Conversation 872-020

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That's a car, not a car.

I suppose it's, uh, it's a model for a car.

He did.

I had a play, and he was trying to get a show.

He always carries a golf club in his sack, you know.

And so when he came to see me, he came to David, and he was trying to work out a way to go to China.

He said to me, I saw that post on my computer.

And he says, well, I'll get you one.

No, no, no, because I don't plan on it.

So he gave me the golf club.

Look what it says.

Step over here so we can get a picture.

I always get a walk here if you want to leave.

What happened to him?

Well, it's very, very, very sad.

So at 9 o'clock you press this rather than turning the light off.

Are you going to actually wear it?

Because I wake up and I'm always going to see what time it is.

If you turn the light away, you show up too much.

I can read this without glasses, which is good.

That's that.

Yes, I've heard of it.

Campbell has one of those.

A lot of rich friends have.

They do it to me.

Well, I was going to say, the reason I was glad you were able to come in, that you rather, I suppose, must wonder what you write about after all the effort that you have ever, ever seized.

I don't see them all, I must say.

But I was an employer, right?

I did read it.

And it was very instructive, very instructive.

I appreciate it very much.

And I think it was one of the rare letters you actually read that affected you.

I think you should know that.

But the thing I liked about it was when I think of your sitting down and writing all by longhand,

Well, it was very, very awful.

Very awful, I appreciate it.

Well, I would have pursued to write if I hadn't been considered languish about what I, perhaps, had written or formed about it.

Well, I'm opposed to this if you want.

Everything is a matter of, you know, what it is.

You know, I was talking this morning with Senator McClellan.

It was always been a sort of a hawk and super hawk.

And I'd actually talked about the budget of the aid in Vietnam, which we were trying to solve and so forth.

But, and he was talking about the bond issue, separate and so forth.

And he says, I was born, he says, but I wish you could explain.

I said, well, I can tell you, he said, I thought about it.

I said, I thought more than hard.

But then I had to make a decision as to whether I could, if I did explain it, whether it would have the effect of decreasing the chance that the enemy would deal.

And without reasonably really worrying about the base, I finally decided that the important thing was to make it as easy as possible for that to come off in a transparent position, and I didn't.

By the word,

But in other words, there are only reasons for things.

You see the, I don't say this as a justification, but I should at least say the reason was not a desire to just go out and start bombing people without explaining the reason was, because I did consider the execution and so forth.

that knowing these people, knowing their attitudes, that the invader would go on and say, now they have stolen moments of the parents, which is true.

They have attached conditions with regard to our prisoners of war and other things, which is true.

They have not agreed to the demarcation line and so forth, which would be the most inspired call, which was true.

Until they do agree to these things, we are going to result in a buy.

Then, the position they would have been in as well.

We'll go back to the talks.

They, that they couldn't do.

What happened was, we didn't, we didn't have a private vote.

That book speech I made to you, I made that, had a very tough private message.

And, uh, well, should I say, tough firm.

And, consequently, in a week, we got the message in 28.

Nevertheless, the point is, it's very difficult, as I told John, Colin, it's very, very difficult for an individual who is trying to be fair, as well as right, but may be fair to whoever sits in this office.

First, it's difficult.

You should never be for him all the time, because he isn't right all the time.

He's wrong all the time, either.

But the second point is,

There are some times that you cannot explain what you're doing at that time.

And you have to go back and explain it later.

Yeah.

And that's the tough one.

And the thing I want you to know is that I am keen to declare the fact that...

the star in this town where your whole constituency tells you to run an extreme position.

I mean, after all, I know the kind of people who live in this city and who buy it and all the rest of it.

I mean, which way do you want to turn?

I mean, the fact that you've taken such a responsible position during the years, it's a goddamn gutsy thing to do.

And I really, I appreciate it.

Well, I know that you have great pressures.

I don't know the people, but I know how the newsrooms are.

People who just honestly feel what's the matter with the stars, the most, you know, make a lot of time.

I get the administration around all the time.

Why don't we do it at least half the time?

Well, I must admit, you said you were a lonely voice.

I knew exactly what you meant, but also, I'm not...

that there are such pressures.

But what I said to you in the letter was not in response to somebody else.

I didn't even discuss it with other people.

But you're talking to yourself about it.

I really am.

And I've not felt any particular conviction that I was right, but felt the feeling that something was wrong in the way we were coming across.

I would like to

I don't want to talk too much.

I don't know.

I've already said an awful lot in that letter.

But let me just pursue one thing here.

I do...

It would be completely pointless for me to try to discuss with you, let alone argue with you, the question of the individual programs and what you should do about the budget and this and that.

But you spoke of the difficulty of explaining things, and what I am trying to tell you is that I don't think you're explaining what your real attitude is on this thing enough to get it across to a lot of people who are extremely important to you, of whom I'm typical.

I'm very much unconscious of the fact that you would have done some along this line.

I thought that in your statement on February 24th, last Sunday, on the cities and this kind of thing, that you, I thought I could detect some response to the kind of concern that I've been expressing.

But nevertheless, what comes across to me

is that you're saying, in effect, now look, we've been doing, we're really doing all right.

These cities are not in such bad shape.

We're doing twice as much as anybody else has done before.

And in effect, you ought to be rather happy about what's happening.

And all this may be true.

And furthermore, this is all we can do because we have all these budgetary measures and so on.

And that may be completely correct.

But I just feel that there's something missing from your point of view, from the country's point of view, by way of a discussion of this, of the background of the attitude that you carry in this, which conveys some sympathy, some

real appreciation of the problems of the people in these cities.

I'm not sure how long this current thing is going to stay quiet.

I'm happy the way it is.

It seems to me, sir, that my question is that every president who has been a really great president has appealed somehow to the

sort of higher instincts of this, of this electorate.

He's, he's, he's talked to them about what they want to be doing more than what they're doing.

He's tried to make them feel what they need to be doing more.

That's right.

And that, that you, at the moment, are in danger of talking more about how, really, I mean, you know, we're doing okay.

Don't, don't let it,

Mr. President, I'm afraid I'm not going to cross my fingers, but I have a feeling that there is a mood in this country, particularly on the part of many of your most ardent supporters, the sort of middle America type, the hard hat, the little man who's sitting there doing his job.

He feels he's been bugged long enough by the government.

He feels that he has to pay the taxes.

He feels that

He wished he could just be let alone by all this, and somehow he's been sort of had by all these programs that we've had in the past.

And I'm afraid that he may feel that you are, that you not only agree with him, but that you're sort of encouraging him in that kind of view, and I'm afraid that that's true, given that attitude on the part of this little class group, and versus

but maybe a growing, again, a growing discontent among the really poor, the black, the ghetto-type people, that you may get into something that is very hungry and very unpleasant there.

And I'm just afraid that some of the rhetoric that has been employed in the post-election period has been purring to a sort of

Perhaps you don't sense this mood, perhaps I'm long and too, too scared to, shadows under the bed or something, but I feel that there is a simian mood of sort of, to handle these problems.

We haven't heard too much about how these people had a doubt.

Whether the private United States seat appears, even for a moment, to sort of cater to that or to go along with that point of view.

You can unleash some very ugly things here.

And I wish, I wish to God that when you just made, very effectively, uh, your gun or two.

Well, yeah, it's one of the, I apologize, I'm going back to camp.

No, no, no, sir.

It's, uh, it's the, uh, it is, it's somewhat, it's sometimes difficult to get across, because basically the,

The question of what is reported, we know of people who read headlines, they read first paragraphs, and they listen to perhaps two minutes or so of the news.

You're absolutely right.

All that is that the news brings the hard news to account.

Now, for example, I'm going to have one on crime.

to get away with this crap to the effect that that what we do for the dependence of

third cousins of World War II veterans, and that is due to the worry of the Vietnam veterans, you know, because this veterans lobby is, is, has been, you know, and when I first came to the Congress, I voted against the whole insistent law where we cast it.

The veterans lobby is, uh, is not really interested in that Vietnam veteran.

He really is interested in that guy in the hospital, but they're interested in his defense and prayer and all the rest, which is out of a total system for about half the people

We're going to have medical care set up for everybody, you know.

But at the time then, I was going to tell you it will come to you very hard in honor, because I had a very strong conviction, a conviction that was certainly not wanted by what happened in Sudan, that on a very precise, narrow basis, that you'd have to have an internal capital punishment.

In certain cases, Bill Rodgers, as you know, went on television and said, there should be execution of these terrorists.

And certainly, that was something.

Now, for us to say, for the government to sit down, because one of our ambassadors in the Chargé was killed, they should execute him.

And for us to do here, to give life imprisonment to Sir Armstrong,

And we have, we have, for example, high tax where death results, that's what I'm talking about, high tax where death results, or kidnapping where death results, or this sort of very precise area that is not, the court has not ruled that out.

The courts really, really will not count the punishment, as you know, because they said it was too uncertain.

I'll let you go into that later.

Thank you, Colin.

But my guess is that while there's a lot of other positive stuff in there, crime law, prison reform, and the rest of that, I don't even think a lot of day, all the people we carry, you know, they hang out in this big grave, we can get down and cast a folder on the back, on the back page.

But Mr. President, you know how these things do work.

Your description is accurate.

You're quite right that in that message that you're speaking of there, and in the ones, the

In the image that you have presented since the election, there is a rather, not only hard lines, a hard nose position, but a position that sounds, if you'll forgive me, a little bit, when we read this, everybody said, sort of vindictive, sort of, you want a tremendous victory here, and now, to hell with these people that used to criticize that we're so much the great.

If you agree at all with the kind of feeling that I was trying to express, it seems to me that you and John Ehrlich, and your advisors like Rosalie, who also know about this kind of thing, have got to figure out some way of dramatizing

something more than the hard line, I think.

I mean, this is all I would try to tell you.

I think that, I think, sir, that there is a tremendous job for the president to do in this situation, having to do with some kind of reconciliation, some easing of the mood

in this inside country, as well as, I mean, now you've got a better thing going abroad, you're getting peace abroad, but the mood in this country now is sort of,

One of the, I think it could be a little tension that I hear.

I mean, who can dispel it?

I mean, how do you gauge it over the four years?

Do you see it as having been very bad to begin with, but in 69, that move was rotten?

Yes, of course.

You see, it's gotten steadily better.

Now, where do you see it as off again?

I, I, what I detect is, it's always rough in the campaign.

It was pretty rough in the campaign.

Because basically, not because of what we did.

That's understandable.

Campaigns always divide for a while.

And afterwards, you have to see who can bring it together.

That's the way it always is.

But, sir, I know you've addressed yourself to this before.

You've said, well, look, you know, it takes two to tango.

And these other fellows, they were the critics.

And they're still the critics.

And I'm not.

Well, this is extremely presumptuous of me, but I suggest to you that you are the man who sets the spirit, the tone of the whole thing that happens here.

And if you can find a way, and I'm not talking about amnesty and that kind of thing, I'm talking about the sort of mood of the people in this country that are important, not the ones that ripped you off long ago, the ones that are wondering and watching this thing, like me,

that some way you should try to find a way of holding out your hand they're saying something that that epitomizes and expresses your concern you're you're caring about some of these problems other than just demonstrating that we're doing all right you're doing all right and so on that if you could convey

just even a sense of worry about what was happening.

I don't agree with you that we've got pain as far as the city is concerned.

I think it's going to be a terrible show in another few years if something doesn't happen to

get us moving toward a solution for some of these big problems, like the housing problem, like the education problem.

Well, let me just touch on that, because we were talking about housing in the other room.

We've got a hell of a record on housing.

I appreciate there's a difference between perception and reality in a lot of these things.

But we have been building housing in this country for the last four years at a rate that is approximately twice that

the rate in any of the previous 10 years.

We have been hanging through housing hens, low-income housing hens, public housing hens, housing coming on our rear.

We haven't had any of the other besides.

But the housing starts have been astronomical.

And we did that.

That didn't just happen.

It wasn't just the result of an economy.

We pumped the hell out of the housing money market.

We poured money in.

We, how do we, we created Jimmy Mays, the secondary market.

We had a strategy and it worked.

And we got two million a year for four years.

Now, that's the housing story.

The housing perception is the Herbaugh cartoon of the old lady being kicked out of the store.

Well, see, John, he does the Herbaugh's cartoon, though, John, I guess it's not related to the housing.

Yeah, look at what they did.

It's like you do.

Well, it's related to what he believes should be the approach to housing, which is not offered.

So I don't believe that the way to handle the housing problem is to continue to build the type of housing that has failed.

I mean, if you've ever gone through, I mean, St. Louis, Washington DC, Miami.

and then the, what we would call, totally subsidized housing project.

We're only the board members of that, and they're just simply on our finger.

And it ended this long, five years, and so we had to find different approaches to it.

Sir, but anyway, you haven't done it.

This is why I said I'm out here to tax your individual programs, but what I do,

rather than just that what you say is exactly the point that I'm trying to address myself to, which is that your response when somebody says something about housing is you say, hell, we're doing great by the housing thing.

Well, perhaps you are.

That's what I'm trying to say.

I'm very concerned about housing.

That's right, and what comes through then, what comes through the people's satisfaction is a feeling of, my gosh, what do you people want us to do for you?

We're providing a lot of housing, we're doing a lot of things, and yet you know that there are people in this country who have terrible problems.

that the whole concept of the ghetto is still something we haven't gotten around.

I think that that kind of downtown situation is something that's gotta be laid back.

All I'm saying is instead of trying to convince people that everything's peachy, I think that the president ought to find a way of conveying to these people that this is something that is goddamn important to him.

And that if he was able to do that,

on that issue or any other issue that you do feel that is important in that area, then it would change something very important in the public's outreach, you know, of what this administration was about.

I mean, we were talking about Dave Broderick in the other room, too.

I have a feeling that Dave Broderick, approaching the Senate, might write a column that said,

There's some people who wonder whether the president's really sensitive.

Yes, he is.

He used to be with us.

Oh, I know.

We were talking about the quality of his work.

And he'd say something like this.

People might wonder whether the president's really concerned about housing.

But if you get back into the record, you will see that he cares a great deal about housing.

Because the extraordinary things that he does.

I think the point that...

What he wants to get across is a concern for the province.

Those who have a little housing are concerned for the province.

I mean, even though they have housing for both, it's viable for a lot of people.

Food stamps still have got to be a concern for people who, despite not having an education, still don't go to their schools and so forth and so on.

The difficulty is how we hold that concern.

I get up to the plea about it.

When I pressed for it last week here, somebody asked me a very specific question about what about the blacks, really, about Maryland.

I mean, you read the rights of all, but I spoke about it quite a lot.

Because of what is running wrong.

they're working on these problems, they don't need to be concerned about the fact that they go through there, not get there, and they're outside looking, and it works to that effect.

That ain't getting stories.

That ain't, not at all.

Because it's not hard to lose.

You have people that have disadvantage and are entitled to look for, when they're working on these problems, they don't need to be concerned about the fact that they go through there, not get there, and they're outside looking, and it works to that effect.

That ain't getting stories.

That ain't.

I don't know, because it's my heart.

Now the fight on housing, if I express concern about it, it won't get through.

The only thing that would do it would be if I have a program.

You see, the press, basically, and I understand that as a reporter, you'll sit there and you might get up and express what are my feelings.

Now the fight on housing, if I express concern about it, it won't get through.

The only thing that would do it would be if I have a program.

You see, the press, basically, and I understand that as a reporter,

You'll sit there, and you might get up and express what are my feelings.

And I have feelings about these things, my concerns about the problems of race, prejudice, and including housing, education, etc., etc., etc.

And they'll yawn.

It would be quite different, basically, if one of my predecessors had done it, because there, it's a, you know, it's a different, these things, my concern about the problems of race and prejudice, and again, including housing and education, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.

And they'll yawn.

It would be quite different, basically, if one of my predecessors had done it, because there, it's a,

You know, they, they, the rhetoric then was everything, almost, to a great extent.

Except, I will say, in Johnson's brain, he has hard programs, but he's assigned programs for all.

But I think in order to express concern at the present time, no, um, of all press fans, it was a different game, and they, they, the rhetoric then was everything.

to a grade exam.

Except I will say, in Johnson's grade, he had some hard programs, but I think in order to express concern at the present time, no, uh, of all, this is, this is a high-expanded, objective work, take the wire services, building orders, faculty orders, so forth and so on, is, well, what's the hard news?

And if you don't have the hard news that it's not there, so what we have to do is take a chance to find here, you've got to find something to be for.

This is a high-expanded objective.

Take the wire services, building orders, factory orders, so forth and so on.

Is, well, what's the hard news?

And if you don't have the hard news that it's not there, so what we have to do is take a chance to find

here, you've got to find something to lean for.

As far as this is concerned, the president gets up and says, you know, I'm worried about housing.

I think we ought to do something about it and the like.

It's not going to go.

The only other way you can do it, of course, is to make it.

It's the times to force feed it through the prime time.

That puts us concerned.

If the president gets up and says, gee, I'm worried about housing, I think we ought to do something about it, and the like, it's not going to go.

The only other way you can do it, of course, is to make it.

Is the times to force feed it through the prime time.

It's all by its confidence.

But you can't do that very often, John, because you can't bring it.

That's about four times a year.

And that's a flip, too.

But you see what the problem is.

I'd like to get this across, but I'm not sure.

I understand.

I don't know how we can quite do it.

And I also understand that both of you are putting people a little bit into mania.

So I was saying to the press, because you got a part of the problem.

You can't do that very often.

That's about four times a year.

And that's a flip, too.

But you see what the problem is?

I'd like to get this across, but I'm not sure I understand.

I don't know how we can quite do it.

I also understand that both of you are putting people a little bit into pain.

Yes, I'll represent in the press.

But because you got all of them.

That's true.

But I don't mind hitting the press.

If I were a press, I'd do the same thing.

I mean, because you're right.

I took journalism.

You're taught what's believed.

You don't say that the lead is, oh, sometimes somebody writes about Mr. President's mood, this, that.

Mostly that's just crap.

But mostly the lead is, the lead is going to get, to get, uh, on toward the problem.

That's, that's true.

Well, I don't mind hitting the President.

If I were a President, I'd do the same thing.

I mean, because you're, I, I, I took journalism.

And you're, you're taught what's the lead.

You don't say that the lead is, oh, but sometimes somebody writes about Mr. President's mood, this, that.

Mostly that's just crap.

But mostly the lead is, the lead is going to get Tom Carroll out there with his minute, Carroll out there with his minute and a half, his bonus on TV, his hard news.

The President was very kind today.

The President was very angry today.

Nothing.

But, Mr. President, there are ways of cutting through this thing, and I .

And I just ...

This has been a most pleasant conversation to have, as long as it's on TV.

It's hard news.

It is a problem.

The President was very kind today.

Nothing.

But, Mr. President, there are ways of cutting through this thing.

That can be found.

And I just, this is the most pleasant thing I've said, but I would like to just say one other thing, because I feel perhaps I haven't made one thing clear.

I'm not quite...

just suggesting that it would be good if he found some gimmick in order to express his passion to get a grade.

I'm reporting to you on my... No, no, that's my word.

I mean, it's a conversation.

But I would like to just say one other thing.

I think perhaps I have to make one thing clear.

I'm not quite...

Just suggesting that it would be good if he found some gimmick in order to express compassion.

I'm recording you.

No, no, that's my word.

I mean, I don't understand.

They want me to go out and go out in a black shirt or something like that.

I wouldn't do it.

Basically, it's a gimmick.

You regard it as a gimmick.

Okay.

I am supportive.

Speaking of what your style is, I'm reporting to you.

Oh, it's coming from us.

With all, yes, with compassion and with affection.

The fact that I think that you are coming across these days.

You know, I have people on the spot.

They want me to go out to a black shirt or something like that.

I won't do it.

Basically, it's a gimmick.

You regard it as a gimmick.

Okay.

I am supporting you.

Speaking of what you're styling, I'm reporting to you.

Oh, it's coming across.

With all, yes, with compassion and with affection.

The fact that I think that you are coming across not just as somebody who is not doing these things, but who is in a pretty tough, mean mood with regard to

uh, the kind of criticism that I'm giving you here, or that you've been getting in perhaps rougher form from other people.

Well, I mean, I, I, I, I, I, it seems to me you want this incredible victory that is not just to somebody who is not doing these things, but who is in a pretty tough, mean mood with regard to

uh the kind of criticism that i'm giving you here or that you've been getting in perhaps from reform from other people well i mean i i i i it seems to me you want this incredible you absolutely destroy your your enemies your people that have been criticizing you you you you've gotten

You've been fully justified for everything that you've done.

I mean, you've done it now.

Now, is not this the time then to, not to say, to sort of get something back at these people, but to absolutely destroy your enemies, your people that have been criticizing you.

You've got them.

You've been fully justified for everything that you've done.

I mean, you've done it now.

Now, is not this the time then to, not to say,

to sort of get something back of these two, but to confound them further by holding out the on branch and by doing the kind of things I think you're not likely to do.

I just, I am, my point being very crudely and very perhaps rudely made,

The problem to me is not that you're failing to come across as Uncle Sam.

I mean, as Santa Claus or something like that.

That you're failing, that you are coming

a little bit like people, but to confound them further by holding out the on branch and by doing the kind of things they think you're not likely to do.

My point, being very crudely and very perhaps rudely made, is that the problem to me is not that you're failing to come across as Uncle Sam, I mean as Santa Claus

That you're failing, that you are coming across a little bit of Scrooge, right?

And there's no reason for you to come across as Scrooge.

You're in a position where you can afford... That's the one thing you can afford right now, if you're looking to...

the future of your position in history, and your position in the country, and the position of the country.

And I just, after that, I talk too long, and I keep looking out of your hair, and you know, and I wouldn't dream of talking to you this way if I didn't like so Scrooge.

And there's no reason for you to come across as Scrooge.

You're in a position where you can afford

That's the one thing you can't afford right now, if you're looking to the future of your position in history, and your position in the country, and the position of the country.

And I just, I talk too long, and I don't want to get out of your hair, but I wouldn't.

dream of talking to you this way if I...

I earnestly feel that you're missing something here and I can't understand what it is and I can't see what is creating the mood that bothers me here.

That I think I need it.

I earnestly feel that you're missing something here and I can't understand what it is and I can't see what is creating the mood that bothers me here.

That I think I need it.

In a way that

the way that this administration has started this second administration.

Mr. President, if I could just say one more thing.

Sure.

Franklin Roosevelt had the, one thing that seemed to me that I understood, my young days there, that he did, was to awaken the rich people of this country, the big business people, so that their social response, the way that this administration has started this

Mr. President, I'd like to say one more thing.

Franklin Roosevelt had the, one thing that seemed to me that I understood, that my young days said that he did, was to awaken the rich people in this country, the big business people and so on, to their social responsibilities.

I mean, that was one of the things that he did.

He did so many things.

did sort of tell them there are certain things you've got to do to change.

You've got to tell them there are certain things you've got to do to change.

You've got to behave in a little bit different way.

And by so doing, by creating a different climate on their part, I think that he managed to preserve the system at a critical time.

Could it be that your function, that your destiny here is to awaken the

Archie Bunkers, what they say, you know, the guys that I was speaking of that are fed up with all this social crap and want to respond to the idea that they've been had and this is all, that all these people are just living off welfare and their tax money being wasted and so on.

If you can make those people understand that it isn't all quite that simple, that they have it on their part, I think that he managed to preserve the system at a critical time.

Could it be that your function, that your destiny here is to awaken the

Archie Bunkers, what they say, you know, the guys that I was speaking of that are fed up with all this social crap and want to respond to the idea that they've been had and this is all, that all these people are just living off welfare and their tax money is being wasted and so on.

If you can make those people understand that it isn't all quite that simple, that they have a A-A-A-A.

They are the key people in this country.

They've got to do right.

They've got to do more than have a A-A-A-A.

They are the key people in this country.

They've got to do right.

They've got to do more than, not just for themselves, but for everybody.

you will have turned something very big around, and if you don't, you may have something very serious to deal with in the end.

That's what I was trying, and I appreciate that.

And not just for themselves, but for everybody, you will have turned something very big around, and if you don't, you may have something very serious to deal with in the end.

That's what I was trying, and I appreciate that.

I think one of the one, uh, one advantage, uh, just to take.

I think one of the one, uh, one advantage.

Well, I, I can easily do this and take three predecessors.

Just to take care.

Well, I, I can easily do this and take three predecessors, two predecessors.

One advantage that, uh, Roosevelt had not in his first two predecessors.

It's my advantage that Roosevelt had not his first term until after the first two years.

Term until after the first two years.

I'm on the back, of course, of the Kennedy Animal Space, which...

uh... uh... uh... uh...

but uh but uh

reporters, one of your, one of your, I would say slightly to the left of the center, not much, but if you could categorize, he would say to the reporters here, I would say slightly to the left of the center, not much, but if you could categorize, he would interact and talk that way as perhaps a, interact and talk that way as perhaps a, he'd say a, an old video letter, but he made the interesting point that he'd say a,

He made the interesting point that the problem that God had in the first four years, he was speaking in four months, he had in the first four years, he was

He said, he said, he said, he said, he said, he said, he said,

is he only through the eyes of the members of Christ?

How many members only through the eyes of the members of Christ?

How many members of Christ he was referring in his, he's a writing guy.

Christ he was referring in his, he's a writing guy.

There are many that, regular writing presses, who serve in Mark 10 people.

There are a natural right to write in the press is certainly more attractive than to talk in the press, because we talk in the press, because we talk in the press.

It's just a certain guy, but he doesn't know me enough.

He's being in the television press, and to a certain extent, but he's just rather than so simple.

And in the Roosevelt days in the press, and to a certain extent, but he's just

The president is so sick.

In the Roosevelt days, the Kennedy days, when those who present the president's attitude in the Kennedy days, when those who present the president's attitudes and his feelings and so forth, the attitudes and his feelings and so forth, are searching for something decent to present, are searching

or something decent or something.

It's a cable walk.

But, and then he went on to say, he said, he said, it's a cable walk.

But, and then he went on to say, he said, he said, he said, he said, he said, he said, he said, he said, he said, he said,

He said, as far as the reporters were concerned, you got the most difficult task needed.

And so it was a difficult task.

He didn't.

And so I said, well, basically, I said, well, basically, because we can believe.

He said, you've got to realize, because we can believe.

He said, like I said, on the war, on defense.

You've got to realize, like I said, on the war, on defense, the solutions that they have.

It's very hard to come around to a position

and come around to a position of presenting the man who represents utterly different views and different men.

And so we say, Frederick, in presenting the man who represents utterly different views and different men.

And so we say, Frederick, in a sympathetic way, and I understand that.

And that's the way you do it, by the way you change your views.

But, I think that is a problem.

I agree with that a lot, and I understand that.

And that's what you do.

You feel that while you're eating meat, you're going to change your views.

But, I think that is a problem.

I agree with you feel that you can try.

First, you can't do it again.

Second,

program that uh while we certainly can try first we can't begin the second program but in terms of getting across but in terms of getting across uh this is what it is

The parents are getting it across.

I think it is important.

The president does something to all of us.

The parents are getting it across.

He needs to have...

He cannot do it.

He really can't do it.

With, say, 85% of the working press to have.

He cannot do it.

He really can't do it.

with, say, 85% of the working press.

Not me.

Not trying to help, but really trying to present.

Not me.

Not trying to help, but really trying to present in a different way.

Now, I don't say this with any...

I probably have at least a different way.

Now, I don't say this with any feeling.

I have no personal feelings toward the press because I respect them all.

I don't want to recommend it.

They probably have the least...

I never consider it personal when they write and say things that bother me.

I don't consider it personal because I respect them all.

I never consider it personal when they write and say things that bother me in my bed because I'm in my bed because I'm concerned about how I'm doing.

The point is, the point is that it is a problem.

It is a problem.

In terms of getting gross, let's face it, that's the problem.

But rather than that, that it is a problem.

The press is terrible for you.

I think the press is salvageable, is redeemable, if you can, in terms of getting across what you're doing, because let's face it, that's the fraud.

The press is terrible for you.

I think the press is salvageable, is redeemable, if you can, if you can make...

if you can make your point.

And I don't want to leave the impression that I'm an adversary to the political and the press.

I think about them very well on a personal and social basis.

But there is a different belief.

Here's the problem.

That's best.

Okay.

There is a different belief.

Here's the problem.

It's very hard to talk to you about this.

We'll have a very paranoid.

It's very hard to talk to you about this.

We'll have a very paranoid.

And my heart is, I've had experiences this week.

I may be.

I've had experiences this week.

I may be.

I've had groups of citizens here that I've been briefing this week.

All right.

And I get into a question asked, well, what about Head Start?

I've been talking to groups of citizens here that I've been briefing this week.

All right.

And I get into a question asked, well, what about Head Start?

Well, what about Head Start?

Why did you get on Head Start?

Well, but you did.

And I said, no, what?

Here it is right here.

We did.

And I said, no, what?

Here it is right here.

We did.

Stressed or AGW gets more money.

Why don't we know that at the second time?

Why don't they tell us that in Wyoming?

And these are folks from all over the country.

And the question that has recurred all through these briefings is, did the stressed or AGW get more money?

Why don't we know that at the second time?

Why don't they tell us that in Wyoming?

And these are folks from all over the country.

And the question that has recurred all through these briefings is, why not?

Why not?

Why don't you get that out?

Why don't you tell people that?

Why don't you get that out?

Why don't you hear that?

Why don't you hear that you're cutting everything out?

Why don't you hear that?

Why don't you hear that you're cutting everything out?

And I said,

And I say, look, all we can do is put it out around here.

I read through the press every other week.

I go out here for two hours and answer questions.

I get on the damn television show I can.

We read socials and go around.

I say, look, all we can do is put it out around here.

I read through the press every other week.

I go out here for two hours and answer questions.

I get on the damn television show I can.

We read socials and go around the country and have press conferences.

And the president has press conferences all the time.

All we can do is serve out.

We can't make the press eat it.

Somehow it's true.

And the president has press conferences all the time.

All we can do is serve out.

We can't make the press eat it.

Your presentation of this was that you were cutting out a whole lot of fraught beans.

Showing programs that somehow through analysis that your presentation of this was that you were cutting out a whole lot of fraught beans.

showing programs to dip them out to it.

In point of fact, the briefing itself, no, but I was thinking of the present statement on the thing, the budget message, in point of fact,

the briefing itself.

No, we're not speaking of the present state, but of...

The message...

The thrust of radio speeches is...

Exactly.

The thrust of radio speeches is... We're going to go in a new direction in this country.

And as much as possible,

We're going to move government-manifunctionist posts to the people, basically, and we're going to go in a new direction in this country.

And as much as possible, we're going to move as we can get, and we're going to send money down here so that even us all of America can do more.

Government-manifunctionist posts to the people as we can get, and we're going to send money down here so that even us all of America can do more.

Remember that was Roosevelt's criticism of the...

The economic system, it's the other way.

What we are against in government is trickled down.

The reason the community action, the economic system, it's the other way.

What we are against in government is trickled down.

The reason the community action had to go, the reason that model cities has to go is not that there aren't some good things out of gold, but 80% of the money in both of those programs

It ought to be 80% to the poor folks.

And 20% to the others.

And that's why we went to the bureaucrats.

20% went to the poor folks.

Now that's not good enough.

It ought to be 80% to the poor folks.

20% of the others in that state, I would send it out to the cities and send it out to the states and let them directly help these people.

Well, it never is.

We say, I would send it out to the cities and send the people again.

They don't have any action agencies that even are collected by anybody.

They're not responsive.

They're not coming out to the states and let them directly help these people.

Well, whenever people were talking about, would the poor people get it?

That could be an action agency.

And we just have tried to make the Danfex work for four years, and we can't make it.

It's a huge amount of money.

They're not responsive.

They're poor.

We can't make them pay out to the people.

We're not accountable.

And we just have tried to make the Danfex work for four years, and we can't make them work.

We can't make them pay out to the people.

My frustration here is when I can't go to a group of citizens who come from all over the country and they tell me that we can prove it.

My frustration here is when I don't know things that are a fact that we legal out here by a barrel load every day and try to pump up a group of citizens who come from all over the country and they tell me that they don't know things that are a fact that would be interesting.

I wonder though if I wonder John if it is the question.

We legal out here by a barrel load every day and try to pump up

It may be that the press may have it that the people don't read it.

I just don't know that people, although basically let me tell you what, that is the belief, that's the point, that the press may have it that the people don't read it.

I just don't know that people, that is the belief.

The fact that we are continuing Head Start in another way.

The fact that we are continuing job training and doing a whole lot more than we do by training.

Although, although basically, let me tell you what, that is the belief.

That's the point.

That is the belief.

The fact that we are continuing Head Start.

The fact that we have more, for example, that we have increased in another way.

The fact that we are continuing job training and doing it all at once.

Take civil rights where Hesburgh has been getting Trump.

He's supposed to be a burden.

The fact that we have more, for example, that we have increased.

Take civil rights where Hesburgh has been getting Trump.

He's supposed to be a burden.

I like it.

Because Hesburgh says we're not doing it on civil rights.

You know how much longer?

350% more is going to the civil rights for schools that are in the south of the continent.

The experts say we're not going to have the civil rights.

And you know how much is happening in the south?

They talk about getting the poor south around.

You as a southerner have to come.

We all have to question for southerners.

You know how much longer?

350% more is going to the civil rights for schools and everything else I've done before.

And you know what just happened in the South?

In the South today, we buy it.

Over 50% of the kids, like, uh, youngsters go to, uh, my lot in the south today, we find that over 50% of the kids, like, uh, you know,

uh, are, are now going to, uh, are now going to, uh, what is, uh, what are basically the majority white schools, which is far more than is an hour.

And this is an extraordinary revolution accomplished without bloodshed and so forth.

Well, if I can put it over that, I don't even know, now here's, here's the interesting thing.

Um, I can show you the, the cares and stuff.

A person went to the apartments,

went all over the South, sitting down with black and white groups, talking them into complying with the law, showing compassion for the rich in the community and the integration.

And very close to the Supreme Court.

George went to all the towns I didn't go to, but I did.

I did the whole South, and Atlanta, and also Johnson, even Marcy got here.

I had every one of those groups that had the headsets that we had in front of you, what we were trying to get.

Let me tell you, I did make it open, and I've talked to John since this, and I told George this, and I was shocked when I heard him say it.

What the blacks want, not in the South, they like what we've done.

But what the blacks and the professional white liberals, the civil rights liberals in the North, was not to have it so easily.

They wanted the President of the United States to go out and down on him and kick these racist redneck southerners around, and that I refused to do, because if I had,

They would never take me to those schools.

Never, never, never.

All right, what did we do?

I got everything.

I had over a period of time.

I had 10 meetings in this office.

Every Sunday, I'd pick the articles off every day.

And the Bureau would pick every day.

The rest, no subject strategy.

Blacks and blacks had a match.

But the never before, what do you think?

Well, he decided three, so I got it.

And after a half hour, I preached to him.

I said, I've got to do this.

I tell the whites, I know that you don't like this law, but you are law-abiding.

You believe in this and that.

And I ask you to comply.

And if you don't, we're going to have to do something.

And they went back and did it.

It was a magnificent success.

And we haven't had one goddamn word of any of them on the other end.

If I had gone around and kicked them around, and as a result of that, we'd have a little rock, isn't it?

Or we'd have a lot of bloodshed in Mississippi for us.

I would have been the greatest hero of the black folks.

The little black kids in the summer.

You see, what our school really wants, what the press really wants, they want me to go out and kick the people around.

And they think they're racist.

Look, I don't like to go out and have racist threats.

The point is, what do we want to do?

We have not written them around to accept this law, even though they hate it.

And the professional acts of purity is not going to work.

I mean, I've had a hearing yesterday.

They said, what's the money want from Jordan today?

Who's one of the better ones from the house?

Well, he said, you know, we know all this stuff.

What we want you to do, we want you to get out and take a stand.

Take a stand.

That's the right way to take a stand.

Bow.

They don't really know.

You see what I mean?

What the blacks need is a champion.

And I'm willing to be their champion.

But I will not be their champion if it is at the expense of the education of blacks and whites.

thousands of rules all the time.

I don't think integration is complete.

I don't think the schools are going to know.

I don't think the races probably will be together until there's an intermarriage, I believe, and that is the end.

That will take several thousand years or several hundred years.

But be that as it may, be that as it may, the fact of the matter is, I believe that on the race issue, I would feel much better about it.

If rather than leaving this country, as Kennedy would, I don't say this radically because he died before he had a chance, but he made his last, he made his speech on civil rights.

He waited until July of his last year, and he made his big speech on civil rights.

But nothing happened.

When we came into office, the segregation, desegregation of the South was silky, absolutely nothing.

And we desegregated schools.

Any credit with the black, but for the white professionals, none.

Interesting thing, we got no black votes today, because I don't get to speak on the black stand.

If you could, I'd be really impressed.

But interesting enough, our black percentage in the South was about 30%.

I am totally unable to explain.

You said that you've got no coverage whatsoever of this.

Not even that you're speaking.

I can't.

Well, still.

It's a matter of fact.

Well, I know.

There was no comment.

Because he said it.

And the heads were knocked together and so forth.

The people that were there came out raving about them, according to shovels on them.

And the aftermath.

I mean, we sent Ed Morgan and the guys from the White House down quietly into the South.

Every man had a problem.

Sit down with the attorneys for the school district.

Sit down with the WNACP folks.

Quiet meetings, off camera.

You contrast that with the conduct in...

in previous administrations the great confrontations and nicholas constant pocket the school door and all that practice right they know that they didn't move the ball 10 feet we moved the ball all right now but let me say this i want to say one thing because i'm quite aware let me say the foreign policy field

Now, there, we've done our very well.

You only do it for me.

Because if ever there was a disastrous foreign policy before we got here, it would have been here.

What happened, the Kennedy and Johnson administration should have never had to go right there.

We came in from the 50s.

We won advantage over the Soviet and came in with us behind.

We came out of the war that had been going on for eight years and seven years now, and a hell of a lot of other things.

And so we broke through with the Chinese, we broke through with the Russians, and we got a hell of a problem still with the Pages, and we got problems in Europe, we got problems in Japan.

The whole world was changed as a result of this exact uniform.

So I had to read it here this morning.

It was all very soft love, but it prepares the way for a very successful summit a little later.

What I'm saying here, though, in this field, I think we've got to be quite candid.

What do your reporters want?

What do professional white liberals want?

Listen, they're not like me.

Ask anybody, for example, ask anybody who works with me, ask that White House staff, all the blacks over there, which president has been most considerate?

None.

And it's not because I treat them like Uncle Tom, but because I treat them as equals.

Because I grew up that way.

Ask anybody I went to school with, black football players, what they think.

And they'll find that in a personal relationship, my personal relationship, that Kennedy treated them like dogs.

Because he treated everybody who was older than he basically held himself.

I didn't say that correctly, but anybody who did.

And Johnson basically did a hell of a lot for them.

But he couldn't possibly, with this other background, treat the black person anything other than an inferior

Now, Sammy Davis comes.

He spends the night in the White House.

The fact that he was the first black ever to spend the night in the White House, black American, he was saying, you know, of course not.

And he appreciated that.

And he comes out of the Lincoln Room and said, he says, you know, I was crying with tears in my eyes.

I was sleeping in Lincoln's bed.

So what should we have done?

Go out like D.R.

did and said, look, if he wanted to date in the White House, he didn't have to say it was all credit.

The point is, I'll tell you what the professional white people want.

They want solutions to the problem.

What they want, and the professional blacks do, what they want is for the president to go out and say, well, these whites are terrible, and the black folks do this and that and the other thing, which would exacerbate these problems between the races.

And what we have to do is to find a way to make the black people, the little kids in particular, feel that we are for them.

That we haven't done.

We've got a field here in Portland, but we can't do it unless the press reports how some of them feel.

Mr. President, I just said one last time.

I know, but I'm sure you have a little work to do.

I can't speak for all the press, and you may disagree with what I say on this.

Basically, the kind of thing that you are talking about and that the president is talking about, where the press fails to handle, to report things that are important, believe it or not, is not basically the result of some conspiracy to say, well, now, this makes it look good.

I understand.

Uh, there is, you've got to find the ways of, of creating some kind of drama, some kind of thing.

It's raining stews out of that thing.

Now, uh, the president says that he is not going to, uh, engage in get-agree, and I think that's fine.

But, Mr. President, don't, don't hang up on the word giving as being, there's nothing wrong, there's certainly nothing wrong in, in the position.

business you're in, the position you're in, with dramatizing the point that you want to make.

With making it, it's what Christ did, what he told our apostles.

You've got to not only do it, you know, but what are basically the majority of white schools, which is far more than there are.

And this is an extraordinary revolution accomplished without bloodshed and so forth.

He's finding a book about that.

Now, here's the interesting thing.

He was showing that he cares.

The person who went to the orphans,

went all over the South, sitting down with black and white groups, talking them into complying with the law, showing compassion for the rich in the community and the integration, and very close to the circumventation.

George went to all the towns I didn't go to, but I did.

I did the whole South, and Atlanta, and also John and even Marcy got here.

I had every one of those groups that had the headsets that we had in front of you, what we were trying to get.

Let me tell you, I did make it open, and I've talked to John since this, and I told George this, and I was shocked when I heard him say it.

What the blacks want, not in the South, they like what we've done.

But what the blacks and the professional white liberals, civil rights liberals in the North, was not to have it so easily.

They wanted the President of the United States to go out and down on them and kick these racist redneck southerners around, and that I refused to do, because if I had, they would never integrate those schools.

Never, never, never.

All right, what did we do?

I got in everything.

I had over a period of time, I had 10 meetings in this office.

Every Sunday, the Army saw that they came in, and the Bureau came in, and the rest of them.

No subject strategy.

Blacks in the box, African-Americans.

I know that you don't like this law, but you are law-abiding.

You believe in this and that.

And I ask you to comply.

And if you don't, we're going to have to do something.

And they went back and it was a magnificent success.

And we haven't had one god damn word of any of them on the other hand.

If I had gone around and kicked them around, and as a result of that, we'd have had a little rock, isn't it?

Or we'd have had a lot of bloodshed in Mississippi for us.

I would have been the greatest hero of the black folks.

The little black kids in the summer.

You see, what our school really wants, what the press really wants, they want me to go out and kick the people around.

And they think they're racist and rednecks and so forth.

Look, I don't like to have a man racist and rednecks.

But the part is, what do we want to do?

We have got to bring them around to accept this law, even though they hate it.

And the professional acts of purity is not going to work.

I mean, I've got an engineer in here who said, who's one of the better ones from that?

Well, he said, you know, we know all this stuff.

What we want you to do, we want you to get out and take a stand.

Take a stand.

Because the red ones, they stand proud.

They don't really know.

You see what I mean?

What the blacks need is a champion.

And I'm willing to be their champion.

But I will not be their champion if it is at the expense of the education of blacks and whites.

thousands of rules all over the country.

I don't think integration is complete.

I don't think the schools are good enough.

I don't think the races probably will be together until there's right-wing inter-American traveling.

That is the answer.

We all know that.

But that will take several thousand years or several hundred years.

But be that as it may, be that as it may, the point that I make is, I believe that on the race issue, I will feel much better about it.

If rather than leaving this country, as Kennedy would, I don't say this radically because he died before he had a chance, but he made his last, he made his speech on civil rights.

He waited until July, his last year, and he made his big speech on civil rights.

But nothing happened.

When we came into office, the segregation, desegregation of the South was silky, absolutely nothing.

And we desegregated the schools.

Any credit with the black, but for the white professionals, none.

Interesting thing, we got no black votes today, because I don't get to speak on a black stand, because you couldn't agree to the presence of our leader.

But interesting enough, our black percentage in the South was about 30%.

The nerve was fine.

I was told something.

That's very interesting.

I am totally unable to explain.

You said that you've got no coverage whatsoever of this nerve that you're speaking of.

I, I, I can't.

Well, still.

It's a matter of fact.

Well, I know.

There was no comment.

Because he said it.

And the heads were knocked together and so forth.

The people that were there came out raving about them, according to shovels by them.

And the aftermath of the police sent Ed Morgan and the guys from the White House down quietly into the south.

Every man had a problem.

Sit down with the attorneys for the school district.

Sit down with the WCB folks.

Quiet meetings on camera.

You contrast that with the conduct in previous administrations, the great confrontations, and Nicholas Kotzebach at the school door, and all that crap's right.

They moved the ball ten feet.

We moved the ball.

All right.

Now, now, let me say this.

I want to say one thing, though, that bears, John, bears to his mind, because I'm quite aware, let me say it, the foreign policy people,

Now, there, where we've done our very well, you only do what it's right.

Because if ever there was a disastrous foreign policy control, we'd be out here, we'd be in here.

What happened to the Kennedy and Johnson administration should never have happened.

We came in from the 50s, we won advantage over the Soviet, we came in with a spot on.

And we came out of the war that had been going on for eight years and seven years now and a hell of a lot of other things.

And so we broke it through with the Chinese.

We broke it through with the Russians.

And we've got a hell of a problem still with Asia.

We've got problems in Europe.

We've got problems in Japan.

The whole world has changed as a result of this exact uniform.

I had to read it here this morning.

It was all very soft blood, but it prepares the way for a very successful summit a little later.

What I'm saying here, though, in this field, I think we've got to be quite candid.

What do your reporters want?

What do professional white liberals want?

Listen, they're not like me.

Ask anybody, for example, ask anybody who works with me, ask that White House staff, all the blacks over there, which president has been most considerate?

None.

And it's not because I treat them like Uncle Tom, but because I treat them as equals.

Because I grew up that way.

Ask anybody I went to school with, black football players, what they did.

And they'll find that in a personal relationship, my personal relationship, that Kennedy treated them like dogs.

Because he treated everybody who was lower than he basically held himself.

I didn't say that critically.

Anybody who did.

And Johnson basically did a hell of a lot for them.

But he couldn't possibly, with this other background, treat the black person anything other than an inferior

Now, Sammy Davis comes.

He spends the night in the White House.

The fact that he was the first black ever to spend the night in the White House.

Black American.

He was saying, you know, of course not.

And he appreciated that.

And he comes out of the Lincoln Room and said, he says, you know, I was crying with tears in my eyes.

I was sleeping in Lincoln's bed.

So what should we have done?

Go out like D.R.

did and said, look, if he wanted to date in the White House, he didn't have to say it was all credit.

The point is, I'll tell you what the professional white liberals want.

They want solutions to the problem.

What they want, and the professional blacks do, what they want is for the president to go out and say, look, these whites are terrible, and the black folks do this and that and the other thing, which would exacerbate these problems between the races.

And what we have to do is to find a way to make the black people, the little kids in particular, feel that we are for them.

that we haven't done.

We've got a field here for them, but we can't do it unless the press reports how some of them feel.

Mr. President, I just said one last time, I must, I must, I know, but I'm sure you have a little work to do.

But, Mr. John, the, the, um, I can't speak for all the press, and you may disagree with what I say on this, but

Basically, the kind of thing that you are talking about and that the president is talking about, where the press fails to handle, to report things that are important, believe it or not, is not basically the result of some conspiracy to say, well, this would make Mr. Nixon look good.

uh there is you've got to find the ways of of creating some kind of drama some kind of thing the president says that he is not going to engage in get agree and i think that's fine but mr president don't don't hang up on the word giving as being there's nothing wrong there's certainly nothing wrong in in the position

you're in, the position you're in, with dramatizing the point that you want to make.

With making it, it's what Christ did, what he told our apostles, you've got to not only do it, you've got to not, you've got to do it and don't say it in a way that, like the kid that you're talking about,

Some intellectual at Harvard that never thought you were doing a damn thing.

You've got to do it, and don't say it in a way that the kid that you're talking about, or some intellectual at Harvard that never thought you were doing a damn thing before, suddenly says, holy smoke, I mean, this guy is...

is humanizing him and he cares and he's doing it.

And you need that, you need people to say that.

I do, Alan.

Before, suddenly says, holy smoke.

I mean, this guy is humanizing him and he cares and he's doing it.

And you need that, you need people to say that.

I do, Alan.

Well, I can't say we'll do our best, but I will say it.

Well, I can't say we'll do our best, but I will say that no, with no, I have no

I have no feeling of the tangents of the matter at all because I'm not so used to it.

I expect, I think that as far as I'm concerned, that we have to be judged by what we do and not by what we say.

I think as far as I'm concerned that all the symbolism of the word

No feeling of the because I got so used to it.

I mean, I expect, I think that as far as I'm concerned, that we have to be judged by what we do and not what we say.

I think as far as I'm concerned, because we'll never break through, because deep down, that's what it would have been again.

true, because deep down, that's what you would have been against an individual.

It's terribly hard.

And it isn't the question that you want to advise.

I think Jim Crawford wrote something, he says you can take a person, a crow, but you can't

It's terribly hard.

And it isn't the question that you want anybody to ask.

At times, nobody wants anybody to change.

To say, look, we were in the state, and that's fine.

I think Jim Crawford wrote something.

This is very cute.

He says you can take a person, a crow, and you can't.

Well, at that point, nobody wants anybody to change their attitude to say, look, we were mistaken.

That's why somebody here, somebody collected what people have said.

Gee, what a horrible number that, gee, what a horrible number that we don't want to do anything.

What is it, a war or anything else?

Somebody expressed what the president's concerned because he hasn't got credit for it.

I don't give a goddamn about credit.

I know what's been done.

I know the history.

I never worried about his place in history.

If I worry about it, his place isn't going to be that good, whether it's in the war or anything else.

The people, somebody's president's concerned because he hasn't got credit for it.

I don't give a goddamn about credit.

Although we helped him harvest everybody in this war in a way that was not dishonorable.

But the most important thing that I wanted

Out of this long, I know what has been done.

I know what the history was.

I never worried that John's going to worry about his place in history.

If I worry about it, his place isn't going to be that good.

Although we helped him tirelessly by ending this war in a way that was not dishonorable.

But the most important thing that I want out of this long suffering and so forth, and this war, is simply an even break.

Long suffering and so forth, and this war, is simply an even break.

that 45,000 Americans who died and 2.5 million who served, whoever was involved, whatever the mistakes were made in Kentucky, did serve an assaultless cause, and that 45,000 Americans who died and 2.5 million who served, that rather than giving up

and not accomplishing some goal, we accomplished something.

I, and I'll dag that is not that is I want a credit for America.

Whoever was at fault, whatever the mistakes were made in Kentucky, did serve an assaultless cause.

And that rather than giving up and not accomplishing some goal, we accomplished something.

I, and I'll dag that is not that is I want a credit for America.

I cannot have this country, America,

I cannot have this country if we don't have credit, if we don't have credit for America.

On this regard, America will cop out of the world.

And if we cop out, I don't know who's what.

The British are finished.

The Europeans are finished, except for America.

The Japanese are finished because we can't do that very good.

On this regard, America will cop out of the world.

France is the only one that's in there.

And Europe that could play a decisive role are done.

Because if we cop out, I don't lose one.

The British should finish Europe, because they can't require any piercing arms.

And so we can cop out, and we can concentrate on all the others.

And it might bite, might chase you for a week, but you don't know what will happen.

It leaves you.

The Japanese are finished, because we can't do that very good.

The Germans are the only ones.

And Europe that could play a decisive role are done.

because they can't require it in piercing arms.

And so we can cop up and we can concentrate on all the guns.

And it might be much easier for me to do what the girls say.

That was what dominated the day.

And 20 years from now, the Chinese, and it would be a burial across the world.

So here we have to do, we have to know what happened.

It leads to what the girls say.

That was what dominated the day.

And that's what I want the United States, the people of this country, not to feel ashamed, not to feel that they failed, but to say, by golly, we stuck it through.

And 20 years from now, the Chinese, and it will be a barrier across the world.

So here we have to do what we have to do.

And that's what I want the United States to do.

And if it went wrong, probably we shouldn't have done it.

The United States, the people of this country, we stuck it through.

The people have got a chance.

We can't guarantee it.

That's all we want to say.

And they should say that, not to feel ashamed, not to feel that they failed, but to say, by golly, we stuck it through.

And they went wrong.

Probably shouldn't have done it, but we stuck it through.

Seventeen of the people have got a chance.

We can't guarantee it.

That's all we want to say.

And they should write it.

In fact, rather than just joel something to a friend, they should write it.

Sir, I... You see, not to me, to the country.

Exactly.

And may I say... And they should say that.

And they should write it.

In fact, for instance, on the domestic point, I'm sure you understand.

I don't think too well.

I'm not saying, just Joe Elson, two or three inches.

Sir, I, you see, this is exactly, and may I say, on the, you should, you dramatize or use the symbolism, so in order to improve Richard Nixon's image on which, on the domestic point,

I'm sure you understand.

I don't think too well.

I'm not saying that you should, you dramatize or use the symbolism and so on in order to improve Richard Nixon's image.

I mean, I think that's it.

That is important.

I think that's it.

That is important from the point of view of fairness, but I think it is secondary.

But what I'm saying is,

You should do it because it would produce a better mood, tone, atmosphere.

This is for the point of fairness, but I think you want a little...

It is secondary, but what I'm saying is you should really want little black kids to grow up and do it because it would produce a...

That's what I said this Saturday.

Right.

Food.

Towel.

Right.

Atmosphere.

Right.

I think.

I.

He says.

I.

You want the little.

As I do.

You want the little black kids to grow up.

I keep them there.

The president cares about them.

That's what I said this Saturday.

I.

He says.

I.

He says.

Man.

I know.

He says.

You get these goddamn press people to say.

He says.

Man.

I know.

He says.

Thank you.

Oh, my goodness.

Oh, yes.

Oh, my goodness.

Oh, yes.

I knew this would be good.

I was down with 12.

I played in the last four years eight times.

Well, that's too much.

I need to update it up again.

I hope you understand the QS system.

I won't get to the gridder until I meet at the White House.

Well, that's too much.

I need to update it up again.

I hope you respond.

I, uh, I've gotten to say I've heard about the gridder.

I, uh, I'll meet at the QS system.

I won't get to the gridder until I meet at the White House to respond.

I, uh, I've seen you saw him at Ron Z. I've gotten to say I've heard about the gridder.

I, uh, I'll meet at the QS system.

Oh, I wish you saw this Ron Ziegler in it.

Oh, I wish you...

I'd give you the dark love of the ever and ever.