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Fair question, but I'm going to try to get in and out before you do.

All right.

On the second thing, on the 20th, rather than being so much of an entertainer, Mrs. Nixon wants very much to have a strong change.

She likes to sit around tables.

I don't know if you...

And also on that party, you're going to want some sort of a program, I suppose, saying, recognizing private stands, make some remarks, and should I alert them to the fact that they should be prepared to respond?

Because that's all I'm going to do tonight.

All right.

I'll do my part, Senator.

On the 28th of November, there are people that are probably

And then on the 28th, we do have a rate on a sentence.

That's all that lines up.

But Rose suggests an active interview, and if you're going to give mellows of freedom to the couple, you may want some people to come in to witness that.

Well, I've already told somebody about this.

I don't want to ask other people to go put a white tie

That's what I'd like to do first.

But have her call.

She needs to make the call.

And she needs to call and say, would you like to do that?

And then they can set up the dinner for the people.

They can pay a little house or something and have one of our people like Klein or somebody like that host.

Is that all right, Bob?

For all the people that are, that goes with the idea, they have dinner there early and then come over and come into the entertainment and the presentation and that will create it.

How's that?

Is there a change?

That's very nice.

Do you have to, do we have to raise condescenders?

Well, if they told them what we want and wanted them to do, they're going to do it mentally?

Yes, sir.

They're very enthusiastic about it.

Great.

Fine.

Last question is Mossbacher.

We don't have him on any guest list.

Should he be invited as chief of protocol to any of these family interviews?

Not for the, not, under no circumstances to the, to the judge's.

Yeah.

But, yeah, they can ask.

Oh, it's my name.

You haven't.

You haven't damned everybody else.

Remember just having the executive office, the president, plus Bob May, that's it?

Well, they're happy.

They're happy.

I don't really think so.

He's there so often.

That's the other thing.

I mean, that's something that there's not much reason in it.

I don't know how it is, but what you do for me, like...

Well, it shouldn't be the governor's duty.

It shouldn't be the governor's duty.

Well, it's not the governor's job.

Well, it's the governor's job.

And he's out of the state.

I know he's out of the state.

I don't think it's necessary now.

We started to invite him once before.

It was my fault.

So I thought it was time.

I didn't ask.

I think we could do it.

You didn't invite him before.

I guess there was.

Well, there was one time.

We invited him the last time he came.

But he wasn't invited there.

Well, Bob did.

I don't think he's.

I don't know.

He's going to get out of here.

That's all the people who... You're right.

He's an ambassador.

He doesn't rank even up with her, for example.

Okay.

Anything else?

No.

That's it.

He's on time.

Yeah, he's...

It's built to be some kind of preschool.

No, it wasn't a graduation.

It was just a class.

Yeah, it was a class.

They have the whole school in a public affairs forum, again, National Cathedral.

And I think it was quite a city Q&A to give a speech.

It all went on to one of the teachers.

I picked up, I used it in my opening remarks that he picked up from here.

Talked to the girls' nation about Mrs. Gandy and Mrs. Mayer and Madame de Gaulle and, you know, the importance of women and how they fit in.

And said that the really important thing is the unique opportunity women have as a wife or a mother.

Well, this is the girls' school.

Yeah, it's the girls' school.

I went through all that.

Well, some teacher happened to go through the thing, the Q&A, and challenged me on that.

She said, why do women have to be different than men?

Why, as we are preparing girls, can we prepare them for a great career?

She said, that's exactly the point.

I was making a look at Mrs. Mayer and Mrs. Gandy.

And then I went on on that.

I think it's a good thing you're doing to prepare them and all that.

I said, and all the girls appeared in black when she asked the question.

So, I prefer to have a rigger.

And the guy in his hands said that it would just be tragic if the teacher at a school were to make a girl feel that there was anything wrong with an ambition that she might have to be a wife or a mother, rather than to go out and compete in the business world with other women, and all that.

And apparently,

A couple of them started to get a lot and then saw the others weren't going to, so they didn't.

So it just, there wasn't any.

Well, there wasn't.

Well, it was turned on.

They just got mad at you.

They told them not to learn.

They got into a woman's business.

Have you seen the teachers you got into a woman's business job?

Oh, well.

You've got to play with your own children.

It's funny because the teacher came up after her and said she's the mother of five kids.

herself, and very happily married, but she said it gets frustrating when we're teaching girls because people seem to think they have to choose one or the other, that you can't be a good wife or a good mother and still be a woman outside in the world.

And I said, well, I certainly didn't mean to have thought that.

And then I talked about Mrs. Van Hoyles, and there's a woman who has been a wonderful mother, and she's

developed two sons who have taken over the business that she built herself.

Rose from poverty, minority background.

Black girl, that's why we haven't done anything for the minorities or the poor people.

I signed her back on food stamps and said, we weren't very proud.

I said, I'm not very proud of them, but it's a fact that if you don't think we've done anything, it has to speak to what we've done.

I'm glad you did it.

You finally did it just to get it out of the way.

I was going to ask you a couple of things.

Well, we spent quite a long time together, a couple of hours the other time.

And then we called Henry and Hay again.

And Mitchell, we set it up and I gave him a report on where we were.

as a result of Henry's memo, or directed, you know, Roger's objection and all that, and why.

And Mitchell hit Henry hard.

He said, you know, what you've done now is we had something started here that we're putting together.

You've now driven us back past ground zero, but we've got to start from behind where we began to begin with.

And I said, well, we've got to pass you that.

But very positive, generally.

A little bit of a black thing to do is, you know, nobody defends me and all this stuff, but...

He's made it.

It's clear that Pegg's pounded in, and he's made the decision, and Gus has got what he has to say.

He says, I realize I have no choice.

He said, and he said quite, and at one point, quite sincerely, emotionally, and not in his Tiger Bay type way, he said, I would very much prefer to resign and get out of here, because I feel that this is, you know, in many ways, this is a counterproductive situation.

But I reviewed the thing, talked it over with Donald and so on, and it's absolutely clear to me that I have to stay through this year.

And I'm going to do so.

I'm going to do so no matter what happens.

So you don't need to plan what you're doing on the basis of trying to calm me down or patch things up.

We kept saying that's not what we were trying to do to begin with, that we were trying to settle the situation.

Let's go to you.

You raised it with Henry.

is that the only way we're going to preclude a meeting between you and Rogers, which we all agree would not be wise, shouldn't put you up there, is for you to send a letter

to Rogers and Kissinger to lay out how you would expect things to be handled.

And I take a stab at making the point that we see that there's problems.

I don't know whether that's a good idea or not.

John?

Yes, it's imperative.

But why not?

Well, originally, what we were going to do was, first of all, we were going to say Rogers has to do this, and then Henry had been instructed to tell Rogers as much as he can.

As I started drafting this, it occurred to me that that's ridiculous.

That isn't your business.

In that sense, your business is what both Henry and Rogers tell you.

And the directive, which I've said here, is because of sensitive nature of relationships and all this stuff.

I must be kept fully informed at all times of any contacts made and any actions taken in regard to matters of China, the Soviet Union, and the Middle East.

Also, I must have the opportunity to review any proposed contacts or actions before they're undertaken with sufficient advance time so that I can provide additional instructions and guidance if necessary.

I am asking, therefore, that each of you, so that it's directed to both of them, so they're treated equally, assume the responsibility of saying that I am so important regarding any such actions or conducts by yourself or any member of your department.

Then, without limiting the general sense of this request, I want to be particularly sure that all meetings on any topic with representatives of the Soviet Union, the PRC, Israel, or the Arab states are cleared in advance of meeting.

I would appreciate an outline of the proposed objective of the meeting and the specific talking points to be covered.

I will, of course, also need a complete memorandum of conversation following the meeting.

Then I said, I'm fully aware that there are some problems involved in carrying out these instructions, and I know they've been discussed at length.

I'm sure, however, that you will both understand the importance during this critical year of making sure we find a way to handle this, and I will appreciate your cooperation.

It opens by referring to the discussions that they had recently with the training panel, and essentially we all have a clear view of the start of the procedure.

I don't know.

I want to talk to John about that.

You've written a very good letter.

Something like that.

Maybe what I could do is to put a little letter.

I mean, I'll soften it in terms of the beginning and the end.

But the substance is very much on track.

And so that's the way it has to be.

We have a very interesting thing where I...

It's just a small country.

It's not an economy.

Do you remember when you wrote it?

Yes.

About, either Bill didn't know what was going on in his department, or he deliberately was allowing his department to screw a policy that I laid down.

Everybody around here knows that I don't want to give value to the hook, that I'm against expropriation, or it's got a lot of darkness in it.

All right.

No, it's not the least.

He did used to be with Company, at least, and I don't think with you on the expropriation deal, on who robs the time.

He argued that very strongly that night on Sequoia.

I don't think he does, I'm not sure.

But nevertheless, that's my view.

That's what it's going to be.

The point that I made is that we have a situation here where

So I got all the colleagues who remembered it to me.

I said, I asked Alex this morning, I said, where is it?

I said, it came Saturday.

He said, it's in the NSCD staff.

I said, get it in, God damn it.

I was going to keep it coming.

You know, that was what they asked me about it.

So they brought it in, not in the document, of course, you know, a pile of all the other things.

So I answered myself.

But Bob, on that point, Bill, or Steve, had no business whether it was the renegotiation of a loan or having the State Department asshole go over to Paris and renegotiate.

But he knows damn well

but this has to be done at the common level would you not agree or not yeah it's a trade-in problem

This is the kind of thing we've got to try and improve.

Work our way around that stuff.

Bob, I just don't think Rogers is going to shape up to do these.

I don't think he'll fix up to his department.

He's not really what it gets down to.

But what I did find out, and that's earlier than I heard you're talking to yourself about it, I said, Bob, I don't think there's a problem with him.

He's just got to do what his department is.

And I said, Henry, but he's not Henry.

But it isn't just Henry.

It's him.

And I thought, he didn't write it.

It runs him to a certain degree.

And it's a self-illusionary that he thinks he's popular.

Well, he thinks he's popular in the press, and he is.

The point is, he doesn't realize he isn't respected.

He's not that popular.

He's no great British hero.

Phenomenal country.

He isn't this much, but he's...

I want to have such matters as that go through planning faster.

And it would mean that that's one place of abrasion that you do not have to have any plan and actually detect what happened.

But now that is typical.

This is a memorandum.

The Secretary of the Trade, let me tell you what he says, to me, with regard to the representation of the United States at a monetary and a consortium meeting in Paris.

And I don't know why I went to NSC.

The person that she had gone to, Peterson, I would have been a side of that.

And it may have.

Peterson's run by the NSC, too.

Or we could keep the NSC out of items that are going to require that the fight stay with the veteran.

And also, you know, we've got a plan to meet with Connie and talk over this whole thing east to east.

he has problems yeah he does and they're legitimate and then there's a under the guidelines you laid down yesterday there's a uh i still think you basically eliminate the point of having that council i think i really put it to the point where you ought to just move everly up that's the guy's time they stand on trade and i don't think he can't do that his uh

The main thing is that I'd like to get Blanding prepared for something far more important than he's doing now.

The best guy in that minority is Conley.

It's not easy to work with him.

If Pete does this, he'll find that he will work superbly with Connolly.

He'll carry out his vision.

Like that business, he says Pete was the guy who studied a matter about resources abroad.

Of course, he's done Pete money and slept happy.

And Pete would handle a matter like this.

But the point is he's got to keep his fingers up.

Of course, the Wall Street bank that's hired him to do it is the money.

He's got to stay out of that because Connolly is...

Hypersensitive about that one.

Absolutely hypersensitive.

He will not have anybody.

He doesn't like Schultz talking about it.

He doesn't like anybody talking about it.

And so that's what he's going to be.

He's not right, of course.

There's got to be other ways people talk about it because it affects the hell out of them.

It affects them on the other hand.

Just like he talks about defense times because they affect his and they do what he should.

You know, if you set it up that way, that's, in a sense, you've delegated it to a presidential office.

I don't want to be here to be sold on that.

I'm going to try to hold on.

But I agreed with Earl to pull off the Peterson thing.

He doesn't have it until next week.

Because Peterson is not going to unsalvage what the hell he wants to make a great big statement about.

He's going to expand the role of the Department of Commerce.

He hasn't done it squarely in that?

No.

Okay.

And I said, forget it.

Forget it.

We've got plenty of time.

We've got this lease out.

It doesn't make any difference at all.

Let's throw a race to the weekend.

Just let it go.

We'll work everything out.

Because it's better to have an understanding of Peterson now than later, and I came early.

I said, I've got to have an understanding where Peterson doesn't make him run and come in here.

That's a round company, a round show.

Well, and a round auction, and a round rushers.

Huh?

And a round early.

Oh, well, there isn't.

There isn't.

Yeah, but he tried to run that whole reorganization.

What, round county and a round early?

I mean, that whole new council on...

in competition or whatever it was.

I don't know why.

He just said it because he's trying to get something done.

I know.

He didn't mean to.

Anyway, we'll have to talk about it.

Did you get into the congressional briefing?

No, I'm not happy to ask you that.

Well, their decision now, their meeting is that they should not have the meeting unless you feel you want to come to it.

But because there's nothing revolutionary, they might kind of wonder what the hell came down.

That's right.

And also, particularly about the good record that I handed down the following week, their thought is to say, oh, no, Clark is going to bring Scott Griffin and Ford and Aaron to the breakfast meeting.

Good.

And then in the afternoon, he's going to give copies to Albert Mansfield and Bob's.

of the, not of your talk, but of the database, yeah, and, you know, we'll go on that basis, which they think is a better procedure by this kind of way.

Answering my other question, because, you know, earlier when I was reading very high, he said one thing, he said he'd never seen the Hill guys

or upbeat, or ready to go fighting, or all mad about McKinley's speech, and about the attack on, well, McKinley's speech was ridiculous.

Well, yeah, he's rough on the long ground, but he's going to have a hell of a problem on that, I think.

Well, sometimes he can get too rough, you know, even if he can be on the water.

Yeah.

That's the thing that made the headlines, though.

You're purposely killing thousands of Asians in order to keep the war going, you know, to keep the two governments up until your election.

Now you're going to knock some of the props out for laundering on that next week, which will be in the movement.

Well, she's basically, I don't know, but we don't know the answer to the answer.

Oh, yeah, but you agree with me, right?

These things go on for us, right?

We've got, I think everybody's coming into this year, I think getting them out of here was good, and they're coming in and you really feel pretty good.

Oh yeah.

I talked to Ray about the, I haven't been able to get out of it, but if I should have been out of it.

No, no, not that day.

I didn't think it was going to be any good anyway.

I said, about next week in Canada, I want to talk to you about the Howard Hughes on the rest of the river, because we just can't get over it.

The problem is not that they have to be able to raise.

Our 62 statement is very nicely done.

I mean, if you just get it out there, you can say we're done.

And it lays it out very, very, you know, says they pledged a lot.

You had to build the gas station for $40,000.

And then it was turned over and it was worth more than $220,000.

One of the business tables, they used the cash for the property to satisfy the loan.

And that says that Mr. Richardson was in no way involved in the operation or ownership of the business, in the arrangements of revulsion or any other part of the transaction.

Well, I was told about that.

It's like Clark Clifford was involved in that.

Now they're saying, no, that's wrong.

It was no lead to Frank Waters.

Well, that's true.

Well, that's why I'm asking.

It says Frank Waters.

That's why I was talking to you.

This 5276, what is he going to do to put that out, or is he not going to put it out?

Oh, I don't know.

CDS is the...

It's not going to make it put in the bank if they're going to do it in 32,000 on the lot.

See, that's the part I feel should...

I'm sorry, you didn't agree yesterday, but I feel you've gotten us straight along the sound spot.

Yeah, well, I do agree with that.

I just didn't want to get another story going on.

I think you're right.

You have to set us up.

Well, I'm not going to see Don.

I want the incident level.

Let me be quite candid about it.

I've done Don, and I've done Eddie for this year.

I did Don when I was out there, and he came down, and done Eddie.

And I just got to understand that we're in a place with a very big space, and I just haven't got time to do the fanning panic.

And John, you perhaps,

it's going to be hard we're just going to say that's going to be just it's going to hurt a lot of relatives and friends but it's like other people in a very different sense i wish that christ finally giving one of those small emissaries he's trying to i think he will

I don't know, but he's juggling those around.

Well, you'd be sure to tell us, you know, it comes into cycle on the 277.

We're trying, because in fairness to her, he's in on her all the time.

He sent something for me for Christmas in a long note, saying he'd been trying for three years to get past my palace guard conceiving without success.

Well, some of the veterans invited him to dinner.

What the hell else does he want?

He's never tried.

He won't call me.

It's just, I mean, I couldn't be happier if he would have kept him out there.

Absolutely.

Right.

What reason have I got to see him?

I agree.

If he'd asked me, I would have kept him out.

But he hasn't.

I can play the bad guy with him, and John can play the good guy, and it works out pretty well.

There's some time.

I had a story that they got a TWA group introduced into it.

Permitted by the ICANN?

No, they don't.

See, they never say that.

No, they don't.

They didn't say it's a beautiful foundation.

Yep.

No, they don't.

Can't tell me.

He just said, hey, look, I don't have any influence, whatever.

I never advised the president of the region that I would pay a fee.

I said, no, God damn thing.

I told Edmund not to either, though.

I don't like it.

Can't do it.

I never touched anything.

I don't think about any GWV routes.

I don't mean it that way.

Did you get the letters by the time?

Oh, yeah, Don.

I'm just going to be honest.

Ernie, was it Don who did it?

Talk about it.

He just did it.

Boy, that poor guy.

Well, at least he's surviving probably.

Trying to make a decent living, I guess he is.

He's a traveler, doesn't he?

I guess so.

You were sorry to tell me.

But I'm right.

I went through the whole issue.

Why did you have a chance to do that?

I'll tell you when she's coming.

It's fine.

How do you make speeches?

Through the Buchanan and, uh, well, speeches are, but I was through with that.

Yeah.

Okay, uh, the Buchanan thing happened, don't they?

And Ray's point was, he said, I think he's absolutely right on the idea of the need for an end.

I have no argument with that at all.

I do think that if you eat up too much too soon, people get sick of it now.

And that you've got to pick your fight at the right time.

He said the State of the Union the way it is now doesn't fight.

It plays against the political mood today and goes the other way.

I think that's the way it ought to be.

I think there's the end of this if you accept the hypothesis completely that it argues for us changing the State of the Union.

And he said, Eric, back to my point, he came back to life.com, that it's better to make the others the self-seeking squabbers now, and make the contrast to the opposition, and then start hitting later.

Not wasted hitting now, but blow the face.

He says he thinks the thesis is partly valid, the common thesis, and partly not.

He said that you don't have lovers, people of love, hate, and fear.

He says it's wrong.

There are.

There may not be as many as you'd like.

You may not feel it as deeply as you'd like, but there are a lot of people with a very strong love, a lot of people with a strong hate, and some with a fear.

But there may be more than any of the others.

That's what we want.

Sure.

So he says a combatant move said now would be bad because you can't name a combatant move for eight months.

So his line is build your credibility now for an attack later.

Our weaknesses now are our credibility and our political image, to the point that you're a political self-seeker, and the general suspicion of government and all.

So he says the time for attack or crisis or battle is later, not now.

And he said, you know, it's just a thought that has occurred to me.

It goes beyond the point a little bit.

I'd like to check you over here.

Gray said this.

It occurred to him.

He said, I want to check the polls to see, because I would bet you that when a president is running for re-election, that he invariably, in the last two weeks of the campaign, does better than the polls two weeks before the election would show that he's going to do.

Because when they get right down to the last stroke, the people rally to the flag and figure, by God, he is the president, and they go day one.

And that's really not germane at the end of the day.

But the attack, he professes at least to believe that the attack thing is right, and right now.

Oh, I went through the 70 analysis thing, and he said, well, he only partly agreed with that.

He said he doesn't agree with the life trajectory.

Well, he said he doesn't agree that we were getting it.

a positive play, basically, out of the campaign.

He said the media were pushing at that time.

And I said, well, we held up.

He was kind of surprised to hear that.

And I also made the point that we went down in December after they'd kicked us around on the campaign.

And then we went back up in January, which we did.

that the state of the union put before us, before the state of the union went up, and after the state of the union went down again, because by then we were in Lawton's office, and Lawton's came in, and that obliterated everything else.

And Lawton's kicked us back down to 50, and we've been there ever since.

But now that Yao's coming out today,

Public moving in Nixon's favor in the start of 72 presidential years.

It's a headland and a long, solid copy story that has no facts to support it.

I mean, that's their thesis, and they back it up.

It's the political score at the beginning of 72.

Nixon has greater personal appeal than any of his leading Democratic rivals, or the Democratic Party has a strong American voice.

But the Donald doesn't have any.

except that 49 at the end of, well, that was the middle of December, wasn't it?

That was before we got our ban.

But also, we've got to remember, though, that we, you know, December wasn't as bad a month as we think.

You want to remember, we had a mania in December.

It was pretty good.

We had a mania in December.

We had the one on the... We had the day in the life of the present.

Christmas.

We had all the good Christmases.

We had the woman in Florida.

The suns.

We had the suns.

We have the monetary agreement.

And what do we have back?

Well, we have India-Pakistan and the bomb.

The bombing came at the wrong time.

Unfortunately, we couldn't break it down.

But I think Harris was honest on it.

We worked on it.

He was insightful during the bombing.

We were down with it.

But we weren't banning Harris about 49-47.

It was pretty goddamn good of Harris.

What's interesting, he says, he says that in terms of personal appeal, that's the term that's on the scale on the scale is on a major degree.

And he says, in addition to President and top of the Gallup poll, the annual most admired man list for the third straight year, third better than any of his challengers or potential challengers.

Nixon's popularity during 71 hovered close to the 50% approval mark for the entire year, which his December score being 49%.

Nixon thus has been successful in avoiding the general downtrend in rating, which normally occurs during a president's term in office.

And that's the way he's flying.

What he's saying is you didn't go down, rather than you didn't go up.

Then he goes into the party term, and of course that's a great choice.

That's not a bad thing.

And the issues in mind with the voters, the GOP trails the Democratic Party like 10 points if the party voters think it's negative.

If you ask the party right now, the question doesn't mean nothing.

In fact, this is really the thing next to the thing.

So, of course, if all you hear is that's the better question.

But also, even the party matters.

Since August, just since August, which would be the economic offensive in August, it was an 18, a 17,

December on which party would do the best.

So when does it come out today?

I'm sorry about that.

I didn't see it in the post.

You won't see it anywhere two weeks ago.

And it doesn't have any facts in it.

I mean, it's just sort of an analytical piece.

And I can suggest another thing.

I know you've been busy.

I think it follows like Colin and Rogers and the rest of the guys.

Like for example, could I suggest that here I get a lot of state codes.

That Florida one is enormously interesting.

I give that to a few of our political people.

You have a choice.

That's just taking for ourselves.

Yeah, we don't put a lot of anything else.

We have each other.

I can't think of anything about it.

My point is, though, I mean the trial heat.

You have a time to take it out.

Sure.

And say, in a trial heat in Florida, Nixon comes out this way, this way against Muskie.

Could you do a little of that?

And let's sort it out.

Let's use these polls.

All right.

We won't use Wisconsin, but we will use Florida, see?

Don't use New Hampshire.

But I would start, I want you to have a conservative campaign here.

They don't want to get on too big, but the Tri-Bees are good.

We don't want the Tri-Bees.

We don't care if they report out because they're going to be running very closely.

We don't want to get the Nixon.

We don't want to get the Republican figures out because we don't want them on a roll.

I don't care about the Republican figures.

That's not my point.

I got the script from that monitor thing, and it's astonishing.

This is their survey, which is, you know, they always do where they have their writers in each state do the analysis of that state.

And they come up with you losing New York, losing Pennsylvania.

I don't know why.

No.

Losing Michigan, of course, and West Virginia and Minnesota.

You know, there's some, like, big citizens who think you should write off Michigan.

They say they put in doubt Washington, Indiana, and Ohio.

They don't give those to you.

They put it in doubt, and then they give you all the rest of the country.

How do they do it in California?

They do it.

They give you this against Muskie, they give you Illinois and California.

Or they don't give, they have Louisiana in doubt.

They give you all the rest of the South.

We're with Louisiana.

They have Louisiana in mind.

But what they show them is a shift where Washington, which you lost, they say now is in doubt, which you lost last time.

Texas, which you lost, they now say you have.

Wisconsin, which you have had, they now say is in doubt.

Yeah.

They give you the South, which Wallace got.

They give you the whole of the South.

They give you America, which you lost.

They take away New Jersey, which you won.

And they don't give you Connecticut, Massachusetts.

I say that you probably can win New Jersey.

And you can probably win Pennsylvania.

And you'll very likely lose California.

That's the problem.

California has a tough day due to the unemployment.

Take it to California, no matter who you run against.

What I'm doing, on what goddamn basis, there's nothing to do with it.

Because my home state doesn't need money.

The old department doesn't have their political right here in the state.

Conversations with voters, politicians, observers, and stakeholders.

And that's a narrow...

Do you agree, and I ask a couple of times, do you agree with a comedy on a small dinner deal?

That was the one thing I thought he was a girl.

It didn't make any sense.

I don't agree with the topics you put in.

You said, you asked the question, how do you go about it?

How do you go about it?

Do I want to get Jake Hammond in for a small general?

I don't think that's what the crowd's doing.

How do you get the money?

What good are these guys going to do us?

That's my question.

What good are they going to do us?

And where are they going to go?

Eisenhower.

Well, we have to remember this.

Eisenhower had a lot of friends.

And I have a review.

It's true.

It is true.

Because Eisenhower used to see people, he used to have these goddamn manners.

He used to gas these matches.

I haven't told him.

So he shouldn't do it.

But is that a big use of my time?

Well, you say Eisenhower had a lot of fans.

I wonder.

He did have a lot of people at those times.

A lot of people sort of thought about him.

But they did before they came because they were shit.

I mean, Eisenhower was a...

disagrees with the 17th campaign, but mainly because he just said we're going to jam.

Al Kapp wrote a very interesting note, or months ago I had a conversation with Coles Miller.

Well, even though he saw me when he came down hundreds of times, this is the worst problem.

He says, no, I related to Crip.

He says, I agree he never related to you.

a sudden, during a sudden campaign, and I really think you were fighting, you were, you were, I could feel you, you were out there.

And what I'm getting at is that the fight that we mentioned, you said, what are presidents remarried for?

T.R.

remarried for his vice, and Roosevelt remarried for his vice, even though he lost it.

And Roosevelt, all of a sudden, remarried for his.

And Truman's remarried for his.

Kennedy and Johnson, it doesn't matter.

My whole point is that have we really failed?

I'm wondering about our own Dick Moore.

And, you know, Colson and all the, you know, all this crap on cholera and warmth and so forth.

It's a big business.

Jesus Christ, who is making our home go to other people when they're sick or dying or...

There's a lot of people who have had the Indian kid crawl on the rug.

You see the two of them on it and so forth and so on.

You've got nothing on that at all.

I just wonder.

See, that's what Ray argues in economy.

I think Ray's basically right.

He says there is a lot of emotional reaction.

There may not be as much as you want, but there is a lot.

Yeah.

And yeah, according to my doctor, we fought in the meeting then.

Didn't affect the Coles.

Didn't make them.

They might have gone down.

See, that's why you never know.

You never know where you would have been if you hadn't done what you did.

Well, the question there, too, is that was a short-term fight.

Oh, but none of the fights you're talking about are remembered.

Yeah, I still remember the job.

But you go back to the classic fights that you're talking about.

Those children fought the Congress for a year.

Roosevelt fought the best in interest for them.

Then if you've got a hold of him, I hope you do, is Lennox still going to be among us?

Could he do well as a conservative?

I think he has.

I wish he was.

The next one, they want to get the color pictures.

So while Ray comes up with this, yes, but not now.

He can't come up with all the talk about it.

Not necessarily.

He's not pushing for it now.

He's trying to find out, looking for it right now.

Well, we have a lot of things.

I must say, I wonder whether any of us need anything.

What was most interesting to me, and apparently Schultz has actually probably seen something, a letter wrote to me, wrote a press conference or something, I don't remember.

But it's interesting to know that Connelly is not for that.

I think they don't watch.

He may be right.

He may be absolutely right.

He said they should do one of them.

Yeah, I know.

But it didn't help in the context he was talking about.

That's not the way you make people feel and know you.

Yeah.

I think he's got a fascinating point that is valid on the question that

The professional president isn't enough.

Isn't enough, or at least not enough to count on.

That's right.

In a time when the people generally are against the Indians.

That's right.

In executive positions.

I think he's absolutely right.

He raided the people.

He raided them.

That's right.

That's what he said.

He didn't really speak to Congress.

See, Ray is a decent man, responding to decent purchase.

And people many times respond to their lowest emotions rather than most decent purchase.

Right?

That's for sure.

Especially here.

Here.

They've been adjusting for immediate action on Rogers.

Well, what they want to do is extend the invitation for the state visit to .

After your trip to Moscow, which is what we said we'd do.

Sure.

They want you to approve the text.

We've already approved that.

We wanted you to approve a text and a message.

Be delivered by Ambassador 2 at your area if you want to see it.

He knows that.

He's got a couple others like that.

There's a question in your guidance on the Turkish thing.

You wrote a note on some paper saying after China would be okay, and that's the day before China for inviting Iran.

Yeah.

He's in Iran.

I think he's out.

Oh, is it?

I don't know.

Well, anyway, you just better check it out.

But you had originally said you wanted to do it after Moscow.

And the question really is whether you care.

I just assume get it done after China, after China and there.

We've got to do something in that trip.

I don't want a lot of stuff piled up after Moscow, OK?

And the other thing is, on the trip to Iran, where we just any time it's shot, it's not pushed very hard.

or are you doing it on the way back from Moscow?

No.

And any state, I guess, are both making a point that there's some merit to that, and that a visit to Iran alone would raise the question of a visit to Saudi Arabia, and that building a separate trip around Iran would be a problem that might be desirable to do it on the way back from Moscow.

I don't mind.

So that it is a part of another trip, and you don't have to do anything going to Iraq.

Okay.

You know, Bob, did, were you in control of the Congress' focus on that, on that band of children along that route?

Yes.

And we, because he wasn't covered with a debt he read from that document.

That document heard our ambassador apologizing because of his Christmas holidays.

Or not.

Or even worse, that it was lucky they had gotten the request, he had gotten the request approved before some other action would take, because they wouldn't, they wouldn't, it's got to be stated, the reason that I, so I don't want to get into any reasons, but I'm not going to do this.

Because it would give him a real blessing, which he had brought to him, because he knows how I feel about children, you know.

Rock should not have let this happen.

So I just done it on my own.

I think the idea of an older Rock is just well taken.

I'll say that I, what I would have bothered her is something to the effect that I am, if you could have a typed office and everything, I'll say that I am.

I am very much aware of the problems that arise, and I am, as much as anything else perhaps, aware that their personalities have evolved and so forth.

This year, however, I'll write a personal item.

This year, I feel that what is most important now in terms of the election is the success of the foreign policy achievements, which will live on after we

And foreign policy, actually, a little long after the meeting, it will be difficult enough for us with a title that we will be walking through, at least to succeed.

But we're going to do better if there's a chance.

did not work together, but we will share today on these circumstances.

And I feel that it is imperative that I inform, and all of us,

All activities are being undertaken.

I do not, I do not, I cannot, do not want to become involved in matters that are important, but that are not of overriding importance.

But in the case of the Moscow summit, the Chinese summit, and at least the truly major problem areas, I can be totally, completely informed.

Under these circumstances, I'd like to ask Bob Baldwin for some procedure whereby, which I appreciate, and I appreciate your cooperation under this procedure, I want to see.

I want to see, don't put it there.

all messages that I want to be informed for any of you who have seen anybody, and I want to see the results of your conversations, and I want to, and I want to see, you say with me?

Yeah.

On any of these areas.

By the same, and on my part, I will keep each of you, both of you informed of whatever activities I can undertake independently, which of course,

will be none of which I have anticipated this time.

I hope that the necessary... We only gain this time.

Our failure to work together will be our enemies at home and abroad.

At home as well as abroad.

I hope that in these months ahead we can all supplement our supporting our personal considerations for

The reason that I put in the Bob Haldeman name is that that gives you the talking point with Bill Roberts.

He was saying, oh, here it goes.

Rather than be aware of the fact that

and swear again.

If you want to send something to him, if you want to go to somebody else, you send it.

And you'll get it to me.

And for the same token that you will guarantee that if he ever feels that something isn't getting to me, I'll let you know.

And for the same token that you'll take responsibility for anything that happens here, you'll get it to him.

Now with Henry, why don't you just...

I don't know.

Maybe not.

I guess you said it.

What about that?

You know, it wasn't as bad as I thought it was going to be.

It wasn't.

And it was clear, he sent this memo.

to show Bill's face.

There's no question.

After we had gone through this, I couldn't resist it.

So if you were sitting in front of my seat, why didn't you send that memo to Bill?

Second comment, please.

Can I get a hand of applause for saying that?

We could get a sentence put together.

People started laughing.

Yeah.

Well, I hope that got all heard.

Well, he deserves it.

Why don't you take that cheap over to the O.D.M.O.

and work for the rest of the hour.

Yes, sir.

I'll tell you this, I sure haven't got my heart in it.

Hello.

John, just to determine if you can handle the articles of guidance, could it, with regard to that subject thing, I find that the message goes out Monday rather than Tuesday.

So the Sunday paper is the right thing to be on the lead, however, or the way I think it should be handled rather than giving away the story is to build it up by you in your own way and with the extent that you don't want to have articles.

just simply say that strong consideration is being given to, is recommended by,

You see what I mean?

And then, because what I, then when I, the way I'm trying to do it is when I sign the budget message, then I will state it.

So that gives us two bites of the apple, if you'd not agree.

And then, so if you and he could both say that, recommend that I, then you could give all the backgrounds, provide you with a good idea of what the problems are and so forth.

And the president is considering it.

We'll make a decision on it and announce it tomorrow.

That's the budget message then.

Go ahead, you tell him, I will call him.

All right, thank you.

You were saying that there was no traffic in the crash?

Well, it was easy.

There was no place to do that.

There was no skills, no strength, there was no stress.

I see Bill always say he's a contact, too, doesn't he?

Yes.

They both do.

They both are just sensitives.

Well, that's why you just can't take anything from either of them at face value when it relates to the other.

You've got the comedy, of course, as well, again, where he's a contact, too.

Yes.

Just every time you see somebody trying to cut his authority, he's fighting things all the time.

So the thing about Tom there is that usually I want his son.

That's right.

I already have.

Well, who in the other way do you send your son?

We all have a picture of him.

He knows what I want.

You know, the children thing.

I wonder if there's something there or what the hell they're trying to do.

You see, now this is something I

Good, Karen.

Do you?

I mean, I'd say fine.

The president just said, no sir, we're not going to group the goddamn on the joint.

Do you think people want to loan out any money?

Well, do you think people think Kissinger orders it, that it took the price and doesn't get blamed for it anymore?

There is a point.

You see, if you bought a bomb, two-thirds of Henry's arguments about it is his left needle, so he'll keep you out of it.

He can't keep you out of it.

He can't keep me out of it because they know damn well.

But look, he's not responsible for everybody in this shop.

You realize that?

Absolutely.

Everybody in the shop, every townhouse, everybody.

Everybody can go out and say, well, I did that on my own.

No, I blame for it.

Unless you fire the guy for doing it.

I don't know.

Well, after going through all this, are you going to let me say this?

I feel that on the color side, that Buchanan has one point, I think.

Now, I don't want to derail the justice, because he's an honest man.

But you realize that very honest people do disagree very, very strongly as to what the hell campaign tactics should be about.

Because nobody knows.

And nobody knows.

But I do know this, that I think we better now all find out at some point, not the polls, not where we stand.

I really believe I can.

The funny thing is that I agree with Colin totally.

Those polls can shift dramatically before the election.

depending upon the convention, they have a fight, depending upon the events in between.

A lot of other things, you know, the Democrats, for example, have started to eat on this goddamn earth.

I mean, this speech by Kennedy was pretty rotten, you know.

And you juried yourself to think the Hughes thing might be a put-out job by the Kennedy client.

You realize that maybe it was the client, maybe they were just there trying to resurrect the Hughes thing.

It could be a little...

It could be a little rotten, but every time you got it right, you have to quit it.

Sure, sure.

I don't think it's boring.

I don't think they get any more than that.

No, no.

I don't think they really did it before, but they did create something.

We did the 60-year closing promise.

It was paying, and the 60-year effective result.

But I don't think the 62 would be a hell of a lot of difference.

No, but 62, there was all that crap.

We had teachers blown out of your house.

Yeah.

All the stuff.

We had the tonic.

How much did my ass cost?

We were under attack every goddamn minute.

You know, I think this kind of a thing.

And also, you know, I think people are so used to writers acting like goddamn fools.

Roosevelt's sons, my poor damn dumb brother.

Johnson's brother was infinitely worse.

Johnson was worse.

Some of Kennedy's brothers behaved.

I can predict what Don next month will come in and see.

We're about to sue.

We ought to go and sue some of them.

You may be a smart one here to do that.

Oh, boy, what a stand.

I'll just be pathetic.

I know.

He loses temper.

He's trying to get crafty, but he won't have it.

He's keeping on the line of fire.

It serves my business, he says.

Which it will.

John's gonna have a hell of a time this time.

He just gotta hold his hand and say, look, you're...

He mustn't put it on the basis that you're gonna hurt the president so much, so he's gonna say, Don, you can't do that.

Yeah.

Hurt yourself?

Yes, sir.

You've gotta do that.

If he says he's gonna hurt the president, and Don doesn't hurt him yet, in fact, he said, Don, I'm just gonna call you a lawyer and take this case and I'm gonna do it.

Stay out of it.

They just use you.

But do you think... How long can they make that approach?

Very old.

I think it's, I think it's floated.

I think it's floated in the summer.

God, as I tell you, whatever's gone down, how vicious they can get though with this business of John Compton, he stole this great oil in 1948.

Christ, he bought, he was for Canada, he was for Compton.

You know, the story didn't even carry that.

He supported, I'm afraid, one story did.

He said he switched down Korea to the end.

He was a Democrat.

A good Democrat, you know what I mean?

He looked very old then, didn't he?

You know, I haven't predicted it.

But he was strong.

He fought on.

That's right.

He never was for us.

He went over to the Astrodome and sat on the stage with the party money.

He came out and voted for the shit.

I'll tell you, you've got to carry the statement, don't you?

And if he had not gone over the Astrodome that day, I still remember all the shows.

All the shows in Texas.

All the shows were in Texas.

The wheels were $60,000.

And they went over that one, which was the number of people who were in the Astrodome.

And he thought he was on the boat.

With the television coverage, a switch of $30,000 is easy.

John Conley, highly respected, the most popular man in Texas to be in there.

Now that hit him.

Made all the difference in the world.

because I'd patched up the Chicago Convention today.

And when it was rough at that Chicago Convention, you know, I was really surprised by the opportunity to see that we were doing by that bull so well before.

Oh, I could have gone to that thing before.

You realize that they said, go over there for vacation.

That's not bad.

Just go up there for vacation.

It gives you an idea.

And obviously, don't want to leave it.

I'm not so sure that you don't have that idea.

I gave you that vacation with your home, so it wasn't bad.

And that's wonderful.

Promotion and stuff in California, I would just play that hell out, just in California.

Because I think the idea of the convention, I mean, we just want that convention in California.

California, here I come, and all that.

And the, uh, we, uh, and having a big thing up at the house, I think, is good.

You know what I mean?

Having a big show.

And, uh, maybe it's too languish.

Maybe it isn't.

I mean, you won't get a lot of the committee give out.

The committee doesn't, I don't know if they're having a committee doing something like that.

I'm not so sure either.

Maybe it isn't.

But I, uh, maybe it's better to just go there

and receive people there for a while.

You realize that what we are talking about here, Bob, changes the views regarding your suggestion of a two to three week campaign.

Because Congress ended up starting fighting in the past, about June.

That's not an issue, that isn't a campaign.

Remember, he keeps making the point that you don't have to do things.

Well, not only to me, but Buchanan's prescriptions.

I'm a great respecter of Buchanan's prescriptions, but his prescriptions, you know, he is, I know, totally aware of it.

I object to it.

Answer after answer.

When she did that, she had to stick to me.

Oh, did you notice that?

Yeah.

God is not asking me to do that.

In fact, he very specifically said, no, you shouldn't.

Not that right party.

Or even the Democratic proponents now.

Remember, he said, if you did anything before the convention, it ought to be against the Republicans, which doesn't make much sense either.

No, he's wrong about that.

Why do I like that?

Like, what?

You're not in the place to do that.

You're not in the place to do that at all.

Well, if you're so good at all, so far ahead of me, you've got to just stay there.

Get down in the... What was the third?

You've got to...

And I'm not sure, I mean, I'm not arguing the other side of it.

I'm not sure that I see a green total as far as I can see.

If we tend to...

of not getting big political, trying to work for the best interests of the country, isn't pretty damn good for a hell of a lot of people.

Particularly if I'm working for peace, you know.

Context, you know, it's a horrible thing.

I know the China Moscow, but I might get through talking about it.

They all know the best reason.

But the world's a little safer.

Well, if you can follow the enemy theory, your enemy can be the threat of water.

That's right.

And international instability.

The other enemy theory on the child's couch, earlier than Chalcedon today, may be the Congress.

And that Congress acts like a bunch of damn fools.

That is the past tense.

We'll call it.

But if it's as low in the polls as we think,

We just might just take the Congress on.

And then you've got to do it non-partisan.

You don't take on the Democratic Congress.

You just take on the Congress.

Take on its failure as an institution, as a legislative body, and blow it.

That works to our advantage, because if it didn't turn over, that's to us and our failures.

I'm not selling a cent.

We've got more than they get.

Guess you can't get rid of Pella, though, can you?

Oh, Chiggy's Pella.

Or his daughter, right?

I think he is.

Chiggy's, you know.

Chiggy's leading to the one.

Oh, Chiggy's is my man.

I mean, I thought he was going to be my teller.

But he's an honor.

He is my son.

He's my honor.

Schweizer.

Yeah.

Or I mean, not Schweizer.

He is.

He's not.

You know, let's keep nursing Scott.

Every time you think of him, call Scott and thank him.

He loves him.

He lives a life of love.

And he got me.

He only does what he needs to love.

I do it all the time for him.

He's got a few people.

Scott is good.

Oh, boy, he's smart.

The way you'll put her up, Scott, is if you ship them off to China.

We'll try.

What we really have to do is to attack these, the likes of, I think the whole line that we spent today is to attack the Kennedys and the rest for blabbing, for vicious, vicious, libelous partisanship.

Vicious, you know.

And use tough words.

live, partisan, unfair, dirty politics, gutter politics, put in a party version of the country's second.

It's kind of weird.

I was curious to see if Gallop would put that kind of thing out at some point.

But I don't know.

I think he may be warming up for a shift now.

I mean, you know, this stuff may have shifted this time.

I don't think there's going to be a shift.

I think more of it's a question of research.

It's more of a question of research.

But I think it's hard.

You know, he's in that hole.

But I think that, well, I don't think all the lies about that matter.