Conversation 653-008

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45 minutes.

How are you?

Nice to see you again.

Mr. Rivera, I don't know who this is, but he was identified as the favorite part of that, where you're supposed to be.

President, are you okay?

Well, I'm not supposed to be.

Well, I would be interested to know that we had met, as a matter of fact, the Secretary back in 1966, when you were in the office.

Isn't that something else?

Fifteen years ago.

Thank you.

Oh, my God.

She did very well.

All right.

Working here?

Yes, here.

That's not here.

For the Times?

Yes.

What's his name?

John Stanton.

He used to be at Los Angeles Times.

Has he still?

Yes, he has.

He's married to a Asian girl, I recall, or a European or something.

Not European, but...

Well, uh, Secretary Campbell, uh, you have a few problems, I understand, but they come to your attention, so we just need all of you to take care of it.

We want to be of assistance.

Uh, we, we, like Candidates, the, in our class, are supposed to, and Secretaries, President Girardi has told you we, uh, we have, uh, we have some problems.

From a political standpoint, in the United States, U.S. support to us isn't just the U.N.

It's the whole attitude toward foreign involvement, AIDS, so forth and so on.

And, again, we're trying to be as helpful and cooperative with the U.N. as we can be, particularly in those areas.

publicized areas where the U.N. does such an outstanding job, non-so-called peacekeeping areas, which we feel that they're our effort to indeed serve and truly justify, as well as the peacekeeping area, which of course gets the promotion.

What problems do you have?

I would like the rest of it.

Yes, sir.

Just take a look.

He's done a very good job.

Getting off to a good start on the financial aspect of it.

He's cut back a good deal already.

I hope it's very good.

The secretary's got a lot of pictures.

No, I don't think so.

I think that's a good idea, sir.

No, it's fine.

It's fine.

Mr. President, I first of all I wish to thank you very much for giving me a chance to talk to you so soon.

I was thinking over this this morning.

I appreciate it very much.

I think this is, in my opinion, one of the most important questions

I have to, sorry, because I know that the image of our organization is very much down because of a number of things, but I think that we could do a lot about it, and for this I think it will help.

Of course, I know that some of the newspapers are told that I'm not ready to do anything about the United Nations that I shall let it go as they are.

But I can't agree with it.

I never did it in my whole career.

And I'm absolutely determined to do something about it.

And I think what we have to do is to restore confidence

the development in the United Nations, and especially in this country, I'm reading newsletters where the comments are not very encouraging, and it is not only here, it is in my country, for instance, where the comments are negative, people say, especially in connection with the events on the subcontinent, etc.,

I think in the question of China, the government was criticized that they did not inform the public earlier about our attitudes, etc.

So I just want to mention that we are fully aware of the bad shape we are in right now.

But I think there is no alternative.

I'm deeply convinced, Mr. President, that we should not give up this administration because there is no alternative and I think we will need it in the future because we will be confronted with many, many crises in the future.

And may I add one thing?

I think the danger existing now in the UN is that because of the decrease in interest of the United States in the United Nations, we can lead a war in the United Nations.

And this war will be produced either by the Chinese or by the Russians.

I think other big powers will profit of this situation if we are not doing something about it.

And I think it is only one of the reasons why I think it would be most important to reestablish, to restore the confidence of the American public in the United Nations.

And what I have in mind is to start with the administrative financial problems in order

in order to stop it, but with the governments, the member states, that we are really ready to do something to keep our house in order, and then with this restored confidence so that people say, well, finally they do something about themselves, that it will take more to cooperate with us in the political field also.

This doesn't mean that I keep aside the political progress on the computer, but this is the main task of the United Nations.

But what I mean is that by doing a good job in our own house, that the party will then get to gain more confidence in us and will be more, especially the governments of the member states, to call for at least the United Nations.

But this is the situation that I see that may I ask that I personally deeply appreciate

Your main line of foreign policy, the fact that you opened the door to a worldwide cooperation, I only mentioned the China, your China policy, and a number of other things.

I may also add that, for instance, in the question of the war on the subcontinent,

You saw that you had supported by 103 other countries.

So the decision was right.

Well, yes, at least in the end, while it was not a direct reaction to the UN, the UN, I think, did play a salutary role there because in the end, the war ended.

Before West Pakistan was severed,

Thank you very much.

I'm glad that you see it in this way, Mr. President.

I said once, a few days ago in an interview, I prefer to see the big power striking on the door of the UN Security Council than in the field.

And I think one should not underestimate these debates in the Security Council.

They have a certain behavior, too.

They are not very encouraging, but still, I mean, that could be a positive consequence.

With regard to the financial field, you know how difficult our position is, and I do want to go into detail, but perhaps we worked out now a short-range plan to cover most persons' needs.

But here the United States could help us in two respects.

One is to pay the regular contributions when they are due.

This is usually in the first half of the year, February, March.

and not in the second half, we will have a $23 million deficit in June.

By then in July, if your contribution comes in, then the situation is much easier.

So if it is possible,

to pay earlier, it would help us enormously.

But if this is not possible because of your internal situation, then you would then pay not in two or three installments during the second half of the year, but altogether, since you arrived, it would then help us for the rest of the year.

This is one aspect, the immediate need.

The other aspect is, of course, the question of the old debts, the peacekeeping debts.

And here, of course, I know that the question has been served in the first place by those countries who did not pay like the Russians and the French.

I hope that they will finally understand and pay something ahead here in contact with them.

And the Russians gave the impression that they are ready to pay, not the full amount, of course, this is quite clear, but at any rate to make a contribution on a voluntary basis, because we have to separate the political aspect from the purely financial aspect.

But then perhaps you find the possibility, and I'm addressing this as opposed to other countries in this respect, if the Russians and those who have to pay, pay something that the other countries are then perhaps matching in one way or the other contributions of this kind and help us to solve this problem.

Because in fact $6500 is not something extraordinary for such a big organization.

So I hope we can settle this matter through the Committee of 15, which was newly established by the National Assembly, and through my direct personal contact with the governments concerned.

But Mr. President, these are the most important things.

Of course, you can be assured that I am also very much interested in streamlining the Secretariat.

This is very important, because the morale of the

People in the second area has gone down also.

Yes, yes, I reported here something had to be done.

I instructed already the whole heads of the department to do something with respect to the freeze of the goodness for half India now.

Then a 15% cut in expenses so that we save $6 million for this year in the budget that includes

So we started already to do something in this respect, and I'm hopeful that we will be able to overcome this purely financial administrative problem in order to can then more concentrate on the political questions.

And here, of course, I hope that the United Nations can play, again, a more important role, especially peacekeeping

Take, for instance, now the subcontinent, Mr. President.

I think here your country can do more through channeling your help through the UN.

Because the political situation – I had talks with McNamara and Schweitzer last week.

And they have the problem that they say, as long as Pooja Desh is not recognized, it will be very difficult to do something.

So here, the United Nations are in a difficult situation, but we haven't done a lot in this respect in the humanitarian and relief field.

But we want to concentrate now more on the rehabilitation and the construction sector.

And here, of course, we need your help, Mr. President.

You have a great opportunity for this great undertaking.

We have, let me say first, in terms of our attitude toward the United Nations, we, needless to say, the United States has indicated its support of the United Nations.

In fact, we are its biggest contributor, but we are well missed.

But also, we've shown our support by our cooperation in many other ways, and we have seldom missed a veto.

We have tried to work through the United Nations, and we should continue to.

The second thing I think we have to bear in mind is that despite the problems that we have,

of public opinion.

And I would be less than candid if I were not to say public opinion runs along with frustration, disillusion, and disenchantment about the UN.

Due to the fact that, due to no fault of the UN in a way, that too many people when the UN was formed, since it was formed, believe that the UN would be the instrument which

could solve differences between great powers.

It could never do that.

As you say, it can bend them now and then.

But where the great powers are concerned, more often than not, they are going to consult their interests.

And if it serves their interests, they will let the UN

play a role, if it doesn't play a role.

On the other hand, who is to say how many times the UN has acted in areas that might have eventually, without their intent, involved the great powers, acted to prevent the confrontations.

See, the difficulty is, of course,

And this is something that everybody should say when he talks about the U.N.

The U.N.'s failures are always highly publicized.

Its successes itself get much publicity because the failure ends in a war and a success ends in peace or avoiding a war.

And avoiding a war is never too much of a story.

It's catalogous to make that speech quite often.

He says, look, he goes through a whole litany of 12, 15 things that if we did not have the U.N., we might have had trouble.

Now, all over the world today, these superpowers rub against each other.

Some places, they rub very, very close, and not to ignite something.

The Mideast is the case at this point.

That's an area where, as you know, we work very closely with the U.N., recognizing that the U.N. has limitations there.

In other areas of the world, like Africa, the rubbing is not quite as...

It's electric, and you can get away with it without just a little rhetoric and not all the rest, without anything beyond that.

On the other hand, I think that if you come into the Secretary-General ship at a time when, and this is always the case, the decisions of this are very great, frankly,

uh challenge and difficulty and of course the other side of the coin is always enormous opportunity on the terms of the challenge and difficulty and let me say you will have support of the united states

know that every administration here will support the UN.

I mean, we will consider the financial things when we try to work through the UN.

We pray for the organization.

I mean, those of us in positions of responsibility, the Secretary of State and I, and of course our ambassador to me, we have problems, and we catch the devil from our congressional friends.

And they'll make some pretty rough speeches, but the UN has important.

Second point.

Wherever you're coming in at a time when the PRC is in, on the one hand, that expands into a world organization.

On the other hand, it brings out a great divisiveness in the UN, because the PRC and the Soviet Union are going to be at each other, and they're going to have at each other in the UN, and they are going to cause you far more problems than we do.

We recognize, too, as we stated, that your position must be one of strict controlling among the great powers and between the great powers of the two world leaders involved.

And we understand that you've got to walk that tightrope between the PRC and the Soviet, between the United States and the others that we should be involved.

We are in a rather curious position at the present time.

where our relations with the Soviet are better than PRC's, and our relations with the PRC are better than the Soviet's.

Who would ever have thought that was possible?

That, of course, comes full circle.

Maybe there's more of an opportunity here in the U.N. than you realize.

Maybe there's a need for a broker, which is really what you are.

Now, speaking of the dangers, in other words, the dangers due to the fact that the ERC is in, and that's going to have a lot of rank with the Dayton, and the Hellreys, and the rest.

The lessening of procedures is also an opportunity.

We've all had a great deal of respect and affection for the futon of the former secretary general.

Toward the end, as would always be the case, Brian had been in a position that long when he was sitting together.

Beyond his control, the events controlled him rather than his staying to control the events.

And he left at the right time.

I mean, the right time.

And he was wise to see that and how he would come in.

If I were in your position, I would remember that your first year, your first two years will make a break.

I mean, they're looking for strong leadership there.

They're looking for a different kind of leadership than the former secretary-channels they would provide.

If you simply are sort of a caretaker, trying to avoid trouble and the rest, you'll go right around the tube.

But if, on the other hand, you have already demonstrated through your actions that

that there's a new rule, and you're trying to have the U.N., you're strengthening it, and strengthening it in the United States, and strengthening it in support around the world.

And this has become a very salutary effect.

I think, for example, that you're speaking and recognizing that you naturally are not what you have to speak in a way that even you, Tom, used to speak on occasion around this country.

I think you're speaking on occasion.

quite helpful.

I think your speaking, as you have, I think, from time to time on television can be quite helpful.

If people could see

I mean, it's going to be tough.

You've got to be very, very skillful, which you obviously are.

You've got to be able to follow that track so that you don't have the Russians or the Chinese that are criticizing you.

We'll try to keep our mouth shut.

And, of course, they'll get you in the middle of the road.

There are minefields all over the world.

But at the present time, we don't want to make your job any harder.

We do have a domestic political situation and view these things.

We'll try to help on the financing.

The Secretary has agreed with me on this, and we're looking to see whether we can make that payment in July.

I don't think we could start earlier because of a fiscal problem.

But as far as the money is concerned, we're committed to the money.

You get the money, and you'll help in other ways.

I think that, however, it would make our job a little...

It wasn't easier than the very leadership that you're observing.

The fact that people will say, well, we've got a new man in here, and he's absolutely fair to everybody concerned.

We don't want you to, you cannot be pro-American.

If you're pro-American, the rest of the world will kill you.

On the other hand, there were times, quite candidly, that the former Secretary General, without intending to, got himself into the position of being anti-American.

And that was unfortunate, see, because that hurt the UN.

It hurt him.

It hurt the UN.

And I think that we, your Trump community people, know your problem.

We don't want you to do anything that ties you to the Yankee tale, which you must not do, which you cannot do.

But it would be very helpful if you could take that line which says, no, look here, we're trying to have an absolute fairness and so forth.

Don't you agree, George?

I don't know.

What do you want to do?

You're out of time.

Well, the Secretary of Channel 9 spoke of that, and as much as he's, as you are, been through the political wars, he's very much aware of that, and he knows that if we feel strong, we have a tough public relations problem.

One of the things that I think that you put your finger on is terribly important is the fact that

to follow through on these wonderful things.

He started this streamline and cut down on consultants.

The whole bureaucracy and financial thing, I think, can do more to get him the support that President Nixon wants to have.

We've discussed it.

He and I have a relationship where we can talk very, very frankly.

And we're going to keep it that way.

And I've told him that sometimes we'll be better than him.

Curious as may, but we're going to keep it so we have a... And he started off, and he's done something, and I thought you might be interested in it, when you've been through the political world, the first thing he did, the secretary, is a low adept in terms of, of course, when you get a new man, you know, they started going through different floors in that building.

And then the couple of that was some strong links on the street line.

So I think the secretary kind of was...

shares your view, sir, about the problem in the United States.

He's determined to do something.

He's made a couple of darn good TV things to start with.

He said the right thing.

I will help us as we paddle on the hill.

And I can't think of anything more to add than what you said.

And I intend to not harass him, but to stay in close touch.

Thank you very much, because I don't think that what you said is the point of any of these.

It's in line, it's absolutely in line with my thinking of what has to be done.

And I shall make a great effort to show the public that there is leadership in me, that I really want to do something.

Whether I criticize or not, I know that I shouldn't be criticized because it's impressive.

It is impressive, I doubt it.

In the big hand, and I'm sure that if I can be

Hello Bill, I don't know if there are any of you there on this.

Secretary General, I've talked about it a lot, but had he started going through these, perhaps he doesn't want to talk about it, but had he started going through these things, look, here's how we're going to streamline this.

Could I just suggest, I have a pet idea, which I know is from a maybe financial standpoint, a logistical standpoint, but it seems to me that the United Nations

could possibly clean something with a device that we have used very effectively with our cabinet here.

We have had cabinet meetings in other parts of the country.

We've gone to all central cities in New Orleans, Chicago, you know, particularly for the domestic side.

And believe me, it has an enormous impact on other parts of the country.

Here in Washington, nobody cares as much about it.

I mean, it's just as usual.

It seems to me that the New York identification of the U.N. is, I mean, it's being tied there and so forth.

I know it's necessary.

It must be.

It's headquartered in Australia, certainly.

That's not what it's like, though.

You know, there are around in this world

Well, you think of the O.A.U., you think of everyone in Geneva.

Well, many of the great capitals, I imagine, the Japanese, have put on a very, very, and love to do a U.N. meeting.

Now, maybe this isn't worthwhile, but when you think, for example, of the fact, which we are all aware of, that 75% of this world is not white,

I mean, I'm not sure that, and of course, that's one of your liabilities, and actually, you, Tom, had the advantage, but not me, not Mike, and you're a European, and that's one of the reasons you're gonna have to tell, we understand that.

Well, on the other hand, I'm just thinking that, well, you can think about it, but some way to get the UN so that the world can realize, along with the whole world, not just,

here in this country?

Well, we have already now started this meeting of the Security Council in Addis Ababa.

I saw that.

I'm flying to Addis tomorrow already.

So this is already in my business idea.

And of course, we could have past meetings in other countries.

The problem with this is that it costs money.

We are very excited to be here today.

I just think, for example, how the world competes to have the Olympic Games.

Why?

Because it's a matter of enormous prestige to have all the nations of the world together to win their games.

I mean, many.

The whole world would come to Munich.

I mean, if I were to take conventions, I mean, we look at political conventions.

All the cities of this country compete for the political conventions.

They want them there.

I have a point with that.

I just didn't have the idea of it.

that it would be a very exciting event.

First, for some other parts of the world to see the U.N. And second, very sedentary for U.N. delegates to see other parts of the world.

Do you mean to hold the General Assembly?

Try something.

I don't know.

I don't know how that would work.

Maybe it should be.

Of course.

But we didn't count.

It was twice in Paris.

But then it was given up because it was not expensive.

But I'm interested.

The count doesn't compete.

Maybe your security council does.

But I do know this, that taking Bill on the road with modern television communications and satellite and all the rest, it's a great thing to do.

What do you think, Bill?

Well, Mr. Hammond, there are a couple of thoughts I have that we can talk about.

But it seems to me that you're starting just right.

It has to be more businesslike.

And American people think it's sort of a lot of nonsense.

And they think you're spending money much too fast.

And it's all right there across the sea.

And they say, what are the results of this?

What's happening?

What are we getting out of this?

It's like, it's true.

Now, if you can see there'd be more business life, if you can do that in terms of money, and if you can publicize your achievements, in what this person said, he publicized all his failures.

and you don't have a very effective way of publicizing your achievements, not only in the terms of preventing the war, but in the terms of preventing the war.

Now, if you've got the voice to publicize that, I'm not sure taking the General Assembly on the road is a good idea, because it's not like the Olympics.

The Olympics, you see something.

The General Assembly is sort of, you know, some people that you know.

On the other hand, I think the President's point is very different than that.

If you publicize your achievements,

There's no way to take the show and do it so that it wouldn't be so that it happened and this and all these other things.

People have seen that.

Yeah, one thing, Bill, that I've encouraged to me, Hammer Shield, you know, had a great reputation as a U.N. because of its travels.

Remember, if you didn't know that.

I'm not sure that's a good thing.

But it seems that maybe a group were just trying to search it for some way that you could really have located, for example, a subcontinent.

And if that's the way it works out, with this huge refugee equity, it is work for the UN, which I understand we are going so far.

But if it isn't, then we ought to get a tremendous publicity buy-in on that.

You know, a lot of the UN did, see?

They pushed everyone.

And other nations that people contributed to, that otherwise weren't going to, and so forth.

He was really running it.

He said, what's the advantage?

He said, we found it in India, Pakistan, before the war broke out, that we had committed $500 million, which is more than all the rest of the world combined.

Now, we were glad to do it, but...

There's something you're going to find here.

I did already announce that I'm going to go to the Palace Post.

I did, yes, yes.

I said in my English, as I said, I'm not meeting the opening ceremony.

The fact that I want to go to the Palace Post to see with my own eyes what's going on.

I said, this I'm going to take with you.

You're a top secretary of people in heaven.

Mr. President, may I touch upon the Middle East just for a moment?

Because as you know, I asked Yannick to go to Senegal to see the President and also the President of the OEU, the Voluntary President.

This is a group of 10 who tries to be helpful in the Middle East.

Now, we got an invitation from Senghor.

Senghor asked me to send Yaron to him, and when I discussed the matter with Yaron, I suggested that he should also see the President of Bolivia.

He is the President's child of the group of 10, and also the President of the OAU.

Now, Javi will go there at the end of this week, and I would suggest that perhaps he could come to Washington before he goes to Senegal in order to discuss the matter with the Secretary of State and his advisors so that we can perhaps coordinate a little his proceedings.

You see, the African came to me and told me that their prestige is not that much important.

The four heads of state had presented their report, and nothing came out of it because it was not accepted.

So we are very worried about their prestige and want to be helpful.

That is why we invited Yavin to see them.

He let me know through their ambassador in New York that Senko wants to discuss a number of things with Yavin which he cannot put on paper.

So I don't know.

But I think it is helpful because I don't think that we can expect a big solution for the next future.

I'm rather skeptical about it.

But I think this initiative to consign with the advocates on this matter will perhaps help us to overcome this gap which will

I think we are unable to do very much knowledge in the next few months in this respect, neither in the question of your famous plan, nor with the United Nations.

I think it is now not the right time.

But I think it is helpful that we contact these African heads of state and actually coordinate this with the Secretary of State.

We're in charge of the committee.

I think, frankly, we've done it.

That's how you go to the high wire.

The high wire is keeping the truce now, and of course, beyond that, to get some kind of talking started.

I don't know if you want to get into those parts.

I mean, you can talk to those parts and they'll start fighting.

Maybe a little bit of distance is important.

But I, regarding all you people, I did see them, you know, this morning when he was here in the office.

And the secretary has seen them in the building.

So I think that's very interesting for this point.

Well, Mr. President, on this point, I think we've already made some comments about it.

I think that's very desirable.

I think the more we keep involved here, the better.

The more people are talking about it, so it doesn't appear that the whole thing is coming to an end.

And as far as my state of New York is concerned, I think it's fine there.

Again, there isn't much that I can say that we haven't really said, but I think doing it is a good idea.

And that's why I'm here today.

some action.

Israel has indicated a more flexible attitude lately, and they are planning best discussions with the army in New York.

So I think it's more of a speech, but...

Well, I don't think so.

It's very difficult to be sure, but I don't think so.

See, they have an Irish word for it.

Well, what it means, I think it's very interesting.

They were very serious in the mystic problem.

Shrouds of young people.

Sadat painted himself into a corner by saying that 31 was a year.

So the students are rioting in the mystic cargo.

So he is doing something.

But this man, this prime minister, is an expert on...

on, uh, domestic matters in our economy.

So, for example, there's a kid in, uh, Harvard who's got a, uh, also, uh, at the University of Oregon.

Anyway, he knows a good deal about the United States.

Now, what they are saying, in effect, it seems to me, is that

Yes, we're getting ready for war.

We've got to do that.

But we've got to strengthen our domestic economy.

We've got to get a sort of house and border.

If they can have any reason to strengthen our domestic economy, that's what they could use it.

But as he said, we're strengthening it first so that we'll be ready for the inevitable confrontation.

I think there's a domestic consumption.

I was wondering how you think.

I think that also...

Yes.

The Soviet Union, I don't think would be about the want to have it or not.

It's very lowly.

All the information isn't very trusting, very serious.

I'd like to get to it another day.

But on this other thing, I think that the Secretary General

The more it appears that there are things that work to ease your business, if it appears that everything is ended, it's going to be under more domestic pressure.

If he's able to say, well, when he's doing something about it, it would probably help him to kind of keep it down.

Because we got also a note from the Mr. President saying that they are not ready for a conference because of this tantrum of the leaders, et cetera, et cetera.

want to push it to the United Nations, etc.

One sees clearly that, for a time being, they don't expect too much of the substance of the matter.

Therefore, a move like the one I suggested will perhaps help us to overcome this rather negative period in the negotiations.

President, I am glad that you have stated this, that I want to, so you know how we can...

to keep the communication future.

We have George Bush, an ambassador, who has my total confidence and the Secretary's total confidence, absolutely.

He is not basically a Foreign Service man, which is no reflection of Foreign Service, but you know, the fact that he is a political ambassador

I think the best thing we can do is that you can talk to him as if you were talking to us.

The second thing I think you should know is that he's, and I can say this in his presence, hopefully you've never heard about it, he's a street.

Whenever you have a problem, I mean there are times you may not want to escalate the problem to the level of the secretary himself, but you have a problem that involves us.

And you want to just throw it out in the air in consideration, talk to George about it, and he will pass it on to me.

I can assure you that he has our total confidence.

And we'll have a live communication here.

And whatever you feel that there's something that you want to take up with the Secretary Rodham, indeed, by Harold Jordan, because we want to be, as I say, we don't want to be so close to you that we hurt you.

On the other hand, we don't want to be so far away from you that we also hurt you.

So it's a very tough, we know we're in a tough time.

We are very, as politicians, and we're all that in this room, as politicians, we know you have the most difficult political job in the world.

I would only strongly urge that, if anything at this point, what is needed is to have a strong lineage.

of a strong leader in that Secretary of the General Assembly, rather than a caretaker.

And I think that after the years of the Utah regime, which probably served its purpose in that time, you're coming in at a critical time.

It could be very important.

And if you can demonstrate the vigor, the imagination, the toughness, the fairness,

call, like you will, take the big boys on, the little boys too.

This could be very helpful.

Thank you very much, Mr. President.

I'm very happy to have George Bush as mayor president of New York.

He has many good facts, I can say this, and I appreciate very much this mention.

It helps me a lot to

discuss, uh, dedicated things, because, uh, that is, uh, uh,

I'm concerned about the, I mean, say two things about that.

One, the crash.

The crash.

Yes, sir.

Well, that was a case, of course, but I asked my friend to put it on paper so that nothing can come out.

And he did not leave.

Well, I was very grateful.

I was very grateful because you...

But secondly, I don't think there's any sense that you can do it with the choice of the people or everyone.

I think it helps the Director General's use of the telephone.

It's very useful.

If you want to more, just talk to me.

The other thing that I want you to know, too, is that if you go around the country and you're asked questions, I think you should indicate that we've had a good chat and that the...

We, the President and the Secretary, have made a sure view of the continued United States support of the U.N. We believe it's very important that it get greater support in this country and in the world.

We want to succeed in its ventures.

We believe that wherever possible, like in the subcontinent, these great efforts for rehabilitation of the rest of the U.N. is an instrument which we can use rather than put aside.

Thank you very much.

She's going to be, as mentioned, the investor in Africa.

His wife is going to be one of the greatest, greatest.

She's going to be the secretary.

Oh, she's going to be the secretary.

She's not here, is she?

Thank you.