trip that you offered.

What's that?

We've got there.

We've got there set up for it.

I've no idea.

Here's what I had in mind.

Canada, see if this speaks here.

I think we cannot make a, what I would call, you know, I thought that there has to come a time when we make a, you know, when we make an announcement, well, this is it, we have finished, and the war is completed now.

I was hoping we could do it now.

We can, in the light of this meeting.

We can, before the meeting, say, regardless of what happens, we'll negotiate it in front.

We're going to do this, we're going to do that.

On the other hand, we have to say something.

Here's what I had in mind.

We have to be clear.

I thought that instead of making an announcement, however you say it, eight months from now, or about some time,

that I had said in honor of the president that I would not do nothing publicly, that I would have Sigurd go out this time.

immediately after we get the continuing resolution.

I don't want to jeopardize it.

A little bit of checking, that would be the 15th, that's the date approximately.

And it was time to say, as a result of the success of our, the genuine success of the organization program,

The president has found that it is possible now to increase the rate of our withdrawal.

40,000 Americans will be withdrawn from Vietnam over the next two months.

And in January, the president will have another announcement period.

Now, if you multiply out 40,000, that means everybody's up on the 1st of August, so we get the number of residual courses, we get the generalization of courses, we get your completed by the 1st of June.

The other factors are this.

Since this goes from basically 14,000 a month to 200,000 a month, it also means that people who know nothing about the negotiations might assume, why are they waiting two months?

But maybe we'll be able to go further and faster than that, and we might.

We might, or we might not.

But at least, and that would be my intention.

I want you to know what the whole stretch would mean at your time.

It would be my intention.

If we fail, if we fail in negotiating track in this scheme, we will know after this meeting.

If either this will lead to another scheme that will provide enough, or it will fail, you would agree?

Absolutely.

Right.

If it doesn't, I don't know.

So now, what's really going on here?

As people know, that's the reason this is so damn important.

We just, the real problem, as I'm sure everyone realizes, with making an announcement that by 8 months we'll be withdrawn, provided we get our pay without issues, you just haven't got any other option but just to get out.

Prisoners were withdrawn yesterday.

that they will not do that, that it is required to establish a military answer.

So that, but nevertheless, nevertheless, the, the, the stakes in making one last gasp on the, on the negotiation ground are very high, and they make it worth it.

However, in Canterbury, then it would be, I could do this,

uh, before the, uh, the State of the Union message, I would then, if, if the negotiating stops, then I would make the final announcement.

We have to work that out in terms of when we, when we try all of our, at such and such a time, to accomplish our goal for the South of the United States to defend themselves.

We will, however, retain so many people until our Christmas award return, something like that.

Now, that's not all right, too, is it?

That's right.

Now, you will see the problem here.

The problem is that we don't get the damn thing out of the way now.

But I think there is something to be said.

I think we get a double white hat in a way.

Everybody who can read and sees 20,000 a month will realize that when you're talking about the Mansfield Amendment, what's the difference of three months, right?

He says six months, but he says three.

Did he say nine?

Why not do it as a...

My mind, my mind, oh my, you understand.

When I had to board the stadium, I had to be prepared to do it.

I'm not gonna go down four times without having this out of the way.

That's what I meant.

Oh, I could do it then.

I could do it right then.

It could be the major, it could be the centerpiece of the stadium.

It could be the centerpiece of the stadium.

But you see, that's another, that's the,

And when I said before the stadium, I meant in terms of that we had to have the decision-making.

But when we are going to say the, uh, the, uh, it's got to be so that the Congress that it needs knows we've done Vietnam.

How about that?

Let's get on with it.

Well, whether you're saying this, President, if you did, that way, and we have a continuing resolution that carries over beyond that, you could also point out the necessity for

before they ate and so forth.

Consistent with his decision, he goes, would be a hell of a powerhouse, to be honest.

Now, to continue that announcement, too, because, now, this is one where, I mean, your, your, uh, your, uh, those here, colleagues, they're pocketing it, but, uh, we've got to, uh, I mean, to see what, you know, but, hey, this is, we're, uh, you know, this draft, do you think I can handle it?

We have...

Henry has the, has had the active ethanol one, and I think it's a very good movement.

If we could come to the point, when the paper comes out, no more remedies will be going.

That, that is a hell of a dramatic effect.

Now, uh, Henry's been examining these things from the military, and I guess he's on board with this, too.

Not much.

They just need to see this happen.

You know, I mean, it's against it, but, you know, if that is the thing, uh,

Danny, we're partly the question of principle with them.

They say they don't want to have two-thirds of military people.

Everybody agrees that by the time we're down to the residual force, we can be as lonely as always.

Well, there are two levels.

Either, when you say draftees, no, but when you are saying the normal draftees, then anyone with risks can be sent to Vietnam or who has invested.

So that Air Force and Navy, there's no doubt at all, because they've always invested knowing they might be sent to Vietnam.

Sure.

And Army, well, you have a lot of draftees who invest.

That's what they're worried about.

that people did not fuel their investments by the zero draftees being sent to Vietnam.

The one of the results now is that the idiots who let themselves be drafted are the only ones who are sent to Vietnam, but at some point, when this thing is relaxing fast, the supposed minister makes his announcement on January 15th, and he says, I have never reversed no more draftees who will be sent to Vietnam.

The only talking

About a four-month period after which everybody agrees you could go eat in the volunteers' office.

So, I think at that point, we, this is what we're working on, and we can do it.

We don't need to do it now.

And mind you, I think the simple announcement now, and due to the fact that we've got to play the negotiating string out right from the last,

And I think Bill, I think you'll agree, simple announcements probably do not do.

There are people who, as Scott and others have said, well, a final announcement ought to be made in November.

But I've never said it.

I've never had anybody who, as I've said, can multiply, can see the 20,000 a month as a final choice.

Right?

Is that what you're saying, Bill, that when we say 20,000 a month, the two months are going to be the closest other in Paris?

Yeah.

That's got to be the system of the public sector, too.

I also think that the 21st was pretty consistent with his point of assistance to me.

Because it's a little uncertain.

I mean, we promised everyone in Cambodia and everybody else that we're going to give them that financial help.

And we certainly announced this out in the east.

And we want to sort the thing out of the city.

So I don't think there's anything consistent about it.

I think the southern command is doing it this way.

And also, you've got two shots at this.

I told you the truth.

I said, yeah, let me tell you.

I talked to Dr. Hogan about it.

He said, he said, well, I've got a thing that he's really going to do.

I'm a bad one about your work.

he said it's better to have that closer to the election and so forth so it's a very when it comes it will be a very significant thing to talk about you see if you make this announcement right in the middle of january is what we have in mind you're quite about to say that you didn't convince exactly what i meant contemporaneous

But we decided then, now, on the other hand, I had no .

If the continuing resolution is to pass, I think I'm going to have to attend to it.

If he doesn't have it, I don't know.

It hurts you to hear this, doesn't it?

That decision is admitted every time.

Negotiations.

Something is happening.

Negotiations.

Something occurs that makes them always decide.

I'm going to wish for Central West Bill to settle, too.

The one reason they stopped it in September was to see what would happen to the two elections, because as soon as the election was over, that's what happened.

They came not back.

Now they may want to see what will happen to this.

What will happen to this now.

All right, that's what I got.

That's what I got sent in.

I think the main thing that we were trying to do was just to be positive and to say, well, it's, uh, that Japanese, uh, it was our responsibility to serve.

shattering defeat but we won all right so there's that this is i think you can say that you you watch the

the legislative process up there, and it is not yet complete, we're confident that the Senate will be responsible, and that they are in control, or I think the policy is that I think that the Senate will be responsible, that after they've cooled off, I mean, there's, after they have an opportunity to consider it, that we're gratified by the fact that they are considering it, and that both houses, first, will pass the main resolution of the bill,

Also, if you could give, I think it's very important for you to give some assistance on the military side, because this business is separating out the military.

This is God.

He's coming here in all red.

And we've got to get back to that on our minds.

But you're separating that out.

It's just ridiculous.

Yeah, yeah, and now they've agreed to hold these troops back in the natural area.

You know what I mean?

Yeah, that's what they asked to get done.

And Chessie Ann was born.

Well, and she'll be coming.

She heard that, but she's not.

No, but you should tell her.

They were born, actually.

I think they were born with tornadoes.

They want to work on time.

Our friends are constantly typical these days, both of the Canadians and the Indians, and Trudeau's thinking less of the States.

What else is he talking about?

Sir Hatch.

Oh, he doesn't want to be dependent on the United States, and Sir Hatch, and too much investment in Canada.

It's negative, but we've had another study made which...

Now, we will, we will make this announcement.

I think we will, I think we will, we will do, we'll just call, I think we'll just call the, basically the NSC and tell them to have our report announcement.

and say we've done this.

I don't think there's anything heavy.

Because there should be.

There should be something.

There's no measure of error.

I'm out to some period so it may not happen on their side.

You should show us some money on that.

You've got to put yourself in their position.

What are their options?

Nobody just wants to stick around.

We have to as long as they've got the prison time.

We've got to continue to work.

And it means if we stick around, we've got to continue to send forces if we want to keep working.

We've got to continue a very substantial air attack.

And we will.

Now, if I were they, I'd like to get some hell out of there as soon as possible.

But I think they have a problem.

The father speaking in Moscow may not force them to make peace.

I don't think they're going to be eager to have themselves an offensive next year.

No, sir.

And risk both, son.

That comes true in states of transplant.

In a rather curious way.

Well, of course, the Vietnamese foreign minister last week published an article which was very ambiguous.

The assistance that he had to both China and Russia, he didn't make a decision.

He praised them for being Islamic assistance, but said nothing about military assistance.

He pointed out how dependent on all he was on them.

You know, if you wanted to, in case of the future, you started to think that they had advice on how they had to give more emphasis to political interests now.

I think if you're right, for the rest of the year, the $40,000 house is not getting us people.

People also are going to know that something is...

What's going on?

But we just started getting weeks with no cash in us.

We had one with no cash in us.

That is something that really is not happening.

I remember the first week he said, do you ever get down to the lawman and you allow him to come in?

But it has been once.

It has to be less.

Let's play the pace of the war.

It has to be used.

It's not acceptable.

It's not protecting the country on its will.

You go out in the country, have you noticed that you go out and you don't get any questions in the war?

I had any questions in the war when I was out in Oregon the other day and I was asking questions.

Do you get any questions in the war?

When I was in Chicago, it was bigger people, four different groups.

There was no question about Vietnam.

There was a question about Russia.

Uh, Ms. John, uh, just now, you've had more questions about Sudan and the United States than you do about Vietnam.

What's the situation now, Bill, on the, uh, the U.S. and Latin America?

Well, I have a little reservation about that, particularly because of this handful of assistants.

Of course, it doesn't affect them very much, except through the .

Well, what, what, what are your options?

I just want to, I think that the other, as far as I'm concerned, with Andrew or the early continuing, it's the early January, you run into a,

What's the issue?

I can still do other shit as well.

Now, how much time do you want to hold for?

Do you think we should go to the plate and stuff?

Well, presently it's a little difficult because the record's coming up here just before.

Yeah.

But if we have a year?

No.

I should go to Latin America.

Yes.

Well, I think you probably should go to Latin America.

Brazil is the best place to have it, because it's safe.

It's safe.

I wonder if you can't go there.

Latin America's pretty jealous of Brazil, I'll be right back.

I love Mexico, but I'm not good on the other side.

Is there any place you'd have in Mexico that would be wrong, please?

It's pretty tough.

Yeah.

So you seem to have a problem.

Sure.

The right of the law, that's the reason.

I think the Mexicans would be the ones who could do the best.

I mean, actually, the other Mexico doesn't have the right to use Latin America either.

No, it is a dangerous damn place.

How about San Juan?

No, they don't like Puerto Rico.

If it didn't, really, if it didn't, Mexico's not going to have a good day.

Well, I'll tell you about that the next day.

No, there's no...

I'll go over the plan.

Yeah, there's no...

I just want to...

But then again, you're figuring on how many days.

Four days later.

Well, the one thing now... Three days.

Two times.

So you should be good part of the week.

Sorry.

It has to be done.

What do you mean?

Oh, they're going to get them.

They're working on all of the treatment people and so forth and the Canadians now and so forth.

Have you had any blood boilers?

But what they want to do, we're negotiating with the Canadians.

The Canadians buy cheap Venezuelan oil for their eastern market.

And some of us, the higher price oil from the west, we don't mind that now.

But we would like to get a contract with the Canadians, and they will continue to sell us that oil in the event that they go to the east coast.

And it's a settlement.

And it's all we're asking that they do.

He got it built because of the autism for both of the concerts.

And he said, well, when we're talking about this, we ought to wrap that into something.

And so that's the, I think the, if you have any report that group up there can help us.

It's a great group that I've been working on because of the search.

The search has no problem with that.

No significant problems, I understand.

Well, it's a problem.

You know, Mitchell Church, what would you say?

I had an interest in that, but not for us.

Apparently, what I did, apparently, they had their, as a result of their currency, the currency was a monetary problem.

This is definitely, but the surcharge, the surcharge on our side, apparently we could get, what we wanted was to get something with regard to

.

Yes, where do you go to see your man today?

At 11 o'clock.

At 10 o'clock.

Yeah, I have lunch with him.

He's not a bad boy.

He's a good boy.

Yeah, he's a good boy.

And I like his voice.

I'm going to reassure him.

I'm going to tell him he's a good boy.

He's a good boy.

I'd like to go up there, too.

I can't see out here.

Oh, that's fine.

That'd be good.

What's the situation there?

Well, I don't know.

Well, I think it's up to the press now.

I have a little question.

I don't know whether it would be better to do it in the press conference or just get out of here.

It could be the press conference.

We don't know what time it is.

It might be better to give it one day to rest.

See, I know what you put on the paper.

I know.

I think we've said a lot of other things, and Johnny and I spent with the press and Nell yesterday.

So I have a little reservation about what I was doing against the day when I leave this.

Take that with a meeting with the committee in the morning.

Well, I'm glad you're with us.

Oh, I know.

I think there may be... Hugh Scott had to stop.

He thought he should maybe do better than that.

I mean, what you're now going to do with that would be responsible and urgent, too.

Go along with us.

And I think that, I don't think, I just saw David before he came on.

I don't think Fulbright should call this committee.

You don't?

Why, why?

You'll be going.

I have to give you an answer.

Go ahead, mister.

You go ahead now.

Uh, the secretary thinks that, uh, he has a point that I think makes some sense.

That, uh, he might be more effective to, uh, have, uh, do the press conference tomorrow than to, uh... Well, they're not going to be there tomorrow.

Thursday.

The problem is being at these meetings with the committee in the morning.

The, uh, the, uh...

I think it would be helpful, you know, some value for you to go out briefly this morning.

I think that the Radio Hawaii statement can be capitalized on today.

And I think just another little

Pressure for here following the meeting with the president could be of some value.

Uh, they are not, uh, the press are not, uh, asking, uh, negative probing questions, uh, I think.

And I think it would get a good... Why don't you do that?

Why don't you do this, though?

I, I, uh...

It's a possibility.

I don't know.

It's just a concern.

What you might do is just straight out, uh...

I think it would be very beneficial to us to have this story running today from you, sort of leading up to the department.

And I would say a conciliatory line with regard to the Congress that we've all talked about and so forth.

And we're able to praise this for sure.

And that this is not unusual.

I think that's another thing to get it all in perspective.

Look, I've been through this for, I think, the 25 years, every year.

There's got to be something of this and of this guy.

And remember, too, that Bill and I are great.

We always had a crisis, a goddamn thing, and we had to run it down from hell to get people to support foreign aid.

Well, this is the first time, the first time we had a position.

They had had what was so-called a full crypt with amendments every time and time again.

We're blowing up enormously in that area.

Enormously.

Sure.

And we went down and got it restored.

But when you talk about killing, they didn't kill it.

They didn't kill it.

That's it.

They think the legislation process is not over yet.

You've still got, like, the best indication that it's killed is the Senate has killed this authorization bill.

On the other hand, you've got a defense appropriation bill coming out of the House, you've got the foreign operations appropriation bill coming out of the House, both of which can have this in, and in order for the Senate to make it to something else, until the Senate in charge of something else.

I don't think we should let them up on here all that easily, because that makes it easy.

But they'd better throw this in on that side.

Well, I think it's expected that they're going to do the right thing.

They're expected to do the right thing.

In fact, this is a question that's come up for air.

The fight is that... Well, at the moment, they've got us, but we can't get up there.

They've got us, but that's for the moment.

We're going to be successful no matter what happens.

They made it very difficult by this action.

Anything else that would have gone to conference or anything else would have been quite different.

This is a difficult one because the whole process has gone all over again.

But I take a taste of your old carrot and stick.

Once we get them back, they've got to know that it was what it was.

raising peril to our foreign policy and policies which reduce American presence and so forth.

I have a little reference to what they would like to see us do, which I don't think we can do, is to, in some way, indicate, at this point, the willingness to camaraderie and the willingness to put together a, we must have a, you know, a piece of the package or something.

My house, I mean, it's a, my house was going to take that, but I, the, the,

If we do this, the original company, I've got to be on television tonight and say the expense of all of our, we've had to, why not?

Oh, we can't do that.

But the only thing I wonder about is whether when we say these, like, care laws were involved, and I'm not sure about that, then it is going to look like a major defeat.

And I don't think it is a major defeat.

I think it's a setback.

Can I say that I wanted to suggest that this is going to jeopardize the presence of trips?

No.

I can't say that.

It isn't about generating trips.

I think you're going to attempt to have some negotiating process.

That's true.

That's a different question that needs to be taken into account.

I think that's a good one.

of the decision to, yesterday, as we move into a year of negotiations, how they can afford to have one of the underpinnings that is attributed to Rob's ability, and to the strength of the three, quote, quote, way, because that in itself would be harmful to negotiation.

And any of that is implied in contact with Moscow, contact with the people.

I think it takes everything into account, and that's tricky to draw a limitation in negotiations, all of all of them.

I think that's good.

I think they lie.

They lie in terms of, you know, the repetitive compromise and so forth and so on.

It's a mistake.

And we believe the position can be taken to some degree.

without getting to the facts.

But we should be saying instead,

Our first objective is to be able to continue resolutions .

How long do we want a sufficient amount of time for the Senate and then for the Congress to restore or evade and legislate a balanced form of aid program, which is to the bill that came out of the House.

We had some questions about the controlling amendments and restricting amendments that were placed on in the Senate.

That kind of view was expressed when we won some of those, but we felt the injustice could be worked out in the House Senate conference.

So when we talk about restoration, we're talking about restoring a bill, which is a balance bill.

Senator Gilani came out today.

Senator Gilani.

A point there is, and this is the point that the Secretary of Defense made yesterday, and I made yesterday, and I had a few people speak to it.

In order to move to reform and reform, it takes a census of many, great number of hearings and so forth, and the time simply is not bad.

Well, I don't know if it was the House itself that asked them to try that out.

And the House said that in the next session of Congress that they may be considering it.

What we're talking about now is the compensation bill to carry through this fiscal year which ends in July.

Okay.

I think there is something to be said.

We always get the impression .

But he had four o'clock, and we've got two networks here.

And we've got, this will be a big arrive in my vision, incoming at an earlier conference.

We'll get the PMs and the rest of the teachers as well.

I think at a time like this, it's just as well to be

First of all, this was lost because of lack of leadership on the part of the administration.

What was everything?

What have we been doing?

I've been calling senators.

I've been meeting with these Congressmen, serving on amendment after amendment after amendment to put it under the program.

We want to over and over and over again do a meeting every time at the 20 o'clock on Saturday, Thursday, and Friday.

Now, and then what happens is this is just one of those, one of those things that sometimes happens.

And it did happen.

That's all.

Fair enough.

Okay.

On Latin America, understand, I don't need it in the next couple of days, but I'll be in the lead.

So that in terms of our plan here, it's all in the moon.

So that we just are going to have to change it.

And I've got to go to the Senate and the State of the Union.

And in the middle of December, I've got to work into the budget thing.

So I'll be back with a new workout.

Thank you.

If you want me to fit in on the McMahon .

He's a .

He probably won't be the final one.

He doesn't know anything about the negotiations.

I think that would be quite horrifying.

I think that would demand .

Incidentally, we have set up with him, and you might refer to it, a direct channel for you to his ambassador, through his ambassador, which doesn't go through his foreign office.

So you might refer to it that you value this.

It will flatter him.

I agree once and a while.

Before our China trip, we'll have a further British talk through this matter.

Because it was, I had the problem.

We had a really, when China came up, we couldn't farm people.

We really couldn't.

That was just one of the cases.

Yeah.

But he actually has behaved very decently.

But we've got to assure him that he's right.

He's still being concerned about the Congress.

So I see the conservatives down there, like the Republicans here, they worry about the Congress.

Their opponents do not.

So it's bad.

It's bad.

Very bad.

Could the damn Chinese misled the middle-oak completely about what they wanted?

He came babbling about a Geneva conference, and they pulled their own guard out from under him eventually.

Chinese have been making, ever since that UN vote, I frankly don't think they expected to win it, the way Cho was talking to me.

They've been making some really bloody statements.

And I just hope that they don't get so...

I mean, really violent statements against us anti-Russians.

They haven't been making any public statements against us.

The Central Committee of the Communist Party, which is getting pretty high, made a statement, sent a letter to the Albanians thanking them for their fight.

It was really brutal.

No.

Well, actually, I think they would have preferred not to win this year.

And I'm sorry now that maybe I should have made a deal with them that we'd let them have it next year if they lay off this year.

It's done.

But what do their statements mean in terms of the...

Well, you see, the temptation for them is very great.

They think one of the attractions, one of the things he kept hitting me on was, would we support a two-China policy?

Would we support a one-China, one-Taiwan policy?

Well, they may figure now they can do it without us by just being in the UN.

And I'm just looking at the worst case.

so that they may need us less than they thought they did.

It doesn't solve their Russian problem.

It doesn't completely solve their Japanese problem.

It also doesn't solve their Taiwan problem, because if they turn on us, we've got to turn back the Taiwan up damn hard.

In other words, they haven't installed that rosy world for that year.

Oh, no, no, no.

And so has Lai himself.

He's a man of great wisdom.

But he's got his own problem.

He's got a lot of play.

I don't know why.

About the coat that we've seen, of course.

I was fondly amused by Philip Rose to picture them as very gentle, soft babies.

And I didn't talk to you most of the time about the European thing.

I deliberately did not raise it.

He's on board on the Vietnamese thing, so we're all set on that, rather than the Latin American thing.

And the European thing, however, is another petition to you.

I think...

But as I said, we had two choices.

If I had a big full meeting, full meeting with them each separately, I'd have more time consuming for you separately, but it's less than I'd expect.

I'd expect, I'd expect, I'd expect four meetings to, if they might get enough of you, I'm sure.

But if I'd have a caucus, I'd need separate meetings.

Separate meetings are better.

Just secretly.

I don't want to see your daddy.

I don't know what you see there.

Well, shall we go forward on Brandt then?

I'll do that.

I mean, I want to do a dumb French yarn or something.

Well, if you were going to Brazil, you could perhaps do that.

Come in and go in a little while and go to the yarn.

Yeah.

And not go any other place at all.

Right.

They don't want to do it in Montenegro, in any of the Caribbean islands.

So I go back to thinking, we couldn't do it in that.

We can't do it in Paris.

How?

Because you go over and then don't go to other countries.

He won't come here, naturally.

But we can offer it to him.

and uh but the french the uh the frenchman

Well, you can negotiate a little of that, can't you?

Now, I've heard of this, but then that European, quite a while ago, we still might go to that.

Well, what I would say coming out of it is after you talk to Ponyville's friends, and he, then you might consider going to that European meeting at the end of September or January.

And then you have the three major countries that we see.

Now, all that, so we all were on a straight line.

Say, are they pushing that kind of a meeting?

Not yet.

Not yet?

No.

Has that been?

Is that the need to serve some place?

I haven't discussed it.

And the other meetings must become the agreement of principle.

We can, let's say, handle the meetings.

There's no reason to.

Oh, sure.

Oh, you don't care about the... You wouldn't be willing to go out to San Clemente just to see it, right?

Yeah.

It wouldn't have to coincide.

You're going out to San Clemente.

I don't care, right?

Right.

I can always arrange to go over the weekend to go out to San Clemente.

That's fine.

The other thing we can offer would be to do it at what should be marketing.

We need to do it for... Keep it, yes.

Why don't I find out from Bob when you will be in Florida and say if it isn't in

I have a question.

No.

I can be in San Clemente any time or Florida any time.

All right.

Now that we've got it and the branch, I think we should proceed on that one too, wouldn't we?

I'll do that if we can.

And see if we can get something there.

And Heath, let's just leave it out.

You're going to see Cromer this week.

He's got a great idea to talk about this.

I thought I'd let it wait until we got the other two lined up.

Heath will have no choice except to do it.

You're right.

We didn't.

I do think that, uh, as I was saying to you yesterday, that I do think that the various, uh, the Kroger became a reassurance on this problem that the layer grades have not even been negotiated in the reference for reduction of emissions.

And just say that also on that, if the problem of South Africa currently comes up, or Indonesia and so forth, you can be sure they might be able to stand firm on that.

I feel that right now.

But you agree?

Absolutely.

Because we're not going to take it out on them.

I think the fact that the Europeans...

You take it out on them.

It just don't matter.

We're the Europeans.

We've got to get along.

Absolutely.

And we have to have some visible publicity now to close it out.

Yeah.

We can do that.

Well, on the Chinese thing, I was...

I'm not as varied as you are, Mr. Gargan, what they would be saying.

I'm not bad as I should be.

They've got to be in a position of being out there leading.

Oh, no.

I just wanted to quote

Uh huh.

That's all right.

Sorry.