Conversation 650-009

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Hi, how are you?

I think we'll move out the sun here.

Sit over here.

I don't mind the sun.

You sit here, John.

Well,

But today, I didn't know it was nice and cold, and I don't mind it.

No, Chris, it's gorgeous.

You'll make me honored.

What was it?

I can't remember.

Love.

It's the other part of my life.

It's hard.

If they burn some of our houses and so forth.

John, could you tell our audience what I thought about it and what we had?

No, sir, I didn't do much of that.

We were thinking that we would, after our talk here and after we get past the city, we would have a quadrat about a week.

I think that's a good time.

So today's Tuesday, we'll probably, I think I have some money going out to the Dutchman this coming week.

There's my response to you.

No, there isn't.

There isn't.

So I had to pursue something I wasn't supposed to know about the other day.

Well, that's what I did.

That's the part that when I say reciprocity, that's what they do with us.

That's our rule.

Yes, sir.

I do care.

Yes, sir.

What's the, uh, what's the state of, uh, the, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh, uh,

Yeah, well, we have people in Washington for about two weeks.

Oh, I'm going to get it.

That's great.

Got it.

Go ahead, people.

Oh, yeah.

Okay, well, go ahead.

Just a matter of time.

I'm not the... Well, you don't have to worry about it again.

You can let me hit you on the head.

It's a great deal of support.

She's strong.

The, uh... What?

I have not said one word to him directly about monetary policy.

I have not said one word to him directly about a regulatory basis.

I know who he was, not you.

Well, the...

I've done as far as I can.

And I thought anyone could have done a lot of this stuff, but I'm wrong.

It's the wrong thing.

But I'm fine.

I'm fine.

That's what I did.

The, uh...

I got three disciples at the last meeting.

I got nearly what I wanted.

I didn't get everything that I wanted.

I didn't believe I would be all right.

The, uh, and, uh, I consider myself a miserable failure.

I don't like to be a miserable failure.

Some of the religious sense, uh, religious sense, basically, uh, based on some, some of the religious

Well, you know, I'm not a partisan.

I'm based on a dose of partisan stuff.

What I doubt is the tip here is, um, I don't know what to do with it, but if I call you a person, well, there's a touch of a, there's a touch of heat.

The, uh, because you're on the board.

Well, on the right, off the left, I kept them there until 5.30.

They get through, even though it's not lunchtime.

Good.

I said, I said, 5.30.

And they were virtually unnoticed, because I'd been eating there all night.

Good night.

Well, that's something, that's something, that's something that has to be thoroughly understandable.

I can't repeat it before I find out the next time.

Captain, I've got a little joke for you.

Andrew, if you can catch it in the big town, you know what to do.

I think you'll be all right, Mr. President.

Well, you think you can hold the line here, and your car's very good there, too.

Yeah, and I've got a problem with the town.

This town or this town, right?

Maybe.

Well, I can go either way.

I'll go either way.

My warden, my warden will go with me.

If I lower it now, the master of the dead, the servant of the spirit, for no disgusting of purpose, if I lower it now, then I'll run the risk of having to raise it.

Oh, yeah.

The list of plans will be listed a few months later on, and I don't want to get through this year without a possible raising the discount rate.

Now, the big question is, are we going to push that down?

He reached to the point where Volcker was worried, and some of the Treasury people, they were worried.

The managers, you know, short-term rich, and they were out.

They won't push.

The long-term rich, they lay still.

They did not push.

Not, not, not enough.

What they're on, they're not a slip percent.

The long-term rich, the high-grade culprits, which is quite an achievement.

Any more, you'd raise their price down.

Market rates are getting low again, definitely.

My feeling is, I think I'm going to leave the discount rate very low.

We lowered it again over the first, we lowered it again in December.

It's 4.5% now.

The mass are out of debt.

Nothing to be gained except a little more notice to the market.

that the policy is one of easing, but the market is unwell.

It's very strong.

They're a little worried about the bill.

Do you understand?

I have to depend on you, Arthur, John, who follows this bill.

John and the Treasury do this.

I've got a lot of interest in what we want to do, so...

I do, I do.

But you've got to let me know what you feel.

I don't think I can tell you what to do, but I've got to know.

I've got to know who's is terribly important.

I must be in their dependence on them each time.

I am not doing this as long as you care.

I mean, we love that.

I mean, it's just a question.

I do what I say.

I mean, you know, it's going to be all right.

Now, one thing we probably would have said, oh, that's just one suggestion you made, so we might as well get it out of the way right now.

But I think it would be very helpful just to include it in the budget message.

I decided to budget message rather than State of the Union because I feared it is one of several stories in State of the Union.

That's why the budget messaging will be a major lead.

uh, the request of the Congress for a, a, uh, a seat on Spence.

On that.

And on Spence.

Absolutely.

On both.

Exactly.

Now, uh, John's, uh, that's a very good, uh, that's a very good, uh, analysis.

He's supposed to work it out.

The language is up to him.

Of course, he did it yesterday.

What he would do, well, he would take a look at that for too long.

And as I understand it, we just got to say there should be a series on that, period.

And that means that this will apply to the Congress after that.

But if you don't have that right, the Congress has never done it.

They've done it with escape matches.

Yeah, they've done it always on us, on the old church, you don't hear about it.

So, you know, they did it in 1968, but with this, with this Kate Pattinson.

I see.

They were wrong.

They did it on you, but not on the old church.

Yeah.

And that's why everybody forgot it in 1968.

But your thought is that this is a good move?

Oh, I think it's a good move.

Well, it's necessary to do a huge task.

And, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and,

Like it is, I don't know.

And inflation, you know, you're off the register.

I agree.

Then interest rates are consumed.

I don't know what I do.

Well, you know,

Yeah, I admit, I admit.

But you know, Mr. President, the language I wish you to take note of here is don't leave this entirely in the shelf.

Don't worry.

Which ought to be absolutely critical.

You're very good at language.

The strongest language you can use.

No escape actions.

And that ought to be, ought to come at a prominent point in the life of this message.

Yeah.

Now there's a piece of that, the chief's son, it's the Lord being a piece of the chief's son.

Yeah, yeah, yeah.

Well, I'm very glad about the message this Tuesday.

That's Tuesday, right?

Yeah, Tuesday.

Well, we don't have it.

Well, another thing we'll do is to get the, uh, the, uh, the readers to, to, to hide what you say at this, and I consider this to be a very important aspect of the message.

Would you like me to say something?

We feel very strongly about it.

But, you know, in terms of what we have, you know, Weinberger's got a hell of a job holding down spending.

The problem we have is, aren't yours, you know, Bernie's family controls and the Congress are just up, up, up, up.

We didn't even have a bunch of design controls.

I think we're going to be fine with it.

You're great.

If you look at these numbers, and if you think this budget is high, you should hear the squeals we're getting from Erickson, Volpe, Romney, and Perry.

We always do recap options.

Hell, it depends.

It's up a little, but all it does is make you think, well, we've got it.

Because the cost is so high.

It's the cost of this government.

It's the cost of the government.

Well, no, no, no.

I haven't.

You know, there are... You both, you and John, put out some...

When should that be done?

Monday?

Sure.

Before the message.

I think it's, I think it's, I think it's well to get the, so that it gets a ride, that there will be, I think it's very good, you know, I mean, you never know about otherwise, the day the message comes out, well, the ride, the lead will be above the desk.

Therefore, if we can get this,

i think john howard in terms of just you know you know the old factory was just smoking it out and that's the other side of their eyes too what are you doing are you are you reading all right i'm reading this i don't understand these things looking you know what you need before monday

Let's talk about it.

Is that a good time?

Well, I only want to be sure about that.

Why do you feel that's too early or too late, Robert?

I would like to see that number date versus one day before on the budget.

That's just as good for you as it is for me.

Okay, I'll calculate that for Monday straight.

Where are you Sunday?

The time has come to call all dead.

The Congress and the administration must cooperate.

We cannot have a ceiling on the Congress administration, not on the Congress.

And therefore, it is tied to how they have a ceiling.

We must have a ceiling, we must spend, but no discreet actions, either to the administration or to the Congress.

We will do such works like that.

I think it's very good that you both

And so I was looking it out, and there were a lot of things to look at, which we were looking out for.

For succubators.

In other words, the first step should be about financial problems.

People are going to be paying attention to it, people who care about budgets.

You know, the Dales, the...

I think it would be very helpful to say that the agreement has been reached, that the administration has had the total support of the

the Secretary of the Treasury, the Chairman of the Federal Reserve, and the Director O'Keefe.

You know, I put it in, and this is one thing that there's a total, and you might as well throw the seatbelt in there too.

You might as well.

So that it gets the impression of total, total agreement within the administration that you have a determination to hold this budget down.

And we see that in the future.

We feel that the present budget will not be expansionary.

I mean inflation.

The expansion will not be inflationary.

It can be cut.

But if we can keep the living spending now, but in the future, it's just going to get out of control.

You can't imagine.

There's a goddamn as much as stuff down there.

Even the stuff we stopped last year, we stopped about $10 billion more spending.

This year will be much worse.

Take that damn water kettle, John.

You know, that must be one of them.

Yes, sir.

I should have signed it.

Fortunately, fortunately, if I'm here, this is really, this is really a borrowing trouble.

Fortunately, the money is the one you have spent this year.

But we do stop at the end of spending.

This is, you know, not for billions of dollars that we spend next year, year after, and so forth.

For a very modest, modest gain.

That's a beautiful thing.

Okay, now, pay for it.

I'm going to have to mention it after we get out of here.

One of the jobs of the General Assembly, and let's not break to the point, I spent a lot of time on it.

I've talked to, you know, I don't have a dozen of the members of the paperwork, you know.

I spent a lot of time with members of the Press Commission and the Commission itself.

I had Judge Boe now, and I was just close to Judge Boe.

I think he suggested to his friend, I don't know if you remember, Judge Boe is one of the finest young men that I've run into.

He had a great integrity.

Religious integrity.

He's a judge.

He has no administrative ability, or understanding, not one of them.

And he has no leadership ability.

He feels he's got to sit there and explain his procedure to me, and what it's going to be.

He's got to sit there, listen to the other constables, and the other judges, you know.

They judge him.

They take advantage of what he's done.

Now, uh...

He's going to be glad to be relieved of this responsibility.

Mm-hm.

Yeah, he told me so.

And I honestly, I obviously think this is a question that he wants to ask me privately, privately on the station.

He told me his problems, and I gave him one or two very simple goals, and then he went to my office and did that.

Now look.

You know, Arthur Goldberg, Arthur has no time.

Arthur would like to see you.

Arthur would love to get into the air.

Well, Arthur tells me that he's not asking for anything, but the next time this is, he would like to talk to you.

He and I were, you know, I was served on a labor management committee.

Now, I know he pushes, I hope, because he's, you know, I love him, I love him, I love him.

He's a mission.

I don't know where he's from.

You know, he's a man.

You know, they, uh, I think he loved this post.

Could he do it?

I'm hoping.

If there's any man in the country who believes in it, could he proceed to do it?

Would he consider to be, frankly, basically a man that would be too pro-labor?

He's passionate.

I'm not questioning, but what he's probably passionate about is what we're doing in that job.

After all, he is the former secretary of state.

He knows how, he knows their language, he knows how to do it.

And, uh, I, uh, we might have to do a cooperation.

We might.

I think there's nothing we can do at the end.

I think business people, you want to check one or two books.

I think they look really like they have been.

I'm probably the first person, this is the first time I'm making this.

But I've had it.

I'm protesting this going on.

Now, obviously, if you see any merit in this at all, introduce and sit down with Arthur.

He's talking about profit.

He wants to talk to you.

About the big war.

What do you do about it?

How do you run the control system?

How do you deal with the, you know, the protection of this country?

And then, you want him to go right there.

Arthur, is he in ministry?

What do you tell him?

I don't...

The, um... My direct knowledge is based on the labor matters of the committee.

And, uh... You're not like a local secretary of commerce that you are currently in the text of the week, are you?

Oh, yeah.

I forget his name.

Or, uh... Luther Hyde.

Luther Hyde.

Yeah, Luther Hyde.

Well, this is going to be alternate.

When Arthur was in the chair for a year, the committee functioned.

The administrator went, well, Luther was on the chair.

He didn't.

That's all right.

I'm going to briefly tell you about his illustrative ability.

But look, anybody who would not lie down...

I don't know.

Somewhere, somewhere in the back of my mind, I have the nightly memory that

I think that if he said a word, what if he corrected his talk with administration?

It will be.

But I'm not sure.

I didn't think about that.

I don't know if there was a point that he would ever recommend it.

To desist, to heed.

Good.

Keeping the paperwork together is going to be a hell of a job.

Goldberg will probably have a better chance to keep it together than all this kind of money we know because he knows them so well.

He can look the other way and keep it on the track.

Yeah.

It's all the track band in this brotherhood.

I love the...

I think this is going to become, in fact, as they stand today, they were 5.5% gun money.

All right?

Now, it further increases.

They're about 5.5%.

They have these exceptional cases of gun laws, you know, the railway signal men, coal miners, aerospace workers, and so on.

They work like a mob.

They wait for 5.5%.

Next, you have a normal amount of evasion in the life, the business life of small firms.

Next, you have a normal amount of circumvention in large firms, where you don't do anything to lead a large job.

You reclassify employees.

And in the process of reclassification, you can go above 5.5%.

Well, I don't know how they at least ended up there.

They will be in case of farm workers.

Yes, the increase will be below 5.5%.

There will be some other cases like that.

I don't know how they ended up in the first month.

The year before August 13th, the increase in privates

Right at the time of the party, you know, we averaged about 7%.

It's not clear to me that we haven't really done it.

It's very hard.

I don't want to, you know, these are qualitative things.

I don't know how to make it easy.

We have been done with 7% or higher the way they're going.

Now, I don't expect much improvement under your vote.

The author of the two adjustments has been a different channel in my approach, effectively a different result.

I assume he is.

Good, I'm back.

There's a part of him that's, you know, he has a pretty good understanding.

Well, now, Grayson, Grayson, Grayson has guts.

He runs that commission very efficiently.

Now, what they have is impossible jobs for us now.

But I talked to John about this, and I haven't had the opportunity to talk to you.

I put a very specific proposal to Grayson.

He was interested.

He asked me to come and talk to the entire commission about this.

Another question I did.

The proposal is false.

It's a number below 2.5%.

Say 2%.

or preferably, I think they go over 2%.

Then you say to the business community, they, if you see good investing, business reasons for advancing prices up to this, you don't have to, you want your health money.

You're not your own.

But what you have to do is report what you've done.

You have to justify any report, the increase of grounds of cost, and you have to assume the risk.

But if the justification does not stand up, there'll be a role in it.

Now this will open up a broad zone of freedom, subject to market processes for the economy.

And I mean, you all understand this, but you don't see it now.

This is going to work against any engine installation.

I've never heard it works.

And you know the, uh, we, uh, we're, they've been thinking of something, this and this, or that and this and that, you know.

We're all going to cross the economy and, you know, safeguards.

And I've talked to some business people in the office.

They need to do it.

Those that I've talked to.

You give the market a better chance of a winner.

Now, that's the real test.

I don't know.

I'll tell you.

Yeah.

That's the real test.

What do you think, John?

You know, I talk about what they've done, and I think more recently.

to perhaps delay the decision on the basis of just exempting from all controls these small business firms in the United States.

Remember, a median of $200,000.

Everybody that does $100,000 gross for the last 30 years is exempt from all controls.

And that's 14 plus 9 percent.

That's about 75 percent of all business firms in the United States.

Is this all businesses or retail businesses?

Retail businesses.

Retail.

This does not include barbershops and personal services, department stores, or manufacturers.

It's retail.

It's the retail store.

But it represents 15% in body, 75% in number of all retail items in the United States.

Now, it went further.

And excepted from reporting, I believe, I'm correct, all of those who have a volume of less than $200,000, they simply go up to $100,000 completely and go up to $200,000 from any reporting.

So that takes them up to 80% of the retail firms.

I think they're probably concerned about taking too many steps to deep control, particularly in the light of some of the statements that have been made that, you know, everybody's thinking about deep control, and they're afraid that it's going to lose complete control of their staff and morale, and they're going to guess that they just do too much one thing or another.

One of the things that involves the retention of control generally

Let me open the gate, and I'm taking you to the big barn to the east side of the town.

Basically, it's much, we should all, we should only, we've got to have confidence.

That's really all we possibly hold in control of this whole system.

I don't know if I did the math.

It's, it's 18.

It's different.

It's really important that we have to find, but instead of waiting around for weeks before a decision is made in Washington, it goes on and on, not taking any longer, without taking any longer.

Something that will get this company moving.

I don't know.

I think it's a positive step.

One thing it could have, if you could do it, rather than present what you need to grow, is to present what you're still growing.

It's part of why the business is numbering.

Price is a concern.

And there you go, you're growing.

Now, what is the relationship that we have with the press commission?

Well, we've been hesitant to dictate to them what we haven't dictated to them.

This action they took the other day was something they recommended to us, and we approved it.

But it was their recommendation that they extend to all of these farmers now.

They're fairly, not fairly, they're knowledgeable people, but they, and they're quite proud of their responsibilities.

I don't think we should take care of them.

That's what Arthur says.

He talks to them.

I talk to them.

Don Rumsfeld talks to them.

I'm sure others do.

They get advice from everybody.

I think we ought to let them act.

I don't think we ought to crack them too much.

Well, what is the, what is, in our perspective, the judge, the vice president, who I consider as the judge of most of the process, of the process of immigration?

What did you talk about?

Well, I was, we met back January 3rd, it was that week, I talked to Grayson,

And then I talked to his commission.

So I go ahead a week, I say, all right, they're meeting again.

Yeah, yeah.

Well, that's fair.

Just look and sit there.

Are you suggesting that there should be, you don't argue that, well, I mean, you're not suggesting a further step on my part.

Well, I wanted you to know, well, there's those you can tell me that you, if you disapprove, I don't, you know, my feeling, my feeling is this.

My feeling is that, well, first of all, as you know, I'm not keen on controls.

The second point is that, on the other hand, I realize we've got to have a public relations standpoint, and also we may have to have a substance standpoint.

Third, to be effective, I know that you can only go in and control major enterprises.

Now, at the outset, you know, we start to talk that way, and everybody says, no, you're going to have to control.

Okay, fine.

So we have grades, 90 degrees, and then we set the cost base to apply to everybody.

Now, from a practical standpoint, the best thing to do is to frankly control

that those major outfits that do 75% of the business of the GNP and its country and the employment and so forth and so on, control that, effectively, and to be in control, the 75% of the GNP

businesses who do 25% of the volume, 10%, 15% of the volume, and de-control them in a way that they still have responsibility as a moral thing to do, by recognizing that you did well can control them with this kind of behavior that we've got.

It seems to me that makes sense.

What's the practical thing to do is to, if you do that, is to present it in any way

That's what I said here.

One of the problems they're worried about is that they have been strictly criticized because

The paperwork and the components of this whole system are constantly saying that the Price Commission acts more favorably for business, is more lenient on big business, and the paperwork and the Price Commission are really just tools for big business to press down on labor.

So the Price Commission is somewhat worried about that.

adopting a policy that frees this much action on the part of everybody, when they're under this kind of criticism, that's one of the things I would report.

But I think they will do it anyway.

I think they can do it, John.

The main thing that's going to count at the end is not the criticism, but whether it works.

And so that's what they've got to decide.

It could take a few months quickly now, but get it done.

Get it done.

The other thing that recommends this to me is that it is.

We look at the east of our economy.

It usually does not come from the great corporations.

It comes from that great mass of, shall we say, entrepreneurs who are not inactive, but I like to keep them as free as possible.

I just don't like the, you know, the recuperation that they have to be controlled.

And they are in a way, they're controlled by the orders of the directors and all that.

They're sort of wayside, I don't know.

Anyway, if you read my book, if you read some of the GF, you see that for us, you know, our relationship is so close to it.

But you reach out, yes, it's a very different period.

Yet, I sure as hell don't like to have, as I heard, I'll put it this way, the mainstream businessmen sitting here who want to create businessmen.

That small manufacturing out in the life of Ohio.

compared with the guys down there in Pittsburgh.

There's an awful different thing.

It's a different kind of ballgame.

And I think it's just, it just irritates the hell out of them.

None of them that I think we should have in mind, isn't it?

We have to remember that what you are talking about here is de-controlled except for reporting.

a great mass of what we call small and middle businessmen who have usually been the basis for our support.

In other words, they're our kind of folks.

They're far more of our kind of support than the big businessmen.

The big businessmen plays when it's the small businessmen.

He kind of believes in things.

He still believes in the country, in the state, in the church, in God, in this and that.

And the victim, this man, believes only in what the hell is going to keep this job.

And there's more directors.

That's the true all things of this summer.

It's still a small thing, but it's really hard.

You see, it doesn't matter.

And institutions get bigger.

They get hard.

They believe less and less of themselves.

Thank you.

My views, I think, are clear from that.

And I think that's a method.

It's a question of how to do it.

Should we get all weak to the report?

I think so.

I think we know one of the things that's very kind of dictated to them.

Yeah.

Why are they handing it out?

And particularly for this office, if they hand it out, the president's trying to screw it up.

No.

The only way I was worried, oh, no, I think you've got to stand on your heads.

But I see what you...

We've got to keep an eye on two main political objectives here, jobs and prices.

The only interest I have in cleaning up the economy is for jobs.

Now, the only interest I have in recommending hard to go over to this price is, well, sure, keep those wages until they have a chance on prices.

Now, here is the situation in the present, and I see it.

It may change, but here's where we are right now.

the wage board making some extravagant wage recommendations.

Now, they have a bird that flew down.

Much of it is an escape.

Why all that?

Well, here it is.

You have a pay board which is kept on prices, which means, you see, the profits, which are dangerously low, are being squeezed.

So they need to go to Europe.

Now, they're not at work.

And, uh, yeah, well, when you start, you're only in position, you see.

But we were starting to position to the closest parallel in which it is in the year 1930.

That's not far back, 1960.

But that started before we died.

The province didn't, we started in 1960.

Oh, yes, it started.

Well, it started in 60, yes, 60 cents.

Yeah, it is.

Yeah, that's not, I guess, it's been going on for a number of years.

And there's been a trend, yes, on the interest rate.

Well, percentage-wise, it's impressive.

When we start from a low base, it doesn't mean too much.

Now, one of the reasons you don't have the growth in the economy that you should find, because if you don't have profit, you don't have money, you can put back it in and it'll be flat.

And if that part of the family is lingering, if you have a business,

People became aware of the prophecy of Jesus.

Years of that truth were already underway.

They became aware of it in 1970.

Well, 69, no, late 69, 70, later than that.

But right when they started, that's what you're talking about now, they started questioning.

They had to.

Well, now, now, they got scared, bitten, and they respond with a leg.

That's the way this is going to be.

They're asked to prepare a barrier or something.

On this present, if you take this payboard, if the wage board contains, no, no, if the payboard contains on this present track, just make that assumption,

Very soon, the price is questioned.

These are responsible companies.

They will have to validate what the pay board is doing because they are concerned about what is happening to the profit margins.

They can squeeze them for a while and try to serve some discipline.

But once they start validating extravagant wage increases, where will they be on the price level in November?

John, do you share this with us?

Well, if Arthur's taking Arthur's premises, then it can be no other issue.

Now, I'm not satisfied that the paper was going to continue on this point.

Maybe it is.

I agree with Arthur that Jezebel was caught in a wise choice in the life of his actions.

I think he probably is going to go on in the administration, just to let it out.

And I'm afraid he is, I think, as a judge, as a leader.

And if this is true, I'm going to say it at the same time.

He's got an impossible job.

If you had a more decisive man in there, it might have made a difference, but not a hell of a lot.

Because you're on the...

I'll give him charity by that.

Just that much turnaround on the 8.3.

If I interrupt you, you didn't know him, John.

The best man for this job is dead.

Mitchell.

Jim Mitchell.

Been perfect for the job.

New labor, kept strong.

I was very, very good.

Go ahead.

Now, I sort of had no...

I'm not having any.

Tell me about having a...

This has got to be done.

So, some instances, we wouldn't...

If you're not interchangeable, you don't have to come.

Who knows?

In terms of, that's what I'm saying, from a personal, I won't do anything, from a personal, excuse me, you better not say anything, from a personal standpoint, I always, this might have gotten really personal, but from a personal standpoint, I've always had a very good relationship with Arthur Goldberg, I have respect for him, and I've met him a couple of times.

certain parts of the tax.

My only view is that he could probably do the job.

What I've had, if you really come down to it, is the question of a man who simply knows a hell of a lot more about this subject than people on the board.

There's many one of those laborers that knows as much about laborers around the board.

He's negotiated with those field workers so long

He's so good.

He's an enormous, incredible man.

I think in the U.N. he was badly cast.

But he's not honored.

And he had to be a speaker at that organization.

But it is difficult.

I think I can't...

It may be John, as the director of our commission has said, is one of those things.

It may be one man who can do the job.

Of course, he uses everybody else, but one man is going to sit at the top of the prayer table.

He's got to determine what the hell he's going to do, what we ought to do.

And he's got to get around and sell the business members and the labor guys and, you know, legal control and all the rest.

Archer might be that kind of man.

You know, the rocket could be.

He may get rid of the inside man.

So the fact that he may not run the liquor department, well, I don't know if he did or didn't.

The fact that he may not run, man, it's a big order in the U.N.

I'll take one way of checking them right there.

The scholars of Bloomberg, the business members of the Labor Council, come down.

There is, uh, there is Joe Block.

Yes, it's here.

There is Rasmus of, uh, the Illumine Company.

There is Natal Watson.

Now, those three, I recall, they were saunters.

That's the man you don't want to talk to, do you?

Yeah.

Well, we went this fall, wasn't we?

And we're going to have copies.

Yeah, he did.

Was he the one who went for all of the fire call persons on the show?

One of our good faces.

He was the bad guy.

He was the one who did what he was supposed to do.

They want you to come down.

They can't leave that problem, aren't you?

You know, you might just start checking the word against that.

I'll be very, very creative.

Yeah, I'll be very creative.

Now, let me say this, before we leave this, John, I have no problem at all with politics.

that he is a democrat, he's a very partisan, he's a liberal, and he's a laborer and all the rest of it.

Because basically, I think he's a tater.

I mean, I think he did a good job.

I mean, he were asking those.

So that involved me.

Okay.

You want to say something?

Oh, sure.

Absolutely.

I'd like to say something.

I'll do that.

He's late.

He's not here.

Well, he must be.

I don't know.

This was a big deal of a deal that was going into the Supreme Court.

I forgot he was there for a while.

What a career he's had until he was elected.

That's right, I remember.

Just as he's been secretary-elected in the Supreme Court, he was an ambassador to the U.S. and a candidate for governor.

He's had quite a career.

As well as the chief counsel for the

Steel workers.

He made it.

Yes, he did.

John was a truck driver.

He was very smart.

He was very, very smart.

I can speak.

I can talk to you.

You know, I wished that I saw it come to me earlier if you were looking for a chance, but I didn't.

And this is not a good question.

I really don't.

It's not.

Well, you know, we've got to keep our perspective here.

I mean, in one respect, would you not say that looking back at the period before August 17th, I mean, the Camp David and now, well, we've still got some rocky roads to go over that are a hell of a lot better off.

We are a hell of a lot better off than we were when I dumped it.

I'm looking at the end.

That's right.

I don't know where they're going to be in terms of that curve.

And that's the point.

I mean, the whole lust of the politics to be continued in office is, well, you know it.

Well, I'm going to choose August the 15th.

I'm going to agree with Mark.

But I mean, in terms, it leaves you out the other things on the international monetary.

And at least we do have a good wife.

And we are going to get something out of the treasury.

We've already got something out of the British treasury.

You would have gotten out of this if you had not moved on.

No.

There's some Japanese friends here.

They're all happy.

They're all hard.

As far as the primary test, I know the Japanese are not so great.

You see what I mean?

I see, I see a fair number of Japanese in Japan.

They are scared.

They cannot quite forgive.

What?

On the channel.

More than on the trade and the monitor.

And therefore...

Keep this very much in mind before you go to China, or Africa, or Poland, if you say.

Right.

We have, it's a big appeal.

We're doing that, right?

We have, that's what the main, the main trust of my conversation is.

It's not a fortune, it's not a trade.

It's a trade that we have to be talking about.

We have to make it much better.

We have to make it bigger.

We have to set up a good, good quality technology for China.

They want to get to China first, which is, of course, fine.

They ought to.

Your policy should be the same as ours.

You're next to China.

You've got to get along.

You've got to live bravely.

The difference is that they want to get there for another reason and leave you

They want to get there because of trade and all the rest.

And our purpose is much bigger than Kennedy Thomas and the others, in a way.

But they're also, they aren't, they aren't honest.

They look at it like they know everything, because that's how they're treated.

But that, they're, they depend on us.

But our purpose is to prepare for China.

Which today, of course, China is expected to do the same, because the Russians don't have the limit on it.

Our concern is Russia.

We've got a lot of deep russet people.

On the face of the surface, where we saw the sun, of course, it went on the hill.

It's here in the Parchment Coal where we call all the economies.

Well, that's why Fred Perry testified.

And they were in a speech in Kennedy tonight, yesterday, on Russia.

My God, they were going to be a bitter part of the year, it looks like.

Really hurt me.

I don't know.

You know, they might have heard the speech, but they didn't even see it.

So it's wrong.

Okay.

This is not the time to draw a sword, sir.

I never asked you about that before.

No, sir.

I was only going to tell you this because I hate it.

I hate it, actually, but it's funny because it's ironic.

Yes, it is.

But I was just commenting.

I just thought it would be very helpful.

So, sir, what?

I was kidding.

Maybe we should just tackle it.

Oh, it's a personal question.

Here's how it was.

Oh, my God.

Mother, I have to say, we're trying to keep you in until after our election.

That's my trust.

Pretty good.

We are totally talking about the Post Department.

They're digging up this linking with the Facebook site.

I'm confused about this.

This is a kind of a lousy trick.

This is Harry's thing.

He just tried to revive this whole oil thing.

They want to try to picture it and use it to be rich.

This is what we know.

Well, they all said, well, okay.

He thought it was a good idea.

Oh, yeah.

Oh, that Hubert Humphrey.

Oh, watch out.

Oh, they've got a man to swing.

John Connolly's supposed to count me all the way up to 1968 and turn me into a conqueror.

I'm committed to, to, to, to not get away with it.

Dixon allowed it.

But Hubert Humphrey wouldn't take me.

Oh, that's right.

Now that was just full.

All right.

That's right.

You know, as you hear it, first of all, my position on depreciation.

Bill Fair, back in the day, if I was in Congress, I was a Californian.

I've always thought that.

So there's nothing to do with it.

I didn't get any money.

So the second point is, if you were taking money from anybody, it wasn't gold.

That's it.

And John, well, you know yourself, that was a total terror.

We never talked.

Purely, absolutely.

I never talked to John.

I said, I don't like it because I don't like it.

But John never talked to you.

And I didn't hear a word from him.

And so he said, well, it next will be all right.

I'm going to make you look at mine.

Now, one, it's a total terror that I'm going to make you look at mine.

This is so, and also, one of the subjectives of it.

Your record on depletion, you take in, uh, you take in the, in the Roman Act of 1969, the, uh, the, uh, well, you cut back on depletion.

Yes, you're correct.

And I'll say this, you haven't messed with it.

You may have helped out a lot with it, you know.

Yes, sir, I did.

Ha ha.

I don't know.

No word.

No, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no.

All right, good-bye.