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You talked to John about my idea of showing this to ten potential superiors and let them put up a hundred GZG budget.

No, I didn't go out to the parties.

That's always a tremendous scheme, you know, for campaigns.

Big contributors like, rather than just giving it to the general fund, like to fund something specific.

Exactly.

That program, if you've got your top ten money guys, Democrat money guys,

Do they have that evidence?

No.

Well, I'm going to ring Jack Mulcahy, and Mulcahy will come down, and he'll put up a half, too.

Have them sit there, and when it's over, you say, gentlemen, if we're going to get this program across, we need a million dollars, and we need a dozen.

There's 10 of you here.

You've each got to give us $100,000 or something, or get us $100,000 immediately.

I guarantee you, of all the 10 of you, we'll pledge you $100,000.

We're going to do the same thing in Chicago.

It's not your $2 million.

Let's pick your name.

You can get in.

Why don't you get in?

And just a few of your people, maybe one from Texas and a few other people there.

But I'd get Mulcahy and I'd get him.

And I don't think it bothers him because he's the outstanding one to rewrite the program.

But Mulcahy will come down to us and I'll tell you what to do.

Mulcahy will give you the $1,000,000.

But obviously, the problem with him is he goes, what do you want?

Do you want to give it all?

But nevertheless, that's OK. Get him in.

Another one is...

It's the way to solve this whole problem of Democrats are next to punch money and get over all of it in one jump and then forget about it.

You know, you said you were going to try and raise some money.

Well, probably I'll get Frank for a sentence and he ought to get some of his money.

There.

That's right.

It's about teachers.

About the milk money.

We take that gas and we take the hell out of the milk money.

We ought to get the truckers.

They're trying to get together half a million.

Now we're talking.

What about that?

Got to get them separately from each other.

Yeah.

Well, we don't want to tell them, but it would be great though to have them sit down with these guys.

What's that?

Dwayne, Rickless has already sent in his $50,000.

This is the way to get another $50,000.

Get Rickless down here.

And Arthur Cohen.

Arthur has already sent in his $50,000.

Who's interested?

I just had Ludwig in defense, Paul.

Ludwig?

Has he ever contributed?

He's never contributed anything to my memory.

No, he did exactly this.

I remember in 68, we took him into the studio room, especially showing the film and everything.

No, he's not done, because he's a strange, strange fellow.

He ought to have gotten by and sold the whole campaign.

There are all sorts in it, in many ways.

I don't know what to do.

Ask Count Buck for the best names.

He knows the guys at this point that he's talked to over these months.

They were all kind.

See, I don't know who's contributed.

And I don't want to keep up with it.

That's the issue.

So who should have been?

We've got to be minority.

Because the ideas of these people

And I don't know who was given it, but Leon Hess, I understand, after our dinner in New York, contributed another $100,000, which makes him $250,000.

I don't know whether this is right or not.

John Loeb said if he'd sent in $15,000, I understand, after the dinner, he'd send in another $50,000.

Loeb would like this.

He's asked for a problem.

His son-in-law sent in $50,000, but he sent it through the committee.

That's his line.

You're Jewish, you're Jewish.

That's all we have to mention this year.

Well, it is a fine pity because we're much better off if we can get the money into the Democrats for an accent.

See?

As the gift, so that it can then be spelled with the name of Democrats for an accent.

Get to the same thing we were talking about last week.

Because we're well above $200,000 now that we've spent.

Really?

Yeah, $200,000 forward.

Great.

Including this time now.

I'm convinced that people can see this kind of broadcast.

First, it will solidify the strength of those that are with us.

Second, it can turn people.

This is a vote for switching.

Anybody who's interested in foreign policy is going to switch.

That is really interesting.

He's got to switch.

He cannot listen to that without switching.

I mean, that's because he's a Democrat.

This is a Democrat independent sale.

That's where you have to, that's where the votes are.

Yeah, it is.

And you've got to, on top of that, it's a sure solidifier for any guy that's sort of with us, but is a little worried about how to explain it to people.

You've got to get this bill done.

Nothing happens when it's all over.

The other thing was that I would have told Kerr I was going to ask him.

That's such a complimentary picture.

That's my favorite picture compared to all the others.

The others were all those great portraits and all that.

They started building a hell of a job.

Well, he did.

The way the film works in with the narration, like the joint line handshake of the president negotiating with Taylor.

Oh, that was great.

It really is.

And that congressional record thing just came out.

Wow.

The way it leads to the young picture of the guy, then back to the record, then back to the young picture of your voiceover.

And then you return to his letter, and then you say, have his news ever changed?

Which is quite unusual.

Not consistent, I admit it.

The classic, the classic in an old performance, the dramatic classic of the entire film, is when you read the writing quote from Fortune twice.

Then you stop and say, I'll need to read that again.

Yeah, I don't know why.

Killer.

Gunner, I'll take it.

I don't see nowhere do I get any indication that they're making any headway with the...

Corruption.

I'm going to ask my mother-in-law to do this new one.

We've got a new one now.

It's high-end in the White House.

We've got some great things.

We've got Chapin now running around.

I heard you're here at Preston Johnson.

Great job on this Preston Johnson.

You had a Preston Johnson today.

I thought you were going to have to talk about it.

I haven't talked about it.

Hey, Preston Johnson.

What time did you have it?

What time?

I don't know.

He launched into the... Well, if you're lying on that, you've heard of the fire marshal, probably.

Yeah.

He said that people are getting a little uptight about all this stuff.

A lot of emotions, you know, they're kind of going to react like you and I. Oh, it's the goddamn start of the age of the world.

If you or I had done it, they would have said, you know, and said, haven't you been at meetings?

I haven't.

when the fire marshals would come in and move people out of the house.

That happened all the time.

And you don't say that, and now you say the next day that this is the Republican senators.

I don't know the goddamn fire marshal in Los Angeles.

Do you?

Well, and the word is column down, 50 and H down.

The column said that they proved out he was a gentleman fire marshal.

legitimately pursuing his business, but this is after they run.

Column after column, stuff about sabotaging political meetings.

Then he twisted it into the bugging thing, and I've watered you through it for hands full and all that, but he says that he recalls the 1968 campaign when a network employee bugged a secret caucus at one of the major party conventions.

He says, but I don't think the chairman of the board of the network or the president of the network was responsible for what that reporter did.

A.B.C. ?

Goddamn reporter.

He hung the bug through the curtains and won the caucus.

He could caucus me.

Well, you know what I have to say.

If I may suggest something to feeding them, sabotaging and espionaging the rest of them.

They gave a Pulitzer Prize to the New York Times for national security information that they stole.

And they praised Jack Anderson and made him a national hero for information taken right out of the files of the National Security Conference.

How the hell do you call that?

You know what I mean?

The double standards of it.

But the point is, I don't want the good to be the impression that we don't.

Well, I...

I don't know what anybody...

They said, well, why did the president say this?

And I said, well, I asked him.

I said, I'm not authorized to be the president.

But, you know, they...

I said it's stupid and trepidant, and it is all one of those things.

Now this is a great thing, and of course the truth is not in it.

I don't know what damn thing about it is, but this is a great thing.

He's done nothing, and I don't know who this guy is, but Jesus Christ, somebody apparently has been singing like a canary.

He did nothing.

He went out and tried to recruit a bunch of fellas, and all he did is he failed.

He picked up the line and hired 50 people to do this.

I don't know where the hell he's gotten that, or what we do with that.

Well, of course, he's played the big line.

You don't have to admit that.

We're not handling it well, I'm not saying.

But how do you know?

Well, I don't know.

I don't know what the facts are.

So I don't know.

My death was no damn good.

My death was no better than anybody else's is, unless you know what the hell the facts are.

I don't know what they are.

No more than that.

But it's not good for McGregor to go out and hand out a handout, a three-page handout, read the statement, and turn around and run with it and refuse to answer any questions.

Now, this just looked guilty as hell.

Well, that's what he felt, too.

He did it under instructions.

On the basis that if he starts into the questions, then he's got to get into all the charges.

Yeah, but he probably shouldn't have done it in the book.

You can't go out and try to answer something and then not answer it.

You can't just give a damn handout and then turn around and refuse to answer the question.

Now I don't know whether Maury's mixed up in it or what he is or how deep he is or, you know, they tie all this in together.

Well, I don't know if it's tied in together.

They asked me about the $700,000.

I said, doesn't that make you mad, this money out of Texas?

I said, no, it don't make me mad.

I probably would have gotten it anyway.

What the hell did that first question cost you to your press conference?

You know, that was the most shameful setup I've ever heard of.

I'm totally unaware of it.

His first question starts in, and the first question the guy gets up and says, well, you know, Governor, we have this situation here where the governor's attacking the president on IT&T and all this stuff, and yet...

A top IT&T official in Columbus, Ohio has given, reported that he's given over $100,000 to the government campaign.

Now isn't that a double standard that should be soundly condemned?

And John says, would you please give your name?

He couldn't believe he was a real reporter.

It was George Henry.

They played both, but they're more on the other side than our side.

That's right.

Up until this year, they were all trackers.

I'm sure that's right.

It gave us a little bit to big money, all that.

Well, that gave me a chance to talk about these two young fellows that put up $500,000 from the government last week, and bought, and all the rest of these rich people contributed to them.

And I gave my old, it's a pat phrase, I said, when these rich people

It gives to the Democrats.

It gives to your side.

There are always noble, concerned citizens.

And I said, when they give to the opposition, why, they suddenly become fat kids.

I'm trying to buy something.

Yeah.

Who is the man, I asked, that was the Humphrey contributor, who contributed to us, that's in Texas.

Was he in Pyramids and Ranch?

No.

Who is that man?

I don't know that man.

I knew there was something funny about that deal.

I just met him.

Well, did he do that?

I don't know.

Yeah, apparently he did.

Apparently he did.

I got him.

I got him nothing.

I'm nuts.

A guy named Duncan from Bryan, Texas.

Now he lives in San Antonio.

He turned to you.

You don't know him?

No, I don't know him.

And when I heard about this guy giving this kind of money, I said, there's some fishy.

Well, he's bankrupt.

Oh, yeah, now he's bankrupt.

Well, I'll be damned.

Well, he's not the person.

And then Gino wanted to go down and see him.

What about this guy?

I said, now, Gino, leave him alone.

I said, I don't know him.

I don't know anything about him.

But there's something wrong with this man.

There's a guy like that didn't operate when he left.

He's 25 years.

But he contributed to Humphrey and contributed to us.

He was the biggest contributor.

Well, I'll tell you, that doesn't hurt.

Although that's not the case, because John, my feeling about the corruption can exist.

First of all, as far as what I know about the facts, there is totally, absolutely, and you can be sure, the Watergate thing is a case in part.

Needless to say, and you would know this from the evidence as far as I'm concerned,

I knew not a damn thing about it.

It was utterly sharp when I heard about it in Florida, because it was the name of the loop.

I mean, you couldn't just bump anybody, bump the headquarters of somebody, but you had to bump the National Committee.

The second point, but beyond that, to have that heavy-handed kind of activity, of course, is absolutely unbelievable.

The Watergate thing was connected, as was indicated by

lower echelon people who were in the business.

I think their responsibility was to get information with regard to, interesting enough, ironically, the charges that they were going to screw up our convention.

That was the time, if you recall, when everybody figured the old convention was going to have a lot of mass demonstrations, rioting, and so forth and so on.

So they set this up to work on that, apparently, and that's what happened.

It's a great thing.

It's a great thing that they had no connection, whatever, with Ronald Reagan.

None, whatever.

That's the point.

It's so dishonest about the whole thing.

It's a great thing.

Had to do only with rallies.

meetings, et cetera, and was, in my view, a half-assed operation.

But again, there was absolutely no connection.

They got Chapman in it, but the only problem they got Chapman in is that he went to school this fall.

And I don't know, his regretting to me seems like a very pleasant fall after a bang, but it's a little bit on the stupid side.

What, have you done any more about it?

So there's no other facts?

Is there any more?

Other than that, I would say the Zagretti thing.

If you move the Watergate stuff out.

Suppose all the Zagretti charges are true.

What in the hell is that?

When Wilkie printed tickets to pack the galleries and win the nomination, he was praised by all the Eastern establishment.

Mike Coles and those young bucks who did that.

The pretty, the pictures, the tickets, such a clever thing.

Yeah, I mean, you know what I mean, the tickets, et cetera, et cetera.

Well, the other side of this coin, of course, is that out of the government headquarters, if you want to look at it in terms of campaigns, campaigns are not particularly, a lot of games are played.

But the flyers that resulted in a violent demonstration when I was in San Francisco were distributed from the Berkeley headquarters of the government.

The government never did it.

The telephone calls for a violent demonstration, not as violent, but at least noisy and potentially violent in California, where we're made from the McGovern headquarters in Los Angeles.

The Phoenix headquarters is burned down.

They've had firebombs in five others, and the McGovern people have never repudiated it.

Well, you never know.

And the press study, they wouldn't care to pick it up.

Now, to point out, I think John said the fact, what already acts on this, because the main thing we've got to be concerned with, it cannot touch the president.

I said that I didn't know about that, and that nobody in the White House staff was involved in the water game.

That is absolutely true.

Absolutely true.

Nobody knew.

Now, Segretti, I must say, that is totally news to me.

And I would be quite candid in saying I would be surprised if in the campaign that kind of stuff doesn't go on.

Oh, sure.

It goes on.

But let me say, huh?

It doesn't.

Well, look, when you plan around it, what do you do?

In the primary period, they were looking for a guy.

This is in the pre-primary period.

They were looking for a guy or some people.

They wanted to recruit some people that could move around and harass the various Democrats and screw things up a little bit, you know what I mean?

And all that, no espionage, no sabotage, no... No wiretapping.

No listening in.

You can see by the level of the guy, this is, you know, not that type of person.

Bargain people were that type of people.

Those Cubans were professional buggers.

That was a different matter altogether.

But this...

Apparently the committee over there, the guys that were running the thing at the time, thought we ought to have something.

They ought to be wandering around watching what the candidates were doing and calling back in about how their rallies were going and all that kind of stuff.

Right.

And explaining what things were happening.

And so, Jayden had this friend, who he knew at school, at SC, who had been, was a lawyer, had worked at the Treasury Department for a little while, then had gone into the Army, and he was getting out of the Army.

at this time, and Chapin said, this is a hell of a guy to do this.

He loves, he was a great prankster type at Canvas, on Canvas.

He loves Canvas, all that kind of stuff, and he's the ideal guy for this sort of thing.

Get him.

So James gives Zagretti a call and says, get out of the Army.

You know, this is a great, great thing for you.

You can get in the campaign and all that.

And Zagretti got all excited about it.

It's a very mature kind of an operation, obviously.

He came in.

So then over to Watergate, I mean, the Army.

He had nothing to do with anybody here.

And he did, apparently, from time to time, call Chapin while he was wandering around doing these things, saying, tell me what had happened.

You know, I had a great thing here or something.

You know, he'd be interested.

Must keep these screws on up there.

Again, not espionage in any sense at all, because if he wasn't in on it, he wasn't...

And there was absolutely nothing about Watergate.

It had nothing whatever to do with it.

It was financed right out of the committee order.

It was financed.

It was financed out of a cash, you know, box that they had.

Long before the reporting.

That's right.

And that's where it all was.

Now, the problem is that it would have never been caught.

except for the insistence of keeping it away from here or from anybody involved.

So they put it under this guy, Liddy, over at the committee, who they had doing all this kind of stuff.

He charges security for the committee, right?

And all the external activity type stuff.

So when they started checking phone logs in the Watergate case, they found Zagretti's phone number.

They tracked that down, because there have been quite a few phone calls back and forth with this guy, Zagretti.

So they tracked that down.

That's how they got the name.

Then that led to taking FBI statements from him that he appeared before the grand jury and all that.

Well, we've got a leak in the FBI.

And the leak in the FBI is providing information from these sworn statements.

As a result of the security, they called Chapin and took a sworn statement from him, which I'd be happy to publish on the front page of the Washington Post because it makes the whole thing absolutely clear that Chapin just exactly how this works.

I've never met Segretti.

I would know him from Adam.

Never talked to him.

He's never had anything to do with anybody here.

Except Chapin, who's his old buddy.

And Gordon Stratton, who was also, he was a fraternity brother at his school.

Chapin said to Gordon, wouldn't Segretti be a good guy to get in this kind of stuff?

Gordon said, yeah, he'd love it.

So that's how they get tied.

Their line is that they didn't hire him.

They recommended him.

They said, here's your guy to do this stuff.

But our people say, Jacob is in charge of our schedule.

That's basically how we do it.

Advancement and all that.

I have our people.

That's how.

See, we also.

We have 50 advancements.

And we recruited advancements.

But Segretti had nothing to do with that.

He wasn't an advancement.

He's never been here.

Advancements.

That may be where he's getting this, we recruited 50 operators to do this stuff, but we purposely never let our advancement get across the line into any of this contact with the enemy type of thing.

So that's really where the whole then thing is, and it's a shame because there's cross lines in all of this stuff.

This Howard Hunt that was in the Watergate thing, and clearly was I guess,

was before that at the White House working on Pentagon Papers stuff.

And drugs.

And involved in some damn sensitive stuff.

Very good.

Very damn sensitive stuff.

And the guy is, and he was using these Cubans at that time.

Trying to find out.

He was working on the Pentagon Papers.

Trying to find out about his girlfriend.

He was the guy that got him.

So it's a tragedy.

What's happened is by trying to do it all right, we've succeeded in fully fucking it up.

The main point is it's three weeks before the election.

The next point is that in terms of this, you've got to, I think it's, I don't like to see us be having to talk about it and so forth.

There will be other things to talk about.

But you've got to keep it away from this office.

Because first, it has to be true.

And second, we have to condemn it.

Now, as a matter of fact, when you condemn a book, you've got to be dead sure that you know what you're condemning.

And you can't now.

I don't think you can condemn

the legitimate activities of following the other people.

No, no, no.

You can argue with them.

It's illegal.

That's right.

And that's against the law.

So that's what we're talking about.

Well, the point is that I would admit that I have talked to Berger or Bob Hill.

I said, sure, what's wrong with it?

Sure, it's almost a grave.

Now, we hired him.

You bet we hired him.

And we hired him to go and case the riders of all these people, see what was happening, see how they were operating against each other.

But when you accuse us, now, Muskie came out, you know, that big long list of all the things that happened to him.

He said he might sue us.

They decided not to.

But we found out why he decided not to.

That whole business, like the pizzas and his party and all that stuff, it was pretty funny.

It turns out Dick Tucker did that whole thing for Andre, which is exactly what we thought was the case.

And that's what the guy did to me.

Dick Tucker used to do it to the press.

He did that to the press.

Why didn't the press put that out?

Well, they may.

They're trying to confirm that.

They've got...

That's right.

And he was on ours in 1960.

And he had a bulletin press release.

You know the situation in regard to our own.

I told you about it.

He just told me he played with a bullet, but that's not what I was listening to.

Now, we are never going to put that out, Chief.

Well, there's no reason to embarrass you, but I think you will know what the situation is.

Edgar Hoover told Mitchell,

that our plane was bugged for the last two weeks of the campaign.

Now, the reason for bugging it, Johnson had it bugged.

The order was bugged, in person.

And so was Humpers, I think.

I'm not sure about Humpers.

I know about Humpers.

But the reason he said he had it bugged was because he was talking about he had his Vietnam plans in there, and he had to have information as to what we were going to say about that.

the plane was bugged, John, and that whole two weeks period.

And Johnson did every conversation.

And you know where it was bugged?

In my apartment.

So every conversation I had, the two weeks Johnson had.

Now, we're not going to say anything.

because of the white hair, because it looked like it.

Well, I don't want them pressuring anybody.

They had a press conference this morning.

If this went on during the Johnson administration, I said, I don't know.

I wasn't part of the Johnson administration.

I was in Texas, governor of Texas.

But I said, I would not want to give that or any other administration in my lifetime any seal of purity.

And if I go out there.

I don't know the other way to do it, except on the Segretti thing.

And I'm going to shoot on that Bob Dover.

Every horse in Segretti, from the rest of the hunts, the ladies, the rest, if you don't get in trouble for handling a lot of cash and so forth, I'm afraid that's where you get the vines.

Nothing wrong with the cash.

No, the cash is before the...

We're already in a bind on the cash.

They already say we have a $350,000 cash rush from the Senate.

Well, I just think tonight, dear son, Bob, just have Bob don't be saying how sure we are.

And what do they have?

What do they do?

But the next tough thing, you don't think you can get that out?

It is out.

And the press has it.

It sounds like it.

like a tick-tock operation.

And that's what Cigarette is still up to.

I thought it was too clever for us to have done it.

That's right.

It's too smart.

I figured it had to be.

But it's just, it's originally a truck-to-stock parade.

We used to send out big press releases, you know, off of the plane.

And also, Goldwater, in the last, the scam was pointing out that Goldwater, in the last month of the campaign, that...

that every one of Goldwater's speeches was in Johnson and the Johnson committee's hands before the poor son of a bitch put it on himself.

They had a secretary, see.

You do it yourself.

We all know everybody does.

That's right.

Everybody does.

And that's perfectly legitimate.

If you've got a secretary that's gonna rap, you're gonna get him.

He was different people.

He said at one time, I had lunch with Dale Webb.

He's lovely today at lunch.

He's lovely today too.

He's an old cop bastard.

He's always whining.

He's only got two billion dollars.

He was whining.

And I said, no, I didn't know that.

I said, no, I didn't know that.

happy with his choice.

We'd have a million and a half short.

And I said, the committee's in bad shape now, because just a fellow like you to take everybody.

And it's loaded, but we're not loaded.

But I said, I can ask the general to make me contribute anything.

I said, hell, if you don't want to contribute, that's fine.

I said, I don't want you to do something you don't want to do.

I said, you'd be unhappy about it if you do it, if you can't do it.

good grace, if you do it enthusiastically, it's extremely good.

What I would have, I'd have ten people, each of whom would not be embarrassed if somebody went up and said, I'm going to put a bonker.

Now, I know Mulcahy would start, of course, if he would start too high, that would embarrass the others, but I'd have Mulcahy there and tell him, and have him

But Mulcahy actually would put up with it.

And it's not, he's not rich compared to, Mulcahy's only worth 75 or 80 there.

But he's willing to give 10.

It's amazing how he's, you know, the most amazing global flyers here.

Well, the point that they made the other day was that, and I think it's a good point that you all might think about, that at some point in some of your speeches, or in one speech between you and I, that you not just talk about what you've done,

but that you express a dissatisfaction that you haven't done more.

And in spite of all you've done, more needs to be done.

More needs to be done on this and on this and on this.

On the theory, and this is my theory, not theirs, on the theory that people are never satisfied with what they had.

And no matter what you do, they want you to do more.

So we don't want to put you in the posture

I've just made a status quo.

In fact, I've done it all.

I just say, here's what we've done.

But there's still great challenges.

There's still great problems.

There's still great opportunities.

And, you know, whatever figure you want to dwell on.

But just hold out some hope for it.

And I think it's a good thought to give people something to look forward to.

Otherwise, I think the campaign's in excellent shape.

I don't think anything else in Canada should be done.

Of course, we must overkill us.

I think you can go out and say some things.

I think my own activities are quite extensive now in these next two weeks, actually.

I've got two radio speeches a week, and they're highly-subsidized.

You know what I mean?

They're positive.

They made this one, though.

They started it.

They laid out a crime program, and they laid out a no one can catch this program.

And we're going to have one on foreign policy toward the end.

And one is the vision of America for the future and so forth.

But it was really come down to it.

What is really involved here, John, speaking quite candidly at this point, you know and I know that unless somebody gets killed, that we're going to win the election.

And we win it pretty well.

The question is how much.

And the second point is, what is involved is the future of the political system in the United States.

My reason for wanting to win very substantially is not to always crack on a mandate or institute.

You win by one vote and you're impressive and you work hard.

And people forget very quickly how much you won by.

You know, even with Johnson, 30 years has been a lot.

And he's now 40% of the polls for two years.

I think he's starting to tell his name.

On the other hand, what is really important, and the point I make,

I think it is what the government stands for, the eastern liberal media stands for, the eastern intellectuals stand for.

It must be crushing.

It must be crushed and given a defeat so that it cannot come back and have an opportunity to have much influence in America for a while.

And certainly not without the American Party.

Now the real fight here, in my view, is what the hell happens to this system.

So what I think is, now we don't know, we can't know what, I can't predict what's going to happen to the Ukraine party, who's a part of the party of the independent flux of rest, but if McGovern is defeated by enough, you realize that those that have been for the way out lifestyle, those that have been for a bug out of Vietnam, for American undue isolationism, for everything that is right and wrong in this country,

are going to be thoroughly discredited.

It's going to be a terrible blow to the New York Times, to the Washington Post, to Newsweek, to Time, and the leaders of the three networks.

It's going to be a terrible blow to them.

It's going to be a terrible blow to the Eastern establishment, the university types, all of whom are that kind, weak in their spines.

And it will be a great encouragement to the decent people in this country

And they're most of them.

They're decent people in every state.

But when you speak regionally, they're in the South, they're out through that Midwest.

You saw a lot of them in California, a lot of strong people out there.

A lot of strong people.

And those people, what we've got to do after this election, is what I feel, is to build a new structure.

I've told Bob, I'm not going to load this administration with more Jews.

We have our share.

They're very good.

That's it.

But there are too many Jews in government.

Not because you expect it, but basically their loyalties are not deep enough to what we believe in.

The other thing is that we have too many people in government.

We automatically have a trigger reaction, knee-jerk reaction when we have a government.

If you go to Harvard or Yale or Columbia or Rutgers, the hell will happen.

We've got to go out on the hard line and bring people in.

If you go east, go to Florida, not Harvard.

Now that's what we've got to do.

Let me tell you something.

There is another reason I feel this.

You take the FBI.

Everybody says, oh, Hoover, you know, he brought squares and made them cut their hair and all the rest and so forth.

But it was an organization of enormous loyalty, of great integrity and great ability.

He never took any lawyers from Harvard.

Most of them didn't want to go.

But he got them from Georgetown.

He got them from the Midwest.

He got them from the Southern schools.

And they are the best we ever saw.

Now, that's the thing we're going to do.

We've got to go to those towns with the press.

This sign around the New York Times and the Post has got to stop.

This crime simmering around the huge society, those people, it's got to stop.

You've got to support Dan Bridge.

Now, Dan Bridge is the brightest man in the world, but he's on our side.

Do you agree?

Well, I'll tell you this, a lot of these sacred idiots that you're talking about, they're not the brightest guys in the world either.

Citing is not very bright.

He's not very bright.

And he's always built up.

I mean, I think that what we, I think we have the idea, we discount, we frankly, not discount, we underestimate the ability of the good people in this country.

We think that when a person is not in the set, that he isn't very smart.

Well, that is not true.

If that were true, you wouldn't have had any success in politics, and I would have had none.

Hell, I'd still be in Whittier.

That's the truth.

Because I've never been one of these bug charmers.

And I'm never going to be.

And what we've got to do in this thing, now the government, it's interesting to hear this fellow from this little old state of South Dakota preach or something like this.

But he came to Washington.

And he became part of John.

the whole Georgetown liberal set and so forth and so on, sintering and sucking around and so forth, and therefore represents that point of view.

In other words, McGovern didn't keep his

He got away with it.

He's going to lose something.

He's going to lose it two to one, I predict.

Two to one.

Now my point is, my point is, is I look at the administration, and this cuts across the board, it does for the State Department.

And right now, through the other agent, H-U-P, H-E, government, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.

That's what I do.

Now, I come back to my point.

A crushing defeat for Macbeth would be an retaliation of what I think is wrong with this country, or what has been wrong in the late 60s and the early 60s.

In other words, it's an attitude of permissiveness.

It's an attitude of sort of being shamed of the country.

It's an attitude of not being patriotic, really, in a sense.

Not disloyal in the communist sense, but just disloyal about certain things.

Does that make any sense?

Yeah, damn right it makes sense.

That's what I think the campaign is about.

I read it in this book.

You know, we really, we fought the job.

You know the tough decisions we made that I've made.

We can't make the wherewithal.

We can't vote for the future.

Lots made.

Where were these people?

Where were they?

They weren't with us.

We have a few, we've got a few on our side.

But the point is, we've got to build more, but we've got to reward them.

You know what, the kids, they talk about that a lot.

The kids, the young people, we're getting, not half of the college kids, but maybe a half or slightly better of all under 30.

But the kids always talk about what they call their peer group psychology.

And it just isn't, and it wasn't.

So out of that, Mexico is never to be this way.

We've got to make it fashionable to be for the right things together.

I'll let you know.

It's got to be fashionable.

Now, it is fashionable to be decent in the Midwest and other places around the country.

They're shifting overall to be something fashionable again to no question believe in the country a little bit.

It is.

And there's no case for that.

And the re-election will make a hell of a difference.

Well, I think it will change people's approach to the values.

Well, that's my support of the GMs.

Big victories you can get.

Bigger it is, the more difference it will make.

And the more it will discredit my government.

And most important, what he stands for.

Now, what the media and I are trying to do, desperately,

They're desperately trying to find a scapegoat, and they cannot bear to think that their ideas are the issue.

Because their ideas were the same as my parents'.

So they're trying to say, he screwed it up.

If he'd had an evil affair, he might have won.

Or if he'd had a better game of picking, he might have won.

He was never going to account for that.

He was never going to.

But you bring it no way.

I agree.

Because his ideas aren't here.

That's right.

And his ideas aren't here.

He's out here standing.

No question.

It's hot.

No question.

It's this screwball.

It's a basic side of the fence.

That's right.

It's frankly his lifestyle.

And it goes around.

But you're right.

They're going to have it cinched into these ranks.

That's right.

or the dirty campaign you had to bring.

One of the things about that one, though, that makes it fall short, is that his campaign, in a personal sense, has been pretty damn rough, all the way from farm to anything that has even been ordered by anybody to do a campaign.

We haven't said anything about it.

First of all, I told them on the West Coast, they talked about it being a mean campaign.

I said, yeah, I sure agree.

I think it is a mean campaign.

And I said, it's a one-sided mean campaign.

I said, y'all can't have it both ways.

I said, you've denounced the president because he won't get out of the campaign.

Now you can't say he's out of the campaign in a mean, low-life fashion.

I said, it's mean, all right.

But it's all mean, but the governor's not for it.

I said, it's just one-sided.

We've got a chance on that if we want to.

to hit back and hear what might be an effective way of a government statement on our own personal.

We saw the issue of a big statement today from Diddy, from a release tonight that was taking care of it, but it was really in the press program.