Conversation 695-003

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Well, we'll go over here again and sit down.

You've been well, and you're going to take a little break here tonight.

Come on.

One sec.

We'll be right back.

Thank you.

But a lot has happened since we talked.

We've had a crisis, which we handled very well.

But the problems there still remain.

You just work on it all the time.

That's most of what we do.

But

Oh, yeah.

We were curious to see what the situation is going to look like in China, especially with all the countries around China and the folks.

But once again, you have to see how the country is going to work, despite the fact that it's going to be a very, very difficult time.

And I would like to get into that also.

I can't think of what we can do to contribute positively to the situation today because we don't have the media.

The President has said too much.

He's speaking of all of us.

What's under this thing here?

If you say this much, we have to come to understand.

That's more than I can use that.

I would encourage them to simply come up with an understanding.

Now, we have problems with saying it.

We've got to be truthful.

What's under this?

This is only something that

So, this is how I got into a situation where I lost the ability of that generation to learn, at some point.

I decided to repeat that if we knew how to focus on solving the basic problem of the L.A., this wouldn't have happened as well.

And it's not that I don't believe that we should have anything to do with it.

As far as the United States is concerned, it is almost impossible in a situation to predict what is going to happen.

And I don't think it's a big show sponsor to continue to meddle with.

Even when I think it's a good example, it is at a point in the past when we decided to close our borders

when they were weak and failed in science, we should understand that they must make an experiment to improve their quality of life.

And also, we learned a lot about capitalism, at least in such a good time as that.

Plus, sometimes we learned a little bit more, as much as we can, in regard to politics and capitalism, also in the M.A.

And there were also times when it was the right move, you know, because we got the M.A.

classes, and it began to work quite well.

There are workers, there are students, there seems to be a change in policy, there seems to be a change in policy, there seems to be a change in policy, there seems to be a change in policy, there seems to be a change in policy, there seems to be a change in policy, there seems to be a change in policy, there seems to be a change in policy, there seems to be a change in policy, there seems to be a change in policy,

On day two, I started to contact them very intensely, especially after we had studied the people in the district for quite a few times and spoke to each other, so to speak.

This was not something new.

This is something that we studied in the 50s and 60s.

But the pressures that we faced never ended as to come out with this proposal, this plan, or what to speak.

which one could be of benefit to everyone.

We think this is of benefit to all of us.

Of course, we carry with us a study of the work of Adelaide, a job that's based in Western Kansas City.

And we're hoping that we, intellectuals and thinkers,

plus the overwhelming majority of people at least a little silent positive seem to approve and think that this is a new positive approach which has given us great benefit and it shows that the success has been tremendously felt.

The problem is that there is now a strike in the United States whose reaction was

Not totally unexpected, but it was a little bit of a surprise at the same time.

They had an election next year, and I think that is possibly part of the problem.

But nonetheless, the main idea was to really put the problem in its proper context.

The problem is basically a Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

And to present every opportunity that I can, you know, as I did in this tour,

to attempt to find a solution that is a lasting one, by whatever technique, a positive technique of the future, in terms of the near future, I think, or the very long future.

And we found that our formula could enable them, first and foremost, to go towards achieving, to belonging in the ecotistic, to become part of that family.

We don't have some positions that they have that are impossible at the moment, positions that they can give to the people.

But it's only the countries who have the right to positions that relate to the community in any way or form or respect.

But Jerusalem belongs to the people.

It must be a meeting place of cousins, of people,

And we wanted to make the best thing as the identity which is dear to them.

In the past, we would let people discuss human as living on their own, or work from the sea.

We wanted to address ourselves to the local community, not just to the people, sadly, that's right.

And all that has taken them away from experience.

And this is, I think, why the reactions are so strong from many who are extremely

And we are aware that there is a problem of C2 boundaries and so on and so forth, which are very, very difficult.

And I can't take that all as a step, which is not behind me.

There are tools that must be raised in these by which there is no future data.

But not by legislating the West Bank, so to speak,

and creating a situation that might be accepted under U.S. or might not be accepted, but will be contested sooner or later.

We want a solution that is a lasting one in every way, every form.

So we have had many contests with others ideas.

I think the number of contests is very steady, of course, with Jesus.

since June of 2016.

We have tried to see what they're thinking, to think about what they're going to understand and what they're going to do.

But we feel we probably won't be able to move more than we have done up to this time.

We are keen and anxious to keep this level going.

Secretly posted to the internet that we are trying to lay the foundations for the basis for this movement.

And, uh, this movement has already come to, uh, certainly at any point, are you ready to discuss it unless you have any society or any other organization.

But what places?

They were able to talk without any prior conditions in December and at some of the stages.

And this gave us the opportunity as a nation to participate.

So there was a vast difference between our relations over time.

And in this respect, I believe I apologize to any ideas which are present in the United States.

I don't think it was very much of any policy.

But I'm not going to turn to them.

I'm not going to listen to them with any other promises.

Because they're not what they really are.

We just have to build on them.

Nothing else.

I think the only thing, sir, that really could help in the next few years, possibly with all the intervention I've done, in any way or the other, is that the best way to do it, which I've done for a long time, is to do it.

All we are interested in is the future of this place and we continue to face it.

We are not interested in ourselves today or tomorrow.

We are interested in what is going to be celebrated many years from now and creating a better chance and a better opportunity for our people to come out on both sides.

And what we think will come to an end and what we think of the casualties on both sides.

But to me, I don't think we have to worry.

We have done our best.

We think a zero-trade war, focused towards a solution on our side, will also end on the Egyptian side or any other side.

The problem is with us.

It is in the West Bank.

It is in Jerusalem.

We don't have a relationship that should exist there.

the majority of the people that have suffered since 1948, 2004, and up to this time.

There is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress, there is progress,

And then it is a lot of business, mainly in terms of our resources and the fact that we have to do it for a very long time, due to the fact that we have to do it for a very long time.

And the opportunity to do so.

And we are also facing difficulties because we do not want to remain as we are, or just very sad, but we want to also work and afford it with the stability and the quiet and healthy atmosphere that exists.

I'm determined to move ahead.

We have plans for a vital program to show them that in our side, to continue education programs, moving other businesses in other areas.

I'm trying to give these directions to really settle down.

We can't speak of that for a minute, but this is our decision.

We try to make sure that millions of people who want to do this can go, and at least the complete refugees who possibly have no chance of going back to become citizens of the country and to begin to locate in a country that we have in Africa that they can't.

So, sir, only in this settlement are we invited to negotiate within the framework of two-fold viewpoint.

Some are here, some are not.

And we, as you can see, support our friends.

And, with respect to our society, our cousins, so to speak, do come forward positively and realistically.

We do not expect the United States to exert financial, political pressure on its subsurface.

That might be impossible at some point.

But possibly the best way would be a president that calls to the Prime Minister by his own.

I would like to visit the United States.

And we feel that it is the right thing to do for it.

It is the right thing to do.

and which gives the best thing in itself.

I don't think there's an absolute answer to that anymore.

I'm just trying to see if there's any possibility we can address the problem in the United States.

If the United States can give this value, not only in the United States, but largely in terms of a solution, that is fine.

But I don't think that in the future the perspective of the United States will be the same as in the United States.

You are not surprised by my hostile reactions.

I'm also not quite aware of the problem.

I have a distinctive effect, but it's also a hostile reaction that makes me feel that it's not exactly me.

I don't have a problem with that.

I'm just a little more skeptical of the pain I'm in.

And that's what I'm beginning to think again.

These kind of delegations have been asked from the Prime Minister and many of them who have, in order to be opposed to our policies in the last few years, have pulled out and dedicated to this new idea, this new approach, and turned it into another kind of policy.

Which was a sign of the extraordinary amount of people that most were unfortunately to open their hands on this funding, apart from the very few

such as the religion, the rest has not been included in any sort of .

So at the same time, we must somehow be strong enough to be there in meditation.

And one of the tools that we find in some of these galleries, but

We have had it from Syria at some point or another.

We must have some capability, some ability to deter any hostile environment if we proceed on this path of peace.

that this is not my territory.

And at the same time, without our nation's difficulties that there are, the only reason to us if we want to survive is to be in the outposts of our country, apart from the people of our country.

We are the extent of the limit.

And those outposts contribute to the stability of our country, so as such,

the very fact that it is still arriving, not only arriving, but arriving and working for the future and moving towards it.

The ordinary actions of the Palestinian and Muslim community, some of its organizations, are such that they are becoming an international component in terms of these organizations throughout the world.

And for us, it's a problem that does not only face us, but faces many in the area, and many people with dissonance.

But there are patients in a very small minority of Palestinians that are certainly on a very big line of situation that we approach, and mobilise the world in a way that's not easy.

Also, in this time that we are working with GAPS, we all see that a great deal of confidence, which we are very happy to see, that there is the possibility that more than any other society, that we have no access to, that we have no

But this was the reason for going back there as well.

We might provide enough that enables us to do some of the other possibilities and some of the different one of the patients here and there.

For example, the British, the British guys are leaving our land at the sea.

But Patrick was on the face of the sea, facing the Soviet Union, supported by the Chinese and the Soviets.

I think they do send some

not only officers, but they want them to be in refund times for positions of command, and possibly even send some special units, like a small scale, to partake in operations, if there is any immediate threat that may come to be done.

Mr. Sanchez, he was also extremely helpful directly in the attack.

Why?

Because he was very generous with him and himself, and with Curry.

So there are a lot of small countries in Sweden, that's also better.

But for example, I was always in the airport, I didn't have to go to the security team, they said something like that.

But I ended up at the private sector of Sweden, and there, like I said, I see all these police cars, and phones.

Next few days, excuse me, our next chief of staff will be on stage.

But we can do more.

We must do more.

And the idea of what might protect us, that is, that's just happened in the case of Texas.

If you wish we were able to do more, that would be another case.

And at the same time, we have a lot of institutions, institutions, but as far as, as far as, as far as direction is concerned, we are understanding that, for example,

As we know, we already exist among the sheds, but there are also others equally so.

And if we are able to contribute for more than that, I appreciate that they tell us that it's a normal thing, and we can take it for what it is that it is.

I'm also trying to coordinate the Saturday and the other weekend.

I hope that we can get some of the comments out.

We have...

We promised to pay about, under the regulation of the government, this year.

But our actual basic need is about 96 million.

And we haven't got some mechanics.

BBC hasn't got any.

It's had a long time.

This is really a very, very serious incident.

I don't know if this is not something that we can definitely do.

At least we can do it.

All of our companies are going to be able to do that.

Every way that we can possibly do that, we can do it.

All of our companies are going to be able to do that.

Uh, we also, uh, some, uh, some, uh, some, uh, some, uh, some, uh,

I'm glad to be a person who can pass this year on to you today.

So, let's write it as we read it.

If I would like to arrive at the bishopric, which was the separate front, and the head of an old procession, I don't know how to say it, but if I arrive at the bishopric, I have to decide, you know, what I should do.

Spirit of God, the relationship with the Lord, who is only aware of me, and I will be.

I would like to thank the Secretary General of the United States for the invitation to talk to you today.

The President does not object to talking with Mr. Tarjani, but that is his goal.

He should not be a threat to Mr. Tarjani or any other third party, and it should not be a threat to all the direct negotiations that are going to take place.

Those efforts for direct negotiations and sanctions are very exciting.

What it does, it doesn't matter.

Negotiations don't need to get formalized.

To formalize is very easy.

Proposed to require both electrifications as part of the EREC sector.

There must be some special changes to the Joseph 67 line, which will be at the end of the year.

There was a little problem.

At this time, we were in captain of this line, and we are working on developing a smart electric vehicle for the EREC sector of the city of San Francisco.

I saw the first decision, which is right, with regard to the EREC cars, of course.

The tribe will return also to the population of the West Bank to join in the possible effect.

The tribe will annex the Jordan by request of the Jordan River and the Jordan Sea Care Corridor to join the East and West Banks.

Jordan will have control of the hosting markets as well as the controls for the ground, but I will pass it over to you.

Israeli citizens will have the right to serve in conservative areas, such as leases and protests in the West Bank.

The U.S. is actively engaging in attacks against the Soviet Union, on the move, and on the issue of the U.S. decision on the East Bank control.

The role of the U.S. side of the East Bank is very important, and I'll mention this.

This is the fundamental right of the U.S. in this country.

The U.S. is a desire of the U.S. and the people of the Middle East.

and there will be a graduate festival of peace.

This is the reason that many of these towns will hold on to the same.

We have the story now of nothing to do with it.

This is what I don't want to do.

I don't want to do it.

Just to evaluate the financial and economic situation, as His Majesty has pointed out, we are facing a very critical situation.

This is due to a combination of factors.

First, the deficit which we had last year's budget, which was scalable, but fortunately it wasn't as much as it would have been due to the kind of assistance which you have decided to add to the budget assistance of last year.

But there was a deficit that had to be raised over this year in addition to the fact that, unfortunately, the agency maintained its boycott on the existence of the permit at $2,650.

It did not come from a political media.

And the difference which has also added to the deficit that we're going to face in this year's budget is the credit due to the United States government for the previous basic purchases which has to be paid this year.

So the total deficit with this $96 million, we will pass $46 million, that is $56 million short of our essential requirements for this year.

We need to create a part of this, a small part of it.

from some of the other countries that we've been helping.

But really what still will be the deficit.

We've been having our time with the State Department keep court results, which are not really a result of the sanctions.

I'm sorry.

Sorry.

Whenever the reference is made to Jordan, they say, well, excellent situation as far as the outfalling currency holding countries are concerned.

But in effect, those reserves are not reserves such that we cover our currency.

They're the only thing we have to cover, the D9.

We used to have a cover of 115%.

This year it's gone down to 83% because the government has been drawing from it.

And it would be very difficult to draw any more from those so-called reserves because if the recovery is reduced below 80%, the currency itself becomes quite shaky and this will have serious repercussions on the environment entirely.

So, no matter how we look at it, we just need, in terms of cash, as far as the budget this year, a lot more than what we have been promised.

Of course, this is related to the political level.

It is really very easy to get the Arabs to resume their subsidy.

But unfortunately, there are conditions that demand that the militia, even with the commandos, be allowed to come back very far to the eastern front and allow Iraqi troops to be stationed in Jordan.

And this, we believe, is too much of a price to pay for anything.

It's not in our interest, it's not in your interest, it's not in the interest of peace in the area.

So the price they're asking us...

to pay politically for financial assistance is much too high for our liking.

And therefore, in order to be able to continue to pursue the present deadline for the period following which we have started three years ago, we need to be able to survive economically and financially without dependence on other countries as long as they have this condition.

We hope this will be on a temporary basis.

It's not a permanent commitment.

It's only as long as the present situation and the other goals remain the same.

What's the difference between what we have promised for this year and what is required as $56 million?

Uh, this is the, uh, turf.

As I said, we can raise, uh, a part of it from, uh, starting in the Gulf states, but the other part will have, uh, to still be agreed upon somehow, not yet.

Our budget, our fiscal year starts on the 1st of January, and in effect, we have already three months overdue, and we are spending sort of 1 over 12 from last year's budget.

On a monthly basis we continue to have a project in development and we still can't make a budget, we can't budget in any way, even in addition to the 14 million that we promised from you because of this vast deficit that will still remain.

So we are approaching the fourth month of the year and we still have no budget.

We have, on the other hand, drawn up the very carefully studied plan for economic development, the three-year plan and the first part of the seven-year plan.

This will start next year in 1973.

It is an ambitious plan that includes every possible avenue of economic development in the country.

It speaks to figures like about $150 million a year, but it doesn't mean that there isn't that much money at the time on what we put into effect.

It's got all the projects that are possible for development in it, and we've had to discuss this with the other partners here, the United Nations, with the World Bank, with the British and the French.

all the countries that we have negotiations with, and see what project they are interested in.

We start implementing projects as we get assistance for them.

But once we start on this, to certainly help a great deal as far as the budget is concerned,

because it does create more jobs, it limits government expenditure, increases government revenue, and we hope eventually to reach the point that we almost reached before the war in 1967 of complete self-sufficiency.

For example, we are looking at some of the figures.

For the last decade, from 57 until 66, we took that because it was just before the war.

The GDP rose by 165%, agricultural output 124%, industrial output 300%, tourist aid 123%.

The living standards rose to 137%.

The individual savings increased by 600%.

The school rent rose by 62%.

We are making fantastic progress, and the government secretary, though the expenditures increased by 130%, the administration rose by 147%.

development by 269% and in 1957 we used to receive 60% of our total expenditure as assistance from outside and in 1966 we only received 22% and that was quite sufficient.

and we were working for a stage of self-sufficiency completely.

Unfortunately, the war came with the loss of the West Bank, and most of our agricultural provisions, in addition to the added burden of expenditure on ground forces, and that in terms of the service that we have now.

We found ourselves not having to have the army looking after the front of the west, but on the north and the east as well.

It has become impossible to make work on its meat.

And this year, too, I'm stuck with this stuff.

We don't know what to do.

We also have

Yes, we have done for the rehabilitation of the children, and this is religious.

The three-year plan which was about 62 million dollars, not only for the food development, agriculture, but also for the resettlement of the refugees and living in camps for 22 years and the entire time they become productive citizens.

So they were able to study.

We found that it would be useful to build them villages, towns, given that they are very irrigated and have them settled there.

This would enormously help to cool down the temperament of the Afghanistan issue as such.

People living in camps are not going to do but think of blood combat.

If they have become useful citizens, become farmers with new homes,

with the promise of compensation for their homes in the future after there is a settlement.

We believe that there will be a great contribution, not only economically to the government of the country, but to the cause of peace and we have to quietly and gently hold on.

This plan is being discussed with the USAID and with the United Nations Development Fund.

And I believe the first year of it is going to cost about $14 million.

This will include the damage we're building on the tributaries of the Jordan and the extension of the East Gorkha Highway,

So the plan includes everything, whether it is a dam, a canal, or the desalination of the soil, or building of villages, or distribution of land, farmers, the whole works.

And we hope within three years, we will be able to house a large number of them, still having our cities doing absolutely nothing, down in the valley.

So, of course, we consider this, I think it's very important that we do that.

Of course, if we forget, we offer opportunities for other cities in the Middle East, for example, in the Middle East.

And the

Part of what we are doing now is the new society that was formed a couple of years ago as the Royal Scientific Society of Jordan.

We invented the computer age and so we have a group of scientists from West Lithuania who are working in the United States.

They have come back and they started this society.

And they will do much of the planning, much of the services and the services for the government.

And we hope to see quite a lot of results.

And we have a complicated study of it.

I don't know.

Perhaps you have the place.

I haven't done this bad, but I'm not sure if I'm going to find anything.

I'm not sure if I'm going to find anything.

This is not fighting, yes.

Okay, that's about it.

Well, let me say that as we have walked the side of the border, we consider

the survival of Jordan as a strong, independent country, in naturally the interests of Jordan, but also in the interests of civilian communities.

Where do you want to succeed?

As we've tried to demonstrate during the Syrian crisis,

We were prepared to take considerable risks to prevent the destruction of Georgia, or at least to the region of our nation.

Any comments?

Okay.

looking at the problem first in terms of the present situation and then in terms of the majority differences.

With regard to the present situation,

The financial assistance which we provide, as you know, is always found to be limited because of our case.

And we have had increasing difficulty in getting Congress to approve what we recommend in terms of the amounts that we thought the judge should receive.

However, I can assure you that with regard to your presentation today, that I will have all of these proposals examined.

I will certainly put whatever influence I can.

I can't promise to be, I cannot promise to deliver it because we do have to do it through the Congress, but I will put whatever influence I can.

But I think we reached a whole proposal to be an assistance to Georgia at this time.

We can see, we don't want to

to mislead you with regard to how much you can do, because that will raise false expectations.

I will only say that we appreciate the problem, and we will try to find ways within our restrictions that I already mentioned to respond in response

may not be as much as you would like or as we would like.

We will try to find ways to adjust to it.

I think we could do something.

Yes, I think we could be able to settle it down.

I think we should be able to let it match, you know, within two or three weeks.

That's right.

And the second point is that, oh, it's very stocky.

We will have these, but we'll do whatever we can.

I think Jordan's maintaining a substantial military capability is important not only to Jordan, but to your neighbors.

The more you have, the more effective roles you will be able to play.

And there, the military requests, of course, which are related to the

the whole financial impact of the military request, but we see the same kind of systematic consideration on our part.

And Henry, you did take a look at that idea.

It makes a great deal of sense, for example, when we see those Gulf states and the moves of some of our big makers down in that area.

It makes a great deal of sense to have

You're playing a, as we know it, a really responsible role

There are very few responsible countries in that part of the world.

Yours is one.

That's really what we're saying.

With all your problems, and they are unbelievable difficulties, as I said, you're practically a magician who has survived all.

There's so much to survive physically and in other ways.

With all of your problems, the majority of us still is indicated by this recent issue.

You do not have the wild eyes to put your best words on it.

You try to be instantly responsible despite the onus across the earth that is caused by two wars.

And this we appreciate.

And that's another reason why your case is 100 days close.

I'd like to ask one question in regard to your Palestinian population.

Would you say that

The great majority of them strongly approved your move.

I mean, this sort of pulled the fire out of that volatile revolution.

It gave them a sense of autonomy and participation, which they were demanding.

I didn't know what to say about my coaching.

You laid the ground to me first.

What do you think this proposal will tend to make Georgia in the future more viable?

Being there, not being recognized, what you've done is breaking it out with the old ways and then trying to live with it.

It's not really what it has done to the house, to the house and federated on the Jewish.

When the plan was announced, most of the Christians in Jordan thought that it was a part of an agreement with Israel, because it was part of the settlement.

Are you surprised at the amount of support that idea got?

As a matter of fact, when people started to find out that there wasn't a settlement, that this was not a part of the settlement, that it wasn't agreed upon, that it was needed, they immediately started to die down.

And then, in a way, it was devastating to see that people are not really interested in peace.

They are, but they haven't really got the advantage to go ahead and write that peace agreement if we can't write it.

In other words, they were enthusiastic for it because they thought it was the first way through.

Yes.

Well, we have not, as you know, made a public statement with regard to what you have done.

That would be an interference in your internal affairs and also, as you well realize,

for the United States to put itself publicly behind an issue would give you a burden which you don't need to have.

Your ability to deal with the Palestinian population and also your ability to deal with the radical Arab states

would be seriously compromised if it appeared that every move that you made was as a result of a consultation with approval by the United States.

On the other hand, we have said nothing, which is maybe we will not.

But I do want to ask you, do you understand there was an organization there

Jordan, they will charge as they do if you are a puppet of the U.S. We would like to try to disabuse them.

We will put it this way, they will still charge you, but we don't like to give them any permission to shoot at you.

That's one of our conditions there.

With regard to the Israeli problem, we

It's quite apparent from what you said then, what is an inch.

Not being in territory, philosophically.

Is that correct?

Yes, it is.

You see no give at all in terms of their position.

What's the question?

So they had all these meetings, private meetings going on and on and on.

You just talk, it's not happening.

What you were suggesting is the only

The only solution to the Israeli problem, as far as we're concerned, is for the United States to get the Israelis to budge.

Is that what you're talking about?

But I do believe that even in the heart of the post, it's very important for people to think.

You feel so, I feel, in Israel itself, there are people who love Israel, who the Israeli, when I say the Israeli, the Prime Minister's reaction is so hard on him.

Because, you know, like everything that I, you don't believe that reflects the total opinion of the country.

Well, the way I look at it, and I have the doubt just being a observer, the way I look at it, it is a claim that you, in your judgment, have adopted, which will reinforce the ability to reduce the opposition that you have.

of the, of the, of the gorilla and other radical elements, but then it seriously needs to be purged.

Because otherwise, otherwise you have a fester and a sore there that's going to break out at any time.

If there is to be a plan, I don't know if there is to be a plan.

Yeah, yeah.

How do you propose to proceed with this?

Will you discuss this when you go to the State Department to talk to them?

I don't think we're discussing anything with the State Department.

So you won't go into this?

No.

Of course.

I feel like I was.

But you're not going to go into any part of it, do you?

Yeah.

As much as you should definitely.

Yes.

Because basically they have to carry out what I tell them.

So I tell them right on the line.

So you need so much money.

And that's why I said.

And they turn it outside of the plan.

This, of course, now is not discussing what you mean.

What I mean is that, Mr. President, I will see that His Majesty has arranged a meeting with me tomorrow, later.

And you, of course, have made no decision of any, of what you can do, but anything you could do.

And you can really only do quietly under these circumstances.

And this is a big diplomatic angst now that all the media of information again start working on us.

And we will get this angst there and it has characterized the situation for the last three years.

So that any possibility of moving to Israel, if it can be done, or if it's intended, if the possibility is to be kind of open to lower key aliens.

I think, yes, as well, I think getting the, getting the state park, for example, to move, to,

as a result of your visit to step up a campaign.

Well, here's the new offer, and we ought to make a breakthrough, and then have it fall down in the state.

What you're interested in is not publicity.

What you're interested in is a result of it.

Now, there are two fronts.

First, there is the front of the

the money and the military and so forth on that front, we will do everything we can to talk to them very rapidly.

In terms of the other front, I know that Your Majesty, you probably are better advised to

You must, of course, to handle this, you have, it seems to me, a great discussion in the past, not to create an issue of confrontation so obviously with the Israelis, so that this is major for political reasons.

It's got to be .

In fact, she's done that already.

But then to do it again, would that mean that the Israelis will get frozen in places publicly in a way that they could be moved privately?

On the other hand, you actually have to take, you take your position if it's reasonable.

And I understand all that as you can.

I don't suggest you back off.

But I would say that

We are aware of the necessity of Israel.

We are aware of that.

I do not, in one area where I remind, where technically I would disagree with the approach of some of the foreign service people.

They like to make a move in the public arena.

uh now and and and that that's their way of public arena resolutions speeches uh statements uh et cetera et cetera et cetera but when you're dealing with political people as you are with the arts very different for example particularly

moving in the public arena is bound to create a public reaction that will be negative.

They will be very clever about it, but not so that they don't appear to be totally obstructions.

But on the other hand, they don't get it.

Now, I must say, after all of your many years now of laborious private practices, you must probably be reaching a conclusion on what good does it do to talk privately.

And I can see that.

I understand.

But on that end, if the Israelis are to be considered matters, if they are to be moved, my judgment is that

that we will, that it is best not to put them on the spot so that they get that high profile that the opposition will plan in advance.

I think a better approach

I think that, in terms of public profile, is enough.

Now, privately, now that we have what you, you know, proposed here, I think that what we're, what our division here is suggesting, at least it's my view, and I think you just said that you felt you did, that

we will be able to be more effective, probably, privately in a public way.

It must not be said, in fact, if we go out and say, well, we're going to try to do something privately, that would blow it, too, as we say, tentatively.

That's your view on it.

You see, we have a lot of problems here, too.

You've got the...

You've got the political situation in the United States.

You've got various candidates for president running around who want to take a strong and pro-Israeli position for political votes here in the United States and all that, you see.

They...

And some will play to that, to those feelings.

I won't, but they will.

Under these circumstances, therefore, for us to make progress in this area, I think we have to do some quiet, appropriate talking, which if anybody asks us about, we deny.

What's been wrong, if you believe, in the past is that all these initiatives were launched with public regulations, with the IAEA, and then immediately divided on those views.

Right.

Well, if there's any chance of progress, there has to be some general understanding which is implemented before it becomes public.

Well, as a matter of fact, it's left to me to answer your policy questions.

Now, that was a very clever thing.

I was very intrigued by how you did that, because you were dealing with radical groups.

But instead of just throwing a plant out and then have them knock it down, you worked on a very, you worked on an investment stock.

In this particular area, I, again, I do not want to indicate to you that we have any ready-made solution.

I want to indicate that

that we can assure success where you have failed.

On the other hand, I can indicate that we see the necessity for movement.

We believe that now quiet diplomacy will be far more effective than talking diplomacy.

That's really what the thing is.

And this is not said as value and criticism for Secretary Staley or Cisco or the rest of me.

I mean, everybody tries its own plan for a while, but they try the other.

And where is it now?

It's not helping much.

What do you think?

I mean, if you have a different view, do you think it ought to be done publicly?

Well, I would really ignore it.

Of course, I think the fact that a lot of people forget the weird world we're in because

And it's about very hard for anybody to wear a backpack.

So we forget about it.

But again, when I think of those little ghost things, and I think of others around there, I think of strong children.

It's very important to stability in the area, right?

Essentially.

So for that reason, I'd say that's what you're trying to do.

I did that kind of thing.

We're facing a real problem in the Gulf because those so-called National Liberation Forces, they're fighting now in our land.

And that's only the starting point.

They want to go all the way to the Gulf.

They surround Saudi Arabia completely.

They're going to try to occupy northern India.

Not only the Saudis, but the Iraqis, to answer this question.

I know your relationship is very good with Iran, are they not?

Because I would like to make it critical to

I will tell them that you present today the outside of your plan, but nothing new, just so that we understand that you ask for our general support beyond the metals.

and that you present the economic and general analysis of the situation.

And the general analysis of the situation in Jordan and the situation here.

I will not mention anything about what the President said with respect to quite the correct approach.

That should not be said because that will go all the way between us.

It's not pressing too hard for support of your plan, as a matter of fact.

They won't.

They won't do anything negative about it.

Oh no, they won't do anything.

The point is, I think, as I say, I think that your presence here is a signal that we have a rusting point.

Does everybody agree with that?

I agree more.

I think it's very interesting.

I just see that there's a very, very strict line going on.

With regards to the meeting with these leaders, I must give you permission to say that it is His Majesty that has kept the link to that, that they publicly announced that the United Dialect Negotiations, that the United Dialect Negotiations can result in peace.

And we noticed that they're interested in meetings in accordance with their traditions with Washington.

If things are bad, relations are strained, they bother us, and publishing messages led us to meetings, having ideas to discuss is on that.

One thing that I will between them, they don't reply to you.

We were supposed to have a meeting three weeks ago.

After it's been announced the plan, they sent a very good case saying meeting is off, we're not interested in having any more meetings.

I said fine, but I did say that we are planning on leaving Iran a few days before.

Before, yes.

But we can't bring on any kind of public meeting, or we have to go through with it.

Then we heard that his Majesty was coming to Washington, so he was very dedicated, let's have a meeting before he leaves.

I think it would be...

Because regardless of what is said,

Because they're all from a time that may be useful, you know.

And also, everybody, if you will, everybody bargains.

Yes.

And they bargain, you know, and nobody ever gives them anything.

When I was doing that, I made a lot of progress.

I mean, if I left it, I left it.

They eat invitations.

They're both in bridges.

The tourists can come.

That's good.

We even have a contact about intelligence that we have in commands.

We were planning to discuss with them the future contingency plans for the whole area.

So there's a lot of progress on the everyday meetings, but none whatsoever on the basic issue of the area.

We hope the resided meetings will be fantastic.

I think we should invite you along to our meeting.

Come to our meeting.

through our great pride to find what that means to us.

and the energy has to come out of the moment, that's how it's going to be.

On the other hand, you think, you know, that's what you want from this rejection.

Just forget about this now.

See what you can do.

Just continue to try because I refuse to accept it.

I can't.

Please let me be.

In fact, you have to be in the White House Secretary tomorrow.

I have a message for Ives.

But I was just thinking about

We think we have a fair idea as to what they may say, but

Let me say that we are in very close catching up to other diplomatic channels.

Something, something may, may happen.

I don't know why, but I can assure you that we're exploring your majesty every channel we can.

But we have to do it very quietly ahead of this because the safety pressure runs off and then you get the

Pro is really the thing, you know, the big Jewish children in the United States, you know, they all hop off.

So I've got that, we're handling that stuff.

But we just, I don't want to give you a set of mistakes, except to tell you that we have a goal that eventually we'll reach it.

But it's going to take some time.

Just don't get discouraged.

So I don't know if you're out of your top.

Well, so we're going to move you to the top here.

Mr. Stokers, if you may stand.

Oh, well, I was going to say that tonight, since we've been talking for five hours, we'll be sitting together at the table as we always do.

Maybe you'd like to talk a little about China and Russia.

One of the good things about this convention is we don't need a translator.

We can have a great chat tonight about some of those things.

I'll be sure to do that.

All right.